Tag: Turkey – EU

  • Recep Tayyip Erdogan: Turkey’s economy meets EU membership criteria

    Recep Tayyip Erdogan: Turkey’s economy meets EU membership criteria

    Since 2002, Turkey’s growth strategy, fiscal discipline, and structural reforms have helped it become the world’s 16th largest economy. Last year, Turkey’s figures for growth, public borrowing, long-term debt, and unemployment were vastly better than Europe’s.

    By Recep Tayyip Erdogan / November 29, 2012

    Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, followed by Spain’s Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, as they arrive for a press conference in Madrid Nov. 27. Mr. Erdogan says in this op-ed: ‘All of [our positive economic] indicators point to the fact that Turkey would actually fulfill the Maastricht criteria for entry into the eurozone, unlike many present member states.’

    Daniel Ochoa de Olza/AP

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    Until recently Turkey was a country that had to borrow from the IMF. But positive developments over the last 10 years have led Turkey to become a country that now lends to the IMF instead.

    1129 Turkey s Erdogan meets with Spain PM in Madrid full 380

     

    Our ability to do this is a result of policies of fiscal discipline we have implemented since our own crisis in 2001. In the past, we had debts to the IMF of $20 billion. Now, that is down to $1.7 billion. Our central bank has reserves of $115 billion.

    The crisis we have gone through was similar to what the EU is experiencing now. Many banks went bankrupt. People’s savings disappeared. Companies closed down. The Turkish economy shrank drastically.

    OPINION: In shifting sands of Middle East, who will lead? (+ video)

    That crisis was a very important lesson for us. Since 2002 our government has pursued a strategy of growth along with fiscal discipline – which is why we’ve reach the level we are at today.

    In order not to go through a crisis like 2001 once again, we have also carried out structural reforms – ranging from timely and decisive banking reform to changes in health care and social services – that not only strengthened the Turkish economy but also increased the confidence of the Turkish people in their government.

    As a result, Turkey has climbed to the rank of the world’s 16th largest economy. Last year our economy grew at 8.5 percent – one of the fastest rates in the world. By comparison, Europe only grew by 1.5 percent last year. Over the last nine months there was no growth at all in Europe taken as a whole, with GDP actually shrinking in some places.

    In Europe in general, public borrowing in annual budgets has grown to 4.5 percent of GDP, while in Turkey it has fallen to 1.7 percent.

    Overall, long-term debt in Europe amounted last year to 85 percent of GDP, while in Turkey it was only 37 percent.

    Unemployment in Turkey is at 8.5 percent. Overall in Europe it was 10.5 percent as of August 2011.

    OPINION: Time has come for a ‘United States of Europe’ – that includes Turkey

    All of these indicators point to the fact that Turkey would actually fulfill the Maastricht criteria for entry into the eurozone, unlike many present member states. [For example, the Maastricht Treaty stipulates that a country’s debt should not exceed 60 percent of GDP, and borrowing in annual budgets should not exceed 3 percent of GDP.]

    The success and resilience of Turkey today is due to the structural reforms we have undertaken since 2002 and because we have stuck to a sensible fiscal and budgetary policy with the proper discipline.

    Of course, none of this was easy. The austerity policies were very hard to implement.

    In light of the current troubles in Europe, we learned one very important lesson as we implemented these tough reforms: The people need to be able to trust those who govern them and not feel that their interests are being betrayed. Without that trust, we would not have been able to make the very difficult readjustments in our social security system.

    For all these reasons, Turkey today is strong and resilient. But there is more to be done to improve our performance and build proactively on this foundation.

    ANOTHER VIEW: Questions about Turkey as a democracy and military model

    We have just finalized our planning for the future and are taking the next steps. By 2023, we want Turkey to be one of the top 10 economic areas of the world. In the last 10 years we managed to increase the per capita income threefold. Over the next 15 years we want to increase per capita income from $10,500 to $25,000. That would require a growth rate of 5.2 percent over the next five years.

    Recep Tayyip Erdogan is the prime minister of Turkey. His remarks are excerpted from a recent speech to the Berggruen Institute on Governance in Berlin.

    via Recep Tayyip Erdogan: Turkey’s economy meets EU membership criteria – CSMonitor.com.

