Tag: US-Turkey relations

  • The Internationalist » Turkey at the Crossroads (Literally)

    The Internationalist » Turkey at the Crossroads (Literally)

    by Stewart M. Patrick

    Turkey US Relations Rising Powers

    U.S. President Barack Obama (R) shakes hands with Turkey’s Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan after a bilateral meeting in Seoul March 25, 2012. (Larry Downing/Courtesy Reuters)

    When it comes to “rising powers,” the BRIC countries—Brazil, Russia, India, and especially China—tend to get the most press. But there’s another emerging player that promises to shape world politics in the twenty-first century with its robust growth, political evolution, and strategic choices. It is Turkey, a country that straddles some of today’s most critical divides: between Europe and the Middle East, between the West and the developing world, between secular democracy and religious piety. Turkey’s evolving might, its geographic position, and model of moderate political Islam make it a natural candidate for “strategic partnership” with the United States. This is the conclusion of U.S. Turkey Relations, a just-released CFR task force report co-chaired by former secretary of state Madeleine K. Albright and former national security adviser Stephen J. Hadley—and directed by my able colleague, Steven A. Cook.

    What makes Turkey so special? Real estate, for one thing. Turkey is both a physical and symbolic bridge between the West and the turbulent Arab and broader Muslim worlds. There is little that the United States can do to respond to the deepening crisis in Syria, for example, whether it is imposing sanctions or launching military intervention, without buy-in from Ankara. But Turkey’s significance to Washington is far greater than location. Politically, it offers reforming Arab states like Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt a compelling governance model, proving that a ruling Islamic party (in this case the Justice and Development Party or AKP) can preside over a vibrant democracy that brings sustained growth (including a red-hot 10 percent rise in GDP in 2010) to its people. Turkey shows Islamist reformers that there is indeed a middle ground between strongman rule and sharia law.

    In their public comments accompanying the report’s release, the co-chairs were effusive about Turkey’s prospects, with Hadley calling it “one of the five or six most important countries in the world today.” A bit of hyperbole, perhaps, since Turkey currently ranks only seventeenth globally in GDP (PPP), fifteenth in military expenditure, and eighteenth in population. Still, it clearly belongs in the top ranks of emerging powers, as reflected in its G20 membership and its increasing determination to flex its diplomatic muscles—albeit not always successfully, as in the ill-considered 2010 effort with Brazil to head off UN Security Council sanctions on Iran.

    Notwithstanding occasional bilateral frictions, including over Israeli conduct, Turkey’s emergence as a diplomatic player is something the United States should celebrate. As the CFR report makes clear, the two countries’ interests are broadly aligned on numerous regional and global issues, from promoting stability in the Middle East to ensuring reliable flows of energy, combating terrorism, curtailing WMD proliferation, expanding international trade and investment, and advancing global development. The challenge is to turn these shared interests into common strategies and coordinated policies, through a more structured, and regularized process of consultation modeled on the U.S.-China strategic and economic dialogue—one of the report’s most compelling (and easily accomplished) recommendations.

    The CFR report does not sugarcoat Turkey’s internal challenges and political shortcomings. While celebrating the transformation wrought by the Erdogan government, the task force bemoans the AKP’s sometime authoritarian tendencies, including crackdowns on journalistic freedom and judicial independence. It also cautions that Turkey’s transformation is incomplete, particularly when it comes to the evolving, fraught relationship between the civilian government and the Turkish military. Finally, the report acknowledges that the unresolved position of Turkey’s Kurdish minority may limit its role as a model for multiethnic democracy in the Middle East. The task force recommends that the United States and other democracies deepen their diplomatic efforts to persuade Turkey to “write a constitution that will advance and deepen democracy” on each of these fronts.

    Upgrading the U.S.-Turkey partnership is especially urgent when Europe is increasingly inward-looking and internally divided, with nations focused on their own ongoing macroeconomic and fiscal difficulties. The European crisis has put on indefinite hold the question of whether Turkey will ever be admitted to the EU, and, in turn, made many Turks question the advantages of EU membership. In the absence of progress on that front, a U.S.-Turkish strategic partnership offers a way to ensure that Turkey keeps one foot anchored in the West, even as it pursues a more ambitious diplomatic and trade agenda to its south and east. One priority for the United States, the task force suggests, is expanding modest trade between the two countries, by negotiating a bilateral Free Trade Agreement. Another step would be to upgrade its role in the NATO alliance in recognition of Turkey’s stalwart performance in Afghanistan (including commanding the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) on three separate occasions).

