Tag: Turkey-Iran

  • Turkey may work with Iran against Kurdish rebels

    Turkey may work with Iran against Kurdish rebels

    Turkey may work with Iran against Kurdish rebels

    September 17, 2011 02:01 AM

    By Daren Butler

    Reuters

    ISTANBUL: Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan has signaled Turkey could launch a joint operation with Iran against Kurdish militants’ main base in northern Iraq, according to reports in Turkish newspapers Friday.

    In August, Turkey carried out a series of air and artillery strikes against Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) rebels in northern Iraq and the interior minister said this week a ground operation could be launched any time against the guerrillas there, depending on talks with Iraq.

    The military action was triggered by an increase in PKK attacks in southeast Turkey in which dozens of security personnel were killed.

    Speaking to reporters while traveling to Tunisia on a north African tour, Erdogan said the minister’s comment had been a slip of the tongue that had been corrected, and that there would be no forewarning of any such operation.

    “Things like this are not said, they are done,” the Hurriyet daily quoted the prime minister as saying. The same comments were reported by other newspapers in Turkey.

    “The chief of the general staff has completed assessments in the region [southeast Turkey] together with force commanders,” he said.

    Speculation about a ground offensive was fuelled when Erdogan met military chiefs before he departed on his trip to North Africa.

    When asked in Tunisia about relations with Iran and cooperation against the PKK, Erdogan said: “It’s going well. We may act together at Qandil.”

    The Qandil mountains are on the Iraq-Iran border and the main PKK bases are located in those mountains, a part of Iraq’s autonomous Kurdish region around 80-100 km south of the Turkish border.

    Kawa Mahmoud, a spokesman for the Kurdish regional government in northern Iraq, told Reuters it did not give Turkey approval for any military operations in its territory.

    “No government would accept this … using force would expand the areas of tension and would not serve the interests of the countries,” he said.

    Iran, Turkey’s southeastern neighbor, said this month its troops had killed or wounded 30 members of the PJAK (Party of Free Life of Kurdistan), an offshoot of the PKK that is reported to have launched ambushes on the Iranian side of the border.

    The Turkish military has said its strikes against the PKK in Iraq in August killed 145 to 160 militants. The PKK has only referred to a few casualties and the figures could not be independently confirmed.

    A Turkish diplomat has been in Iraq for talks with the government this week as Ankara seeks more cooperation against the PKK from Iraq, whose large Kurdish minority, concentrated in the north, is politically influential.

    Turkey has launched several cross-border air and ground operations in northern Iraq in a conflict that first erupted in the 1980s. The PKK is fighting for greater autonomy and Kurdish rights, having earlier sought a separate state.

    More than 40,000 people have died in the conflict and fighting has escalated over this summer.

    The last major incursion was in early 2008, when Turkey sent 10,000 troops, backed by air power, into northern Iraq.

    Erdogan’s comments also indicated a tougher approach on the Kurdish issue generally after government efforts to negotiate a solution failed to yield a result.

     

    A version of this article appeared in the print edition of The Daily Star on September 17, 2011, on page 8.

    via THE DAILY STAR :: News :: Middle East :: Turkey may work with Iran against Kurdish rebels.

  • The Turkey-Iran Pact

    The Turkey-Iran Pact

    A hot war has been raging in northern Iraq since mid-July, and despite the casualties and the drama, it has gone virtually unreported by the international media.

    The war was launched on July 16 by Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) troops in an effort to crush Iranian rebel Kurds who have sought refuge in the 12,000 foot high Qandil mountains that form the border between Iran and Iraq.

    It began with cross-border shelling by Iranian artillery, air strikes, and several attempted ground incursions into Iraq by Iranian forces. But within ten days, NATO-ally Turkey openly joined the fray.

    On whose side did Turkey fight? On behalf of the secular, pro-Western Free Life Party of Kurdistan (PJAK), whose bases in northern Iraq were under assault from the Islamist regime in Tehran? Think again.

