Tag: Turkey as the role-model

Turkey’s new course in the region and the world

By Abdullah Gül/Chicago

Turkey has recently been at the forefront of international economic and political debates. On the one hand, despite the economic crisis engulfing neighbouring Europe, Turkey remains the world’s second-fastest growing economy, after China. On the other hand, there is almost no issue on the global agenda – from Iraq and Afghanistan to Somalia, Iran, and the Arab Spring, and from sustainable development to a dialogue among civilisations – on which Turkey is not playing a visible role.
This is a rather new phenomenon. Until a decade ago, Turkey was regarded as no more than a staunch Nato ally. That began to change in 2002, when an era of political stability dawned, giving rise to a vision for a stronger Turkey – and a firm commitment to realising that vision.
To this end, Turkey’s governments since 2002 implemented bold economic reforms that paved the way for sustainable growth and provided a firewall against the financial crisis that hit in 2008. As a result, in less than a decade, GDP has tripled, making Turkey the world’s 16th largest economy. Moreover, the country benefits from strong public finances, prudent monetary policy, sustainable debt dynamics, a sound banking system, and well-functioning credit markets.
At the same time, we expanded the scope of individual rights, which had long been subordinated to security concerns. We streamlined civil-military relations, guaranteed social and cultural rights, and attended to the problems of ethnic and religious minorities. These reforms transformed Turkey into a vibrant democracy and a more stable society, at peace with itself and able to view its external environment in a different light.
Quite simply, we stopped viewing our geography and history as a curse or disadvantage. On the contrary, we began to regard our location at the crossroads of Europe, Asia, and the Middle East as an opportunity to interact simultaneously with multiple players.
As a result, we began to reach out to countries in our neighbourhood and beyond. We tried to expand political dialogue, enhance economic interdependence, and strengthen cultural and social understanding. And, while ten years is too short for a definitive assessment of such an ambitious policy, we have undoubtedly covered considerable ground. For example, we have quadrupled our trade volume just with our neighbors.
On several occasions, we have also been instrumental in facilitating peace and reconciliation. But, what is more important, Turkey has become a model of success that many countries around us now seek to emulate.
And yet, until a year or two ago, some political pundits were asking, “Who lost Turkey?” or “Whither Turkey?” – the assumption being that Turkey had shifted its foreign-policy axis away from the West. In fact, Turkey’s external orientation has remained constant, because it rests on the values that we share with the free world. What has changed is our increased assertiveness in our efforts to ensure greater stability and human welfare in our region, evident in our advocacy of freedom, democracy, and accountability not only for ourselves, but also for others.
This approach has been reflected in the Arab Spring, which Turkey ardently supported from the outset. We have not hesitated in siding with those fighting for their rights and dignity. Indeed, in countries like Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen, which are now attempting to institutionalise change, Turkey is their most active partner, sharing our own experience and providing tangible assistance in the form of economic co-operation and political capacity building.
In Syria, on the other hand, the revolution has not yet come to fruition, owing to the regime’s brutal repression of its opponents. Every day, scores of people there die in pursuit of dignity. Turkey is doing all that it can to alleviate the Syrian people’s suffering. Unfortunately, the international community as a whole has so far performed poorly in providing an effective response to the crisis.
Turkey’s position on Iran’s nuclear program has been similarly clear: we are categorically opposed to the presence of weapons of mass destruction in our region. Attempts to develop or acquire WMDs might well trigger a regional arms race, leading to further instability and threatening international peace and security. That is why we have always called for the establishment of a WMD-free zone in the Middle East, including both Iran and Israel.
We support Iran’s right to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. But Iran’s program must be transparent, and its leaders must assure the international community of its non-military nature. The key is to close the confidence gap and pave the way for meaningful dialogue. In April, we hosted the inaugural round of revived talks between the international community and Iran.
Let us be clear: there is no military solution to this problem. Military intervention would merely further complicate the issue, while creating new layers of conflict in our region and beyond.
In this and other matters, Turkey strives to act as a “virtuous power,” which requires us to align our national interests with values such as justice, democracy, and human dignity, and to achieve our foreign-policy goals through mutual co-operation rather than coercion.
Effective multilateralism is a key facet of this vision. Turkey served as a member of the United Nations Security Council in 2009-2010, and is now seeking another term in 2015-2016. Given the crucial importance of developments in our part of the world, Turkey’s contribution to the Council’s work promises to be highly valuable.