    Integrating Turkey into U.S. diplomatic relations would be another forward-looking step by the Obama administration to adjust to the twenty-first century and its changing power dynamics. Having already paid more attention to Brazil and India, and shored up a constructive (though tense) relationship with China, a partnership with Turkey is a logical next step. The world is changing and the United States must adapt its diplomacy.

    via The Internationalist » Turkey at the Crossroads (Literally).

  • U.S.-Turkey Relations

    U.S.-Turkey Relations

    U.S.-Turkey Relations

    A New Partnership

    Chairs: Madeleine K. Albright, Chair, Albright Stonebridge Group LLC, and Stephen J. Hadley, United States Institute of Peace

    Director: Steven A. Cook, Hasib J. Sabbagh Senior Fellow for Middle Eastern Studies

    TFR69frontcoverlrg

    U.S.-Turkey Relations – us-turkey-relations

    Download Now

    Order Print Edition

    Publisher Council on Foreign Relations Press

    Release Date May 2012

    Price $15.00

    96 pages

    ISBN 978-0-87609-525-6

    Task Force Report No. 69

     

    Overview

    Turkey is a rising regional and global power facing, as is the United States, the challenges of political transitions in the Middle East, bloodshed in Syria, and Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons. As a result, it is incumbent upon the leaders of the United States and Turkey to define a new partnership “in order to make a strategic relationship a reality,” says a new Council on Foreign Relations (CFR)–sponsored Independent Task Force.

    The bipartisan Task Force is chaired by former secretary of state Madeleine K. Albright and former national security adviser Stephen J. Hadley, and is directed by Steven A. Cook, CFR’s Hasib J. Sabbagh senior fellow for Middle Eastern studies. The Task Force includes twenty-three prominent experts who represent a variety of perspectives and backgrounds.

    “Turkey may not yet have the status of one of Washington’s traditional European allies,” the report explains, “but there is good strategic reason for the bilateral relationship to grow and mature into a mutually beneficial partnership that can manage a complex set of security, economic, humanitarian, and environmental problems.”

    The relationship should reflect “not only common American-Turkish interests, but also Turkey’s new stature as an economically and politically successful country with a new role to play in a changing Middle East,” argues the Task Force in the report, U.S.-Turkey Relations: A New Partnership.

    Turkey is more democratic, prosperous, and politically influential than ever before. Still there are worrying domestic developments that raise questions about Turkey’s democratic practices. According to the Task Force, these concerns include: “the prosecution and detention of journalists, the seemingly open-ended and at times questionable pursuit of military officers and other establishment figures for alleged conspiracy against the government, the apparent illiberal impulses of some Turkish leaders, the still-unresolved Kurdish issue, and the lack of progress on a new constitution.”

    The Task Force finds that overall, Turkey is not well understood in the United States. The Task Force “seeks to promote a better understanding of the new Turkey—its strengths, vulnerabilities, and ambitions—in order to assess its regional and global role and make recommendations for a new partnership of improved and deepened U.S.-Turkey ties.”

    To make the vision for a new U.S.-Turkey partnership a reality, Ankara and Washington should observe the following principles:

    equality and mutual respect for each other’s interests;

    confidentiality and trust;

    close and intensive consultations to identify common goals and strategies on issues of critical importance;

    avoidance of foreign policy surprises; and

    recognition and management of inevitable differences between Washington and Ankara.

    via U.S.-Turkey Relations – Council on Foreign Relations.

  • Turkey’s changing regional role…

    Turkey’s changing regional role…

    IN one year, US-Turkey relations have moved from tension to co-operation. This was the focus of remarks by a Turkish journalist at the opening session at the second convention of the Turkic American Alliance. He asked: “What happened to account for this change and where will it lead us?”

    He recalled that when he appeared at the group’s founding conference in 2010, relations were at an all-time low. Turkey had broken with Israel over its blockade of Gaza and assault on the Gaza-bound flotilla. And the US was not happy with Turkey’s efforts to negotiate a compromise that might ease global concerns with Iran’s nuclear programme. The US and Congress had been critical of Turkish “meddling” and new “anti-Israel” bent.

    Now President Obama and Prime Minister Erdogan speak often and there appears to be co-operation in dealing with regional issues from Syria to the imminent departure of US forces from Iraq.