    The Turkish military sent 20 tanks into Iran at the invitation of the Iranian regime to support the flailing Iranian attack against the rebel Kurds. They also dispatched 300 Turkish Special Forces troops to Iran to conduct intelligence missions into the Qandil mountains using Heron surveillance drones purchased from Israel.

    PJAK leader Rahman Haj Ahmadi told me that the Turkish drones were the most effective weapon the Iranian military used against them. “This limited our ability to move, but it didn’t matter much since most of our positions were underground,” he said.

    The Turkish incursion marked just the latest instance of Turkey’s ongoing military and strategic alliance with Iran, an alliance that ought to give NATO allies pause, starting with the United States.

    I first learned of the Turkey-Iran military alliance while on a reporting trip to PJAK bases in the wild mountains of northern Iraq four years ago. As we gazed up at an Iranian Revolutionary Guards base set atop the 12,000 foot peaks of the Qandil mountains, a PJAK guerilla told me that Iran and Turkey had established a joint military headquarters in Urmiyeh, Iran, to coordinate their military strikes against the Kurds.

    “The goal of the Iranians is to drive us from the border area,” rebel leader Biryar Gabar told me. “They want to turn this area into a no-man’s land, so they can use it to smuggle weapons and Islamist guerillas into Iraq to fight the Americans.”

    Despite all the help from Turkey, the IRGC has suffered a dramatic rout at the hands of the PJAK fighters, who repeatedly attacked IRGC bases inside Iranian Kurdistan in response to the Iranian attacks on their bases inside Iraq. Except for the initial onslaught, in which eight IRGC were killed, the IRGC troops were badly mauled.

    According to accounts in the local media, PJAK fighters killed more than three hundred IRGC troops during the clashes. They even managed to kill the commanding general of IRGC troops in the region. We know this because he was given a public burial in Qom along with several other officers. The Iranian state-run media acknowledged they had been killed in the fighting.

    After two weeks of running battles, PJAK was claiming victory. “Now everyone can see how powerful PJAK has become,” Ahmadi told me. “For Kurds, Qandil has become like Mecca, a sacred place. This is where we have shown our strength.”

    Earlier this month, PJAK announced a unilateral ceasefire and called on the Iranian regime to negotiate their demands for Kurdish rights. PJAK is seeking to establish a democratic federation in Iran, not a separate state or separate province for the Kurds, as PJAK secretary general Rahman Haj Ahmadi told me when we met in Stockholm this summer.

    The response from the IRGC was almost immediate. Instead of a ceasefire, they launched repeated shelling of PJAK bases and villages inside Iraq, killing three fighters, including the deputy commander of all PJAK forces. PJAK claimed its forces killed 107 IRGC fighters and destroyed two tanks, 5 vehicles and 1 bulldozer in counter-strikes against IRGC bases inside Iran. The shelling continues even as I write these words.

    During the latest round of fighting, PJAK showed off NATO-issue weapons they claimed they had taken from dead Iranian troops, including Western-made night vision goggles, GPS systems, anti-tank missiles, and BKC guns. PJAK has claimed for some time that Iran’s ally Turkey has provided NATO weaponry to Iran that has been turned against the Kurds, in direct violation of the North Atlantic Treaty.

    This story is important to Americans for several reasons.

    First, PJAK is a secular, pro-Western Iranian opposition group that ought to be a natural ally of the United States in any effort to put pressure on the Iranian regime. Their fighters are well- organized and highly-disciplined, and despite Iranian regime efforts to paint them as terrorists, they have never attacked civilians. In fact, PJAK sees itself primarily as a political group, not a military organization.

    Second, PJAK has been effectively defending Iraq’s challenging northeastern border with Iran from IRGC and al Qaeda infiltration since the U.S.-led coalition ousted Saddam Hussein in 2003. U.S. military officers I have interviewed in Iraq acknowledged to me the importance of PJAK’s presence in guarding the border.