  • Turkey’s interest in EU membership plunges

    Turkey’s interest in EU membership plunges

    Turkey’s interest in EU membership plunges

    Provides key political, economic link to East

    author-image by F. Michael MaloofEmail | Archive

    F. Michael Maloof, staff writer for WND and G2Bulletin, is a former senior security policy analyst in the office of the secretary of defense.More ↓

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    Editor’s Note: The following report is excerpted from Joseph Farah’s G2 Bulletin, the premium online newsletter published by the founder of WND. Subscriptions are $99 a year or, for monthly trials, just $9.95 per month for credit card users, and provide instant access for the complete reports.

    WASHINGTON – After more than two decades of trying, Turkey has all but given up on acquiring membership in the European Union, where it has faced annual rejections from Germany, France and Cyprus, which are concerned with Eastern influences in Europe. Cypriot opposition stems mainly from Greece’s position, since much of Cyprus is under a Greek-backed government, according to a report from Joseph Farah’s G2 Bulletin.

    Now Turkey, which for years has been a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, regards itself as part of modern Europe but is exhibiting more of an Islamic government. And it is seriously considering giving up its efforts to join the EU if it hasn’t achieved membership by 2023, a decision which could have enormous consequences, especially for Europe.

    As a bridge between East and West, Turkey, with its Islamic orientation, has sought to be a major influence with other countries of the Middle East and Central Asia where Ankara had historical impact in its former capacity as the Ottoman Empire.

    The influence would be essential for Europe, which needs Turkey for continued political and economic trade with the East. However, a number of the European countries, most notably France, are concerned about Turkey’s government becoming more Islamist. In addition, Turkey continues to deny that the massive killing in 1915 of Armenians was genocide – a position to which France has raised strong objection.

    European opposition to Turkey joining the EU stems from a number of issues which were outlined in a report the EU issued in October.

    Those concerns included continued restrictions on civil rights, curtailment of freedom of expression, assembly and association. It also revolves around the treatment that the Turkish government has shown to the Kurds and Christian minorities, including journalists.

    Reaction from Turkish officials was immediate. Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyep Erdogan complained that the Europeans “probably won’t string us along that long (to 2023) but if they do string us along until then the European Union will lose out, and at the very least they will lose Turkey.”

    For its part, Germany, which has the largest Turkish population in Europe, has concerns over the integration of Turks into German society and the influx of even more immigrants should Turkey become an EU member.

    “Given the resistance of major European powers, there is no clear path for Turkey’s entry into the European Union,” according to a report from the open intelligence group Langley Intelligence Network, or Lignet.

    “Turkey is very wary about being drawn into an inter-Islamic conflict, especially in Syria,” Lignet said. “However, mutual interests and opportunities for cooperation exist with the states that surround the Mediterranean, Black and Caspian Seas. The more effectively Turkey promotes regional stability and also asserts herself in this multi-dimensional world, the less attractive EU membership becomes.”

    Keep in touch with the most important breaking news stories about critical developments around the globe with Joseph Farah’s G2 Bulletin, the premium, online intelligence news source edited and published by the founder of WND.

    via Turkey’s interest in EU membership plunges.

  • Germany Says Europe Will Pursue Talks on Turkey

    Germany Says Europe Will Pursue Talks on Turkey

    By MELISSA EDDY and CHRIS COTTRELL

    BERLIN — Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany met with Turkey’s prime minister here on Wednesday and pledged that the European Union would continue to pursue talks “in good faith” over Turkey’s accession to the bloc, despite disagreements that have proved challenging for both sides.

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    “The E.U. is an honest negotiating partner,” Ms. Merkel said. “These negotiations will continue irrespective of the questions that we have to clarify.”

    Her pledge came after the Turkish prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, warned that the European Union stood in danger of losing Turkey if it was not granted membership by 2023.

    “No other country has been kept waiting, knocking on the door of the E.U., for such a long time,” Mr. Erdogan told a gathering in Berlin late Tuesday, hours after he opened his country’s new embassy to Germany. An ever stronger economic and political force in the region, Turkey has been in negotiations to join the bloc since 2005, and some analysts have worried that a frustrated Turkey might shift from its Western focus to building stronger ties with Moscow and Tehran.

    Despite Turkey’s status as a NATO ally and its long-running ties to much of Europe, Germany, France, Austria and the Netherlands have never fully warmed to the idea of granting it full European Union membership. Ms. Merkel’s conservative Christian Democratic Union has even suggested that Turkey be granted instead a special status in the form of a “privileged partnership.”

    On Wednesday, the chancellor insisted that she and the Turkish leader had been able to work together despite their differences on membership.

    She praised the openness with which Turkey had accepted the flood of refugees — estimated at more than 100,000 — who have poured in from Syria and the “prudence” with which Mr. Erdogan’s government had handled the recent threat of escalating frictions at the border.

    She also pledged German humanitarian assistance “wherever needed” to help Turkey cope, acknowledging that the Syrian refugees were “a real strain” on the country. Neither she nor Mr. Erdogan broached the issue of whether the rest of Europe would be asked to take in Syrians.

    Germany is Turkey’s largest trading partner, with bilateral trade reaching $40.7 billion in 2011, despite the economic crisis in Europe. To explain the strength of the Turkish economy, Mr. Erdogan points to austerity measures and restructuring programs pushed through by his government, in similar scale to those being sought by Germany in several of the European Union’s weaker member states.

    Given the potential for tensions, the two leaders seemed generally relaxed with each other. Even reference to Cyprus, home to one of Europe’s most intractable ethnic divides and the reason Turkish accession talks have ground to a halt, did not overshadow their appearance.

    The island is broken into the mainly Turkish-speaking north — occupied by Turkey since an invasion in 1974 — and the mainly Greek-speaking Republic of Cyprus in the south, which the European Union recognizes exclusively. The republic currently holds the European Union’s rotating presidency.

    Ms. Merkel refrained from comment after Mr. Erdogan said that she had told him in the past that accepting a divided Cyprus into the union had been a mistake. Mr. Erdogan also took a dig at the republic on Tuesday night, asking whether it was really “southern Cyprus” that wielded so much power.

    The European Commission has said that Turkey must not only bend on Cyprus, but it also has a long way to go before its standards on human rights and freedom of speech can reach the levels required for membership.

    Turkey’s minister for European Union affairs, Egemen Bagis, pointed out earlier in Berlin the progress that his country had made on human rights and freedom of speech since Mr. Erdogan’s party came into power about 10 years ago. He cited Kurdish language broadcasts and the restitution of property rights to religious minorities as examples of what he called “a much more democratic and transparent” country.

    This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:

    Correction: November 2, 2012

    An article on Thursday about Germany’s pledge to Turkey that the European Union would continue to consider its bid for membership misidentified the year that Turkey began negotiations to join the bloc. It was 2005, not 1995.

    A version of this article appeared in print on November 1, 2012, on page A6 of the New York edition with the headline: Turkey Given Reassurance By Germany On Talks.

    via Germany Says Europe Will Pursue Talks on Turkey – NYTimes.com.

  • Bulgaria: FM: Bulgaria Supports Turkey EU Membership

    Bulgaria: FM: Bulgaria Supports Turkey EU Membership

    photo big 144757Bulgaria supports Turkey’s eventual becoming a full member of the EU, said Bulgarian Foreign Affairs Minister Nikolay Mladenov in one of the rare high-ranking Bulgarian statements on the matter.

    “Bulgaria approves of Turkey’s accession to the European Unon,” said Mladenov in an interview for Darik Radio Saturday.

    However, the Bulgarian Minister of Foreign Affairs acknowledged that the negotiation process is complicated

    “There are huge parts of Turkish legislation that still have to be harmonized with EU standards,” said Mladenov.

    He also added that Bulgaria is aware that other EU member states are not so favorable towards Turkey’s future accession.

    “Attitudes and position in some member states could give ground for a halt in enlargement,” commented Mladenov.

    via Bulgaria: FM: Bulgaria Supports Turkey EU Membership – Novinite.com – Sofia News Agency.

  • Turkey and the EU – By Andrew Stuttaford – The Corner – National Review Online

    Turkey and the EU – By Andrew Stuttaford – The Corner – National Review Online

    Turkey and the EU

    By Andrew Stuttaford

    September 29, 2012 1:23 P.M.

    Andrew McCarthy has a piece on possible Turkish membership of the EU up on the homepage, very well worth reading in many respects, but not least for this observation:

    In Turkey, the administrators of the Kemalist governmental model — comprising Muslims who understood Islam intimately — suppressed Islam not to deny freedom of conscience but to enable it. They were trying to forge exactly the sort of secular civil society Europeans revere. They knew it could not coexist with sharia. Thus, the government assumed supervision of the country’s 80,000 mosques, vetted the imams, controlled the content of sermons and literature, and aggressively monitored the Islamic charities. The Muslims running the state realized that Islam would inevitably work against secular civil society if left to its own devices.

    If you want to understand why Mubarak’s approach in Egypt (political repression combined with the cession of large amounts of religio-social space to the imams) was, in the end, doomed to failure, that’s not a bad place to start.

    Andy explains how the incentive of eventual EU membership (forever being proffered, just out of reach, to the Turks) is being used to distort the (admittedly very far from perfect) Kemalist model in ways that could have very dangerous consequences.

    But at least we can for be sure (at least for now) that the French and German political elites are enough in tune with their electorates (for now) to stop, as they should, Turkish accession.

    With others the case is not so clear.

    Here’s what Britain’s David Cameron had to say two years ago:

    ANKARA – Prime Minister David Cameron said Tuesday he was angered by the slow pace of Turkey’s European Union accession talks and warned against shutting Ankara out because of anti-Muslim prejudice.

    Cameron’s strong support for Turkey’s limping EU bid puts him in stark contrast to fellow EU heavyweights France and Germany who argue against letting the mainly-Muslim country of over 70 million people to become a full member.

    Here’s part of what I wrote back at the time:

    That Cameron blames the Franco-German stance on “anti-Muslim prejudice” is an argument of the intellectually desperate. Then again, what else does Cameron have? As so often, he has failed to grasp just how deep the EU’s federalizing project has already gone. Even if we ignore the phenomenal cost (of which cash-strapped British taxpayers would pay a disproportionate share) of such a scheme, admitting Turkey to the EU would give a country now led by genuinely popular Islamist thug a real say in the everyday lives of the British people. And then there are all those other things that would go with Turkish membership in the EU, such as, oh, the ability of a Turkish court to order the arrest and extradition of a British citizen from the UK to a Turkish jail with little or no judicial review. So much for Cameron, protector of civil liberties.

    Oh, there’s also this (reported by the BBC in 2009):

    Mr Obama also said Washington supported Turkey’s efforts to join the EU.

    Smart diplomacy!

    via Turkey and the EU – By Andrew Stuttaford – The Corner – National Review Online.

  • Review – Turkey and the European Union

    Review – Turkey and the European Union

    Turkey and the European Union
    By: Selcen Öner
    Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2011

    0739148591

    In Turkey and the European Union, Selcen Öner takes the issue of Turkey and its pursuit of membership in the European Union, which has a long and tenuous history, and isolates for analysis one of the most contentious elements, the role of identity. In doing so, she highlights how the question of Turkey’s membership in the European Union (EU) has been a catalyst for driving the debate about what European identity means. This work, which was mostly researched and written prior to 2008, provides an interesting commentary on two issues which remain unresolved: first, what is Europe and what does it mean to be European, and, second, what is the relationship of Turkey to the European Union. These two questions, while in some senses independent of each other, have become intertwined through Turkey’s accession process, and Öner notes that “the interactions between Europe and the Turks have been always [sic] influential on construction of European identity and Turkish identity” (192). Thus, Öner’s consideration of the construction of identity is a relevant and helpful effort in understanding the current debates over Turkey’s accession to the European Union.

    Book Summary

    The concept of “Europe” is used in various places throughout history as a geographical, cultural, and a political term, and Öner begins with an attempt to elucidate what the idea of “Europe” is. In early Greek usage, the term marked out Athens and Sparta from other parts of Greece. It was then later expanded to distinguish the continent from Africa and Asia (3-4). By the Middle Ages, Europe became closely connected with the idea of Christendom. At this point, Öner introduces a concept to which she returns multiple times throughout the book: the idea of the “other” being the basis for identity. The “other” of Europe was not a fixed entity and would change during different periods and “especially from the fifteenth until the eighteenth century, the ‘Ottoman Turks’ became the ‘other’ of Europe” (5).  In the aftermath of the Enlightenment the idea of Europe moved beyond its connection with Christendom to the European state system. This state system and, in time, the political ideas that accompanied it came to be associated with what Europe was.

    In analyzing the role of identity, Öner adopts a social constructivist approach to the issue. She provides a basic introduction to the approach of social constructivism and interacts with the work of Wendt, among others, in showing the importance of identity. For Öner, social constructivism provides the best theoretical vantage point for considering the “transformatory process of integration and helps to understand how the integration process affects states’ identity, interests and behaviour” (41). The process of constructing the European Union in particular is not simply one of integrating institutions but is a construction process of ideas, identities and norms. In the post-World War II era, “Europe” and “European identity” refer primarily to an individual or group’s orientation towards the EU while EU identity is related to the EU’s presence in the world (49). Neither of these is a fixed term but are continually changing through what Öner terms as “The construction process”  which for “EU identity refers to […] a collective identity among its Member States and their level of acting with one voice about different international issues.[…] European identity refers to a collective identity among the citizens of the EU which may be differentiated between civic and cultural European identity” (53). Which of these two identities becomes dominant– civic or cultural –will be an important factor in shaping the future of the EU. While on the hand the “main characteristic” of Europe in cultural and religious terms is “diversity,” (55) in terms of civic identity and shared values the identity is rather strong (58). Within the EU there is a debate over which of these two provides the stronger or more lasting basis for European identity. This process of cultivating European identity is not meant to replace national identity, but rather there is a need in some sense for the European identity to be incorporated into the identity of the member states (40, 72-75).

    These concepts of identity have been cultivated through various efforts and institutions of the EU project. The EU project “has been mostly an elite driven process” and as such there has been a gap between the general public perception and the opinions of the elites as these efforts have met with variegated success. Öner considers the roles of different EU institutions from the European Commission and European Parliament to the European Court of Justice and European Council and Council of Ministers. An interesting observation here is that while younger generations are typically more likely to have positive feelings towards the EU, they also have greater expectations. While the EU project arose in post-War Europe, “the young generations found peace as already given, thus they expect new measures from the EU that can positively affect their daily lives” (108). This has the potential for increased feelings of identification, but if the EU fails to deliver in this regard- and the economic challenges of the past few years have raised this concern- then the value of the EU project may also come under greater scrutiny. Writing almost prophetically of the challenges that Europe is facing at present Öner says “If there will be crucial socioeconomic problems in the EU, it will negatively influence the level of support of the general public to the EU which can be a big challenge for the future of the EU” (114). The benefits of the EU will need to be made more tangible to secure the support of the general public and make up the gap between them and the elites if there is to be an increase in feelings of European identity.

    It is only at this point, after identifying the origins of the idea of European identity and some of the challenges and efforts being made to increase these feelings that Öner turns to the question of Turkey’s membership. The interaction between Turks and Europe has been lengthy. Öner cites a good summary of this history:  “Turks have been in Europe ‘geographically since their arrival in Asia Minor in the eleventh century, economically since the sixteenth century as trade routes expanded and politically since the nineteenth century when the Ottoman Empire was included in the Concert of Europe” (117). Despite the long history of interaction, the idea of Turks being European has never been widespread. Turks have been excluded from Europe for a variety of reasons, on the basis of religion from the early modern period through end of the nineteenth century, on the basis of civilization from the end of the nineteenth century through the end of World War I and on the basis of culture from the end of the Cold War to the present (118). While at some points in history Turks were constructed as the “other” of European identity that has not been the case since the 1950s, but neither have they been constructed as “European” (119). Rather, in most of the instances and substantiated by interviews Öner conducted Turkey was somewhere in between, seen neither as the “other” nor as being fully European (120-122).

    This issue of identity has been one of the major arguments put forward by opponents of Turkey’s EU membership. In order to be granted candidate status it was necessary for Turkey to fulfill the Copenhagen political criteria. In October 2005 it was deemed that Turkey had fulfilled these obligations and formal negotiations were opened. The “Europeaness” of Turkey, however, remains a major question. And “the more Turkey fulfills the Copenhagen criteria and adopts the EU acquis to its legislation, the more cultural argument of belonging to European civilization tend to be important in the debate on Turkey’s membership [sic]” (125). As Turkey comes into greater alignment in terms of political institutions and structures the other obstacles to its membership will become more evident. Turkey’s membership has become a focal point for identifying those who are against deeper integration and those who support a more comprehensive level of integration of the member states. As was evidenced in the interviews carried out with a variety of European Ministers Turkey’s membership will be both a “challenge and a contribution” to the make-up of the EU (152-153). The interaction between the two throughout the membership process has been such that neither side has been left unchanged. While there is great focus on the transformation of Turkey to come into alignment with EU norms, the process has also influenced the construction process of European identity (179-180). In Öner’s analysis, if in the end Turkey were to be integrated into the EU, then European identity must be primarily based on a civic basis. If, however, European identity is mainly on a cultural basis, then Turkey will probably not be integrated. Thus the nature of European identity is an important factor in determining the outcome of Turkey’s EU membership process.

    Strengths and Weaknesses

    The work by Öner offers another vantage point on the issue of Turkey and its pursuit of membership in the European Union, wading into issues of identity politics which oftentimes are under the surface of the political rhetoric she brings those to the surface. In this instance, the issue of identity, while not by any means the only critical factor, is certainly an issue of major significance. Öner interacts with a large number of sources and provides a theoretical grounding in social constructivism for her arguments. This brings a level of credibility and perspective to her arguments. Another major strength is the number of interviews conducted with European Ministers of Parliament from a variety of different national and political backgrounds. These interviews provide a firsthand glimpse into the thinking of some of the decision makers in the EU. Coupled together with the statistics from the Eurobarometer surveys, Öner is able to provide a glimpse at both public opinion and the perspective of elites on the issue.

    One of the major issues that the book seemed to lack was a clear voice from the author. The work was well-researched, but in many places the flow of the argument was not well-structured. The reader is left to interpret exactly what the author is trying to communicate at a particular point. In some instances, such as demonstrating the ambiguity of European identity throughout history, this lack of clarity was acceptable, but at other places it seriously takes away from the value of the work. Öner’s work would have been greatly strengthened had the author’s voice and argumentation been more clearly demonstrated throughout the work.  Another potential weakness of the book is that it is largely based on a PhD. thesis completed in 2008, though updated and revised for the 2011 publication, and the financial crisis in Europe and around the world, the frantic speed of political events in Turkey, the uprisings in the Middle East among other issues are not accounted for in this work. Obviously, no book will be completely current but the limited references to things that have happened post-2008 is another weakness of the work.

    Conclusion

    Do issues of identity matter in international politics? In this case, the answer would seem to be yes. Öner provides a comprehensive overview of how the issue of European identity has been a key aspect in the process of Turkey’s EU membership and how Turkey has been a key influencer of what it means to be European. While other factors, such as the economic troubles of the Eurozone or questions about the incorporation of a such a large population may eventually be the cause for Turkey joining or not joining the EU, the issue of identity will certainly be a part of the story. One of the key features of this process has been that the question of Turkey joining the EU has been the catalyst to expose what being “European” means. This is a concept that is under continual construction and Turkey is both a challenge and a contributor to that process.

    J. Paul Barker is an Associate Editor of e-IR. He has a B.A. in History and a M.A. in Cross-Cultural Studies. He is currently studying in Istanbul, Turkey for a M.A. in International Relations.