    What happened to account for this change? It was the “Arab Spring”, and the difficulties the US has had finding its way through the maze created by the region’s new political realities. All this has occurred at a difficult time for the US. Its ability to manoeuvre in this changing environment has been hampered by several factors. First and foremost is the damage done by the war in Iraq which created resentment in the Arab world, tarnished the US image, and emboldened and empowered Iran.

    Then, the failure of the Bush administration to halt Israel’s four bloody wars against Lebanon and the Palestinians, which deepened Arab anger.

    Finally, despite Obama’s intention to change direction, Israeli intransigence and the partisan split in Washington have frustrated his efforts. As a result, at the onset of the Arab Spring, the US policy in the Middle East was adrift. One by one allies had fallen or were at risk, and Washington found itself in a bind.

    The US’ “unshakable” bond with Israel had “taken it out of the game”, reducing its ability to play a meaningful regional role. It was at this point that Syria exploded. Like the US, Turkey was caught off-guard by the Arab Spring. They meandered in response to developments in Egypt and Libya. But with their southern neighbour boiling over, Turkey announced sanctions.

    The US appears to be deferring to Turkey as an ally in handling Syria for one important reason. As a result of its support for Palestinians, Turkey has earned “street cred” in the Arab world, while the US has none. Turkey can meet the Arab League as a partner, the US cannot, and Turkey can house and endorse the Syrian opposition in a way that the US cannot.

    But Turkey cannot overplay its hand in Syria. Turkey’s standing is high in the Arab region, but that is not an invitation for it to reassert a new “Ottomanism”. Turkey may be but a “placeholder. When Arabs are asked who is playing a leadership role, they respond “Turkey”. But when asked who they want to lead, they say “Egypt”.

    Turkey must be careful not to allow either hubris or frustration or external pressure to force it to get dragged into a Syrian quagmire. Some Syrian oppositionists may want Turkey to militarily intervene.

    The wiser course would be for Turkey to resist pressures and continue to work in concert with the League to insist that the Syrian regime enter into negotiations leading to broad reform and an orderly transfer of power.

    Sanctions and other forms of pressure to weaken the regime make sense, though they will take time to work. But Turkey should avoid making the mistake in Syria that the US made in Iraq.

    via Gulf Daily News » News Details » Comment.

  • US-Turkish Security Cooperation Deepens

    US-Turkish Security Cooperation Deepens

    US-Turkish Security Cooperation Deepens

    Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 8 Issue: 206

    November 8, 2011

    By: Saban Kardas

    The US-Turkish bilateral relationship is entering a new period of cooperation. While part of the positive mood characterizing the relationship is attributable to the US-Turkish coordinated action in the context of the Arab Spring, the recent changes in Turkey’s threat perceptions have also played a role. Overall, although the rejuvenation of the partnership might be welcome news, the manner in which it has come about reflects an underlying weakness in US-Turkish ties, i.e., it is still characterized by a security-dominant discourse.

    After many years of confrontation during the Bush Presidency, epitomized by Turkey’s resistance to US plans prior to the invasion of Iraq in 2003, Turkish leaders welcomed the election of President Barack Obama (EDM, November 7, 2008). Although Obama’s call for a fresh approach to US foreign policy in the Middle East excited the Turks, both parties were often involved in disagreements and clashed over many issues. Turkey’s deteriorating relationship with Israel caused discomfort on the part of US policy makers, and the US policy of pursuing punitive measures against the Iranian nuclear program angered the Turkish government. The resulting frictions were not limited to the Middle East, as Turkey and the United States diverged on other issues, such as Turkey’s stalled rapprochement with Armenia or Turkey’s posturing in NATO.

    In the wake of the Arab Spring, both parties increasingly coordinate their policies. Ankara and Washington have given up their initial silence and increasingly supported the popular uprisings in the region. On Egypt, Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan maintained close dialogue with Obama, as he adopted a pro-democracy position and called for the end of Mubarak’s rule. Despite Erdogan’s initial criticism of NATO’s military intervention in Libya, Turkey later joined the coalition and became an ardent supporter of the opposition that eventually toppled Gaddafi. On Syria, Turkey, in line with the Western world, has advocated regime change, moving in the direction of imposing sanctions on the Baath regime (EDM, July 20, August 10).

    The changing threat perceptions have also drawn the two countries together. For the US, the planned withdrawal from Iraq and Afghanistan make Turkey an indispensable partner in the region. As the entire region experiences a period of turmoil, with its constructive policies toward these war-torn countries, Ankara emerges as an element of stability that can help fill the security vacuum and safeguard some US interests. Turkey’s constructive attitude in Iraq has been known for some time, as it had helped contain the deepening of civil conflict and extended assistance to facilitate US withdrawal from the country. In the context of Afghanistan, Turkey has also actively worked to mobilize the regional and international actors for the reconstruction of this country, a goal the United States deeply appreciates. In this context, Turkey hosted the latest round of the trilateral summit in Istanbul in the first week of November, which brought together the Afghan and Pakistani presidents under the Turkish President’s watch (Anadolu Ajansi, November 3).

    For Turkey, the primary motivation for reinvigorating the relationship is its immediate security concerns, which have been heightened in recent months. In response to the acceleration of the PKK’s terrorist campaign, Turkey’s military shortcomings in counter-terrorism increasingly underscore its ongoing dependence on the US for its defense procurement needs. Moreover, as the Middle East has been more volatile – characterized by a heightened risk environment – Turkey obviously needs a more solid anchor. These new conditions apparently resulted in Ankara reevaluating its ties with Washington, and abandoning its confrontational rhetoric, which resulted in a series of recent decisions.

    Indeed, Turkey-US security cooperation has remarkably increased recently. The most visible indication for this policy shift came with Ankara’s decision to host the NATO early warning radars on its soil (EDM, September 20). Later, the United States committed to Turkey’s fight against the PKK, by agreeing to the basing of US unmanned Predator drones at Incirlik base to supply Turkey with actionable intelligence. Moreover, an interagency delegation led by US Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs, Alexander Vershbow, to discuss how to improve the joint struggle against the PKK was another major development (Anadolu Ajansi, October 28).

    Furthermore, Washington finally decided to sell three Super Cobra helicopters to Turkey, which Turkey had requested for some time in order to use against the PKK (www.ntvmsnbc.com, October 30). The fact that the sale is unlikely to encounter opposition from the Senate, despite many lawmakers’ discomfort with Turkey’s harsh policy on Israel, has underscored how largely the administration’s views on Turkey is shared in the US policy community.

    It was against this background that Turkey’s Defense Minister Ismet Yilmaz, while attending the American-Turkish Council’s annual conference in Washington, argued that Turkey and the US are rediscovering each other and are going through a unique period (Anadolu Ajansi, November 2).

    Despite this positive mood, however, the reinvigoration of the US-Turkish partnership in many ways resembles the dynamics of bilateral relations in the Cold War and early post-Cold War era, when security-related considerations formed the basis of the alliance. Various efforts to bolster the volume of economic ties and foster closer societal dialogue still continue but the prevalence of security issues is undeniable. It remains to be seen how sustainable this new cooperative phase is, especially if one factors in the possible change of administration following the US presidential elections. Even the current administration continues to accentuate the need for Turkey to mend ties with Israel, which currently remains uncertain and an element of instability in the Eastern Mediterranean. Nor is it clear if the efforts to pass a resolution in the US Congress on the genocide allegations might spoil the relations again, as the centennial of the 1915 events is approaching. But, at any rate, currently the United States acknowledges Turkey’s quest for a more autonomous foreign policy course in the Middle East, which it views as beneficial to US interests. Turkey, for its part, is aware of the US interests in the region and refrains from engaging unduly confrontation, as was the case in the Iranian nuclear issue.

    https://jamestown.org/program/us-turkish-security-cooperation-deepens/

  • Sen. Collins calls for expanded U.S. relations with Turkey

    Sen. Collins calls for expanded U.S. relations with Turkey

    Sen. Collins calls for expanded U.S. relations with Turkey

    WASHINGTON — Sen. Susan Collins R-Maine, who returned from Istanbul, Turkey, last week, spoke on Monday at a conference about the state of America’s relationship with Turkey and how it can be improved.

    The event, the American-Turkish Council’s 30th Annual Conference, was held to facilitate growing ties between the two countries. The conference’s theme was more pertinent after a 7.2-magnitude earthquake hit Turkey last week, killing more than 600 people.

    Collins happened to be in Turkey when earthquake hit and said she was struck by the amount of the damage and felt for the victims.

    She also focused on foreign relations, and said the relationship between the United States and Turkey has benefitted and can continue to so by increasing trade relationships and counter-terrorism efforts with one another.

    Collins, ranking member of the Senate Homeland Security Committee and a member of the Senate Armed Services Committee suggested more be done to increase bilateral trade with Turkey, which has the 16th largest economy in the world.

    Collins said her home state has been particularly helpful with facilitating trade by shipping thousands of cattle for dairy farming to Turkey. “With a little ingenuity, there are a lot of trade opportunities,” she said.

    Collins also said there are many opportunities for America to help Turkey continue to fight terrorism.

    According to Collins, the United States spends an average of $1 million a day to help Turkey fight terrorism. She said, aside from spending money, the United States should also encourage democratic freedom in the region.

    Panelists who appeared with her — Ambassador Selim Yenel, deputy undersecretary at the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Nuri Colakoglu, president of Dogan Media International; and Philip Gordon, Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs — discussed efforts such as those outlined by

    Collins as possible reasons for improved favorability of the United States abroad.

    According to Pew Research Center Poll from 2010, 17 percent in Turkey say they approve of the United States, up from a decade low of 9 percent in 2007.

    While Collins said Turkey-U.S. relations have improved in recent years, she said she still has “concerns” with the deterioration of the relationship between Israel and Turkey and the how journalists are treated in Turkey.

    “Addressing these issues would further enhance Turkey’s chances of being an exemplar of democracy in the Middle East,” she said.

    Despite her reservations, Collins said Turkey has “more influence than ever before in our modern era to be a good role model. This is Turkey’s time,” she said.

    via Sen. Collins calls for expanded U.S. relations with Turkey | SeacoastOnline.com.

  • Improving U.S.-Turkish Economic Partnership

    Improving U.S.-Turkish Economic Partnership

    This year’s meeting of the EPC focused on exploring opportunities to promote innovation, increasing cooperation in specific sectors and enhancing business-to-business ties.

    Photo: ASSOCIATED PRESS  President Barack Obama, right, shakes hands during a bilateral meeting with Prime Minister of Turkey Recep Tayyip Erdogan. (file)
    Photo: ASSOCIATED PRESS President Barack Obama, right, shakes hands during a bilateral meeting with Prime Minister of Turkey Recep Tayyip Erdogan. (file)

    During a 2009 meeting between U.S. President Barack Obama and Turkish President Abdullah Gul, the two leaders agreed to establish the U.S.-Turkey Framework for Strategic Economic and Commercial Cooperation, or FSECC dialogue, in order to strengthen the existing economic partnership between the two countries.

    In early October 2011, representatives of both governments met in Ankara for the seventh meeting of the Turkey and United States Economic Partnership Commission, a key component of economic relations between the two countries, as outlined by the FSECC.

    This year’s meeting of the EPC focused on exploring opportunities to promote innovation, increasing cooperation in specific sectors and enhancing business-to-business ties. They discussed ways to promote entrepreneurship and encourage bilateral agricultural trade as well as the importance of protecting intellectual property rights.

    They reiterated the importance of cooperating in the energy sector, including promoting efficiency and renewable energy, and discussing the possibilities of commercial nuclear power. They agreed to promote economic development in third countries, particularly those in North Africa, sub-Saharan Africa, and along the Silk Road.

    They also discussed progress on establishing Istanbul as an international financial center, which is a top priority of the Turkish government. Some Turkish private financial institutions have already relocated their headquarters to Istanbul.

    Turkey is a nation of 78.7 million people, and its population is young, promising rapid growth and an expanding market for U.S. goods. The U.S. also offers an enormous market for Turkish goods and opportunity for the many enterprising Turkish businessmen and women.

    Because Turkey straddles Europe and Asia, with flourishing economic ties to its neighbors, it is a valuable partner for exploring new business opportunities in the Middle East, Central Asia, and North Africa. Together, the United Sates and Turkey can make a significant contribution to rejuvenating the economies of developing and transitional economies, such as those in North Africa, through commercial collaboration.

    The United States recognizes the importance of strengthening the economic ties between the two long-time allies to match the strength of their political and military ties. As President Obama said in his 2009 speech to the Turkish Parliament, “Turkey is a critical ally. Turkey is an important part of Europe. And Turkey and the United States must stand together – and work together – to overcome the challenges of our time.”

    via Improving U.S.-Turkish Economic Partnership | Middle East | Editorial.