    Third, the virtual silence from Baghdad even as Iraqi territory was being attacked and Iraqi citizens were being killed, shows just how successful the Iranians have been at intimidating the government of prime minister Nouri al-Malaki.

    But most important is that it reveals Turkey’s strategic and military alliance with the Islamic Republic of Iran. At the joint headquarters they have established in the northwestern Iranian city of Urmiyeh, Turkish generals offer strategic advise to their Iranian counterparts and Turkish counter-insurgency specialists train IRGC troops — actions that ought to an outrage to the entire NATO alliance.

    Under the direction of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his AKP, Turkey has increasingly dropped all pretence of remaining a friend and ally of the West. Instead, Erdogan seems intent on throwing in his lot with the Islamists in a bid to restore the Muslim caliphate Ataturk abolished in 1924.

    In his latest attempt to claim leadership of the Muslim world, Erdogan thumped his chest in front of Arab leaders in Cairo on Tuesday, demanding that Israel “must pay the price for the crimes it committed.” He was referring to the response of Israeli commandos, armed with paint ball guns, who intercepted the MV Mavi Marmara off the coast of Gaza last year.

    After an Israeli commander was eviscerated by the “civilians” on board the “humanitarian” ship, Israeli soldiers opened fire, killing nine activists on board. What Erdogan and most of the media won’t tell you, is that the entire “peace flotilla” operation was orchestrated by Turkey’s MIT intelligence agency on Erdogan’s personal orders, sources familiar with the Israeli investigation have told me.

    Turkish intelligence officers trained the people on board the Mavi Marmara in close combat techniques, and helped them to gather knives, steel bars and other weapons to inflict the great damage on the Israeli commandos. The viciousness of their attacks was documented in video footage seized by the IDF after they took control of the ship.

    Erdogan is now saying he will dispatch the Turkish navy to escort future flotillas to Gaza. (Iran promised to do the same last year but backed down after Israel made clear that it would intercept blockade-runners no matter who escorted them).

    Will NATO members wake up to the “new” Turkey in their midst, intent on advancing the Islamist cause, even to extent of providing military support to the Iranian regime?

    Stay tuned.

    By Kenneth R. Timmerman
    Frontpage Magazine

  • U.S. Envoy to Meet With Iran’s Neighbors

    U.S. Envoy to Meet With Iran’s Neighbors

    By JAY SOLOMON And MARC CHAMPION

    WASHINGTON—The Obama administration dispatched its point man on Iran sanctions to Turkey and Azerbaijan, as the U.S. attempts to further constrict trade flows between Tehran and its closest neighbors.

    USIRAN

    Getty ImagesTreasury Under Secretary for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence Stuart Levey

    Stuart Levey, the Treasury Department’s undersecretary for terrorism and financial intelligence, will meet with Turkish and Azeri businessmen and government officials beginning Tuesday in Baku, Azerbaijan, said U.S. officials. Mr. Levey will then travel to Istanbul and Ankara.

    “We’re looking to follow up on the steps needed to implement the latest United Nations sanctions against Iran and to share information, especially with the private sector, about threats posed by Iranian illicit conduct,” Mr. Levey said in an interview last week.

    Turkey has emerged in recent months as a possible weak link in the growing international campaign to punish Iran financially for its nuclear work.

    Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan pledged in September to triple trade between Turkey and Iran over the next five years, and has committed Ankara to establishing a preferential trade agreement with Tehran.

    Energy-rich Azerbaijan, which shares deep ethnic and cultural ties with Iran, could also serve as an important gasoline supplier.

    The U.S. last month also provided Beijing with a list of Chinese companies Washington believes are in violation of new U.N. sanctions targeting Iran.

    U.S. officials wouldn’t name any of the firms, but they are believed to include a number of major Chinese energy, defense and financial firms.

    “We did provide some information to China on specific concerns about individual Chinese companies and the Chinese assured us that they will investigate,” State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley said Monday.

