Tag: Turkey – EU

By JOHN VINOCUR

It meant, in their eyes, Europe literally extending its frontiers to the borders of Iran, Syria and Iraq, and the E.U. adding to its membership a predominantly Muslim country whose population would soon give it the biggest number of seats in the European Parliament. As for Turkey’s government, its uncertain relationship with democracy was exemplified by 57 journalists in jail — more, at last count by international watchdogs, than either China or Iran.

Now, at an increasing pace over the last six months, Turkey is portraying itself as a regional power in the Middle East, threatening to send its ships to challenge Cypriot or Israeli gas exploration rights in the Mediterranean, talking up “an axis” with Egypt, and warning of a “real crisis” with the E.U. if it allows the Republic of Cyprus to hold, as scheduled, its six-month rotating presidency next year. To its backers in Europe, this Turkey can no longer look much like an idealized bridge to a world beyond clashes of civilizations.

In the opposite direction, surveying a weakened and divisive Europe, whose resolve and forthrightness are in question as it stumbles from nonsolution to nonsolution of its economic and financial crises, the Turkish president, Abdullah Gul, insists his country has accumulated as much political influence internationally as the entire E.U. combined.

So? In the very short term, Turkey’s new stance gives Europe (with Germany and France opposing full Turkish membership) a respectable alibi and respite from an issue it cannot easily solve. But in the process, the door closes on the goal of integrating Turkey into a European-led geopolitical and economic order.

“The majority of Europe welcomes the moment, thinking, ‘Great, the Turkey thing is off the table,”’ said a Brussels official whose country backs Turkish entry. He added, “We think Turkey is worth it, and that they’re a real risk if they sail off into the distance.”

All the same, a new distance has unspoken pluses.

The apocalyptic notion of Europe being overrun by Turkish Muslims, brandished by right-wing populists like Geert Wilders of the Netherlands — Turkey’s rapidly growing population is approaching 80 million — is deflated as a hysteria-making political argument.

Reality also says the European Union couldn’t handle two existential issues at one time. The magnitude of the problems represented by Turkish entry into full-fledged membership (Germany talks instead of a “privileged partnership”) appears incompatible with the E.U.’s unresolved issues of debt and deficit, an economy nearing standstill by the end of the year, and an intensifying discussion of the need for greater economic governance.

The Obama administration, so far, can praise Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s “great leadership,” be happy that Turkey will be part of a U.S. antimissile defense system, and disregard Mr. Erdogan’s Putin-style remark that there are only “presumptions” about Iranian nuclear weapons intentions.

Yet the question of Turkey’s new engagement in the Arab world, its falling out with Israel, and general bluster is a more intimate one for Europe. Some Europeans would like to minimize the problem.

The Brussels official who found a majority of E.U. members liking the idea that Turkey’s entry seems shelved for now — I spoke to a cabinet minister from another E.U. core country who agreed — described Turkish assertiveness as “tactics, not strategy,” and part of an expression of Turkey’s irritation with Europe’s resistance to it.

The Finnish foreign minister, Erkki Tuomioja, has pointed in the same direction and asserts, “Turkey doesn’t have the means for its policy.”

But if you take Turkey’s Middle East power ambitions as serious — and not blowhard fantasizing — then it is the Turks who are forcing the E.U. to turn away from its candidacy. Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu has said, “A Turkey that wants to become a regional power must build up its political and economic influence on the waterways from the Agean to the Adriatic and from the Suez Canal to the Persian Gulf.”

The leading German research organization for international politics and security affairs, SWP, takes the point. It published a paper two weeks ago, titled “Turkey on a Course of Confrontation,” whose introduction reads, “Ankara is looking to pick a fight in the Mediterranean not only with Israel and the Republic of Cyprus, but also with the European Union.”

The same week, Mr. Gul, while rejecting anything short of full E.U. membership during a visit to Germany, sounded provocative about his hosts’ approach to Turkish immigration. He described as a violation of “human rights” a German regulation requiring spouses of Turks living in Germany to pass German-language competency tests before taking up residence.

Earlier in the year, Mr. Erdogan, as a guest of Angela Merkel, had an imperative-type message for Turkish immigrants: “Integrate yourselves into German society, but don’t assimilate.”

Finding an overall response to the new circumstances is not easy.

Last week, NATO’s secretary general, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, both chose to praise Turkey’s “stabilizing role in the region” and dodge the issue of its charter member’s warning that it might send its navy toward non-NATO Cyprus to block its exploration for gas. He said the alliance “as an organization is not going to interfere in these disputes.”

On this matter, at least — if it sees a measure of immediate comfort in Turkey talking itself out of closer association anytime soon — the E.U. can ignore an active Turkish challenge to a tiny member’s sovereignty only at the expense of its self-respect.

AMANDA PAUL

a.paul@todayszaman.com

Is Turkey’s EU dream coming to the end of the road?

In a couple of weeks the European Commission will publish its annual Progress Report on Turkey’s progress towards becoming a member of the EU.

One could say it represents something of a scorecard for Turkey’s efforts in meeting EU demanded reforms in both economic and political terms, including underlining areas where Turkey needs to make much greater efforts.

While on the one hand, one may say that this year’s report, more than any other so far, has become irrelevant because the chances of Turkey ever joining the EU seem to be reducing by the day, but on the other it is still serves as a useful tool for monitoring the political and economic situation in the country and how Turkey is progressing on issues such as minority rights, fundamental freedoms, human rights, the Kurdish issue, etc.

Turkey’s EU journey began over half a century ago in 1959 when Turkey was given associate membership status. In 1964, the Association Agreement between the then- “European Economic Community” (EEC) and Turkey provided to establish far-reaching economic cooperation, from a customs union to free movement of labor with a preamble containing a reference to eventual membership. And again at the Helsinki Summit in December 1999, when Turkey was finally granted candidate country status, the communiqué of the summit read “Turkey is a candidate country destined to join the EU on the basis of the same criteria applied to all other candidates.” Nice words, but unfortunately the EU has not applied the same approach to Turkey as it did with the other candidates.

In 2005, Turkey’s membership talks kicked off, together with Croatia. Some six years later, Croatia has finalized its negotiations and is on the verge of becoming the 28th member of the EU. For Turkey, it has been a different story. The membership talks are frozen with some 18 negotiating chapters blocked. While leaders from both sides continue to smile and pretend that there is still a commitment, behind closed doors the air is filled with mutual recrimination. Confidence and trust have evaporated. Turkey has been left frustrated by the unrelenting positions of France and Germany (among others), which continue to violate the EU’s commitment to full membership by talking about “alternatives,” while the EU’s reluctance to offer Turkey visa liberalization (something which all other candidate have) has added salt to the wound. Turkey has also played its part. Turkey is a proud nation which has been a crucial ally of the West, including through its membership of NATO for decades. The idea that countries which Turkey considered “friends” could so blatantly reject them and label them as unsuitable for EU membership has been a difficult to deal with. Today, Turkey’s reform process has slowed down, while Ankara continues refuse to meet its commitments vis-à-vis the Ankara Protocol. Cyprus continues to be at the epicenter of the problem. The EU’s decision to allow a divided island into the EU has had serious repercussions and has only served to make a difficult problem even more intractable. Confident in their EU seat, the Greek Cypriots have felt more able to take on tougher positions in peace talks for reunification.

Furthermore, tensions about Cyprus have reached a new climax following the discovery of off-shore natural gas reserves in the eastern Mediterranean, particularly in the economic zones of Israel, Lebanon and Cyprus. Cyprus has infuriated Turkey by concluding an agreement with Israel on the delimitation of their respective economic zones. The anger culminated earlier this month with the government of Greek Cyprus deciding to start drilling for gas southeast of the island and the Turkish government threatening that it would not accept this and going on to conclude an agreement on the delimitation of the continental shelf with the “government” of the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus” (KKTC), which since its creation in 1983 has not been recognized by any other country other than Turkey.

This has been compounded by Turkey announcing that it will suspend relations with the EU in July 2012 when the Greek Cypriots take up the rotating EU presidency, unless negotiations on the reunification of the island will have been successfully concluded by then, which is highly unlikely. All in all — combined with Turkey’s deteriorating relations with Israel — the eastern Mediterranean has become a very hot spot, although anything beyond aggressive words would seem unlikely.

Meanwhile, the EU continues to have little interest in its once grand enlargement project being burdened with visionless leaders and an economic nightmare. Turkey, with its booming economy and increasingly important regional role, is growing surer of itself and eager to be the major political and economic player in the Middle East region.

Today, Turkish membership of the EU appears more distant than ever. With its 78 million dynamic people, Turkey feels strong enough to stand alone. As one of the major economic powers on Earth, a member of the OECD and G20, emulated as an example by Arab neighbors, it may consider EU membership no longer necessary for its economic development and politically more of burden than of benefit.

via Is Turkey’s EU dream coming to the end of the road?.

Comments strongest yet by Ankara over its opposition to Cyprus presidency and could mark start of a new low point in ties between European Union and Turkey

Reuters

Published: 09.18.11, 12:46 / Israel News

EU-candidate Turkey will freeze relations with the European Union if Cyprus is given the EU presidency in 2012, Deputy Prime Minister Besir Atalay was quoted as saying by state-run news agency Anatolian late on Saturday.

The comments were the strongest yet by Ankara over its opposition to the Cyprus presidency and could mark the start of a new low point in ties between the European Union and Turkey which began accession talks to the bloc in 2005.

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The comments also come at a time of heightened tension in the eastern Mediterranean where Turkey is locked in a row with Cyprus over potential offshore gas deposits. Turkey’s relations with one-time ally Israel are also at a low.

“If the peace negotiations there (Cyprus) are not conclusive, and the EU gives its rotating presidency to southern Cyprus, the real crisis will be between Turkey and the EU,” Anatolian quoted Atalay as telling Turkish Cypriot Bayrak Radio and TV at the end of a trip to northern Cyprus.

“Because we will then freeze our relations with the EU. We have made this announcement, as a government we have made this decision. Our relations with the EU will come to a sudden halt.”

The internationally-recognized Greek Cypriot government is due to take on the six-month rotating EU presidency in July 2012.

Cyprus has been divided since a Turkish invasion in 1974 triggered by a brief Greek-inspired coup. UN-sponsored peace talks between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots have stumbled since they were relaunched in 2008.

In July, Turkey’s European Union minister said freezing ties with the Greek Cypriot EU presidency was “an option” but Atalay’s comments were the first time Ankara has said it would definitely halt relations.

Greek Cypriots represent the island internationally and in the European Union, while Turkey is the only country to recognise the Turkish Cypriot state. Greek Cypriots say Turkey cannot join the bloc until the Cyprus conflict is resolved.

The rotating presidency has lost some importance since the EU’s Lisbon treaty, which established a permanent head of the European Council that groups national governments, and a new foreign and security policy chief. But a determined country can still shape the agenda.

Of the 35 “chapters” — policy areas of EU law — Turkey has completed one, and 18 have been frozen because of opposition by EU member states including Cyprus and France.

via Turkey to freeze EU ties if Cyprus gets EU presidency – Israel News, Ynetnews.