    [USIRAN] 

    Tehran is increasingly facing shortages of refined-petroleum products due to the mounting international sanctions, Western diplomats and Middle East-based businessmen said.

    Turkey, which voted against the latest round of sanctions against Iran at the U.N. Security Council in June, has been clear from the get-go that it planned to respect only U.N.-mandated sanctions and would ignore much tougher unilateral sanctions imposed by the U.S. and the European Union.

    Turkish Trade Minister Zafer Caglayan this month complained that Turkish banks had been put under pressure to stop doing business with Iran, adding: “We cannot tolerate it.”

    Turkish officials say the stance has nothing to do with any nascent Turkish-Iranian alliance or breaking with the U.S., but is simply a function of their belief that sanctions don’t work and that better trade and stable relations with Iran are in Turkey’s national interest.

    Iran supplies Turkey with about one-third of its energy needs, with most of the rest coming from Russia.

    Meanwhile, legal and illicit trade with Iran is a mainstay for the poor, volatile and mainly ethnic Kurdish areas along Turkey’s 300-mile (500-kilometer)border with Iran.

    Turkish politicians of all stripes frequently allude to heavy trade losses Turkey suffered as a result of sanctions imposed on Iraq at the end of the first Gulf War and say they are anxious not to repeat the experience.

    In reality, Turkey’s trade with Iran is lopsided—Iranian exports of natural gas to Turkey made up 80% of the $10 billion 2009 total. Meanwhile, the U.S. pressure appears to be having an impact.

    Turkish exports to Iran spiked to $325 million in June, the month the sanctions were announced, from $191 million the month before. By August, however, recorded Turkish exports were back down to $198 million.

    Bankers said privately that Turkish banks, several of which have U.S. shareholders, have cut back sharply on dealings with Iranian counterparts. A corresponding anecdotal boom in the informal Hawala business, transferring cash between Turkey and Iran, is unlikely to fill the gap, these people say.

    Meanwhile, Turkiye Petrol Raifinerileri AS, or Tupras, Turkey’s sole petroleum refiner, said in August it would stop shipping refined products to Iran. That followed a 74% drop in Turkish petroleum exports to Iran in July, according to the Istanbul Exporters’ Association of Chemical Materials.

    Azerbaijan is another potential supplier for Iran, with which it has an even more intricate relationship than Ankara—around one quarter of Iran’s population is ethnic Azeri. Annual trade between Iran and Azerbaijan was around the $1 billion mark last year, according to official statistics.

    Iranian officials recently called for that sum to increase tenfold. A spokesman for the Azeri trade ministry couldn’t be reached to comment on Monday.

    The Obama administration has grown increasingly confident in recent weeks that a U.S.-led financial campaign against Iran is beginning to have a significant impact inside Iran.

    Earlier this month, Iranian businessmen described a minirun on the Iranian currency, the rial, which dropped by as much as 20% in two trading days. The businessmen said the run was fueled by fears within Iran’s merchant class that they will be cut off from obtaining U.S. dollars as a result of growing enforcement of U.S. and U.N. sanctions.

    Under new U.S. legislation passed in July, foreign companies run the risk of being barred from the American financial system if they are found doing business with 17 blacklisted Iranian banks or the companies of Iran’s elite military unit, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.

    The new U.S. law also targets any firms investing more than $20 million in the Iranian oil-and-gas sector.

    U.S. officials said banks across Europe, the Middle East and Asia have increasingly cut their financial ties to the sanctioned Iranian banks. And major energy suppliers such as Japan’s Inpex Corp., Italy’s Eni SpA and Royal Dutch Shell PLC of the Netherlands, have announced they are ceasing their investments in Iran.

    “I’ve never seen something this dramatic as what’s played out in recent weeks” as a result of the sanctions, said a senior U.S. official working on Iran.

    Write to Jay Solomon at jay.solomon@wsj.com and Marc Champion at marc.champion@wsj.com

    https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB10001424052702303496104575560240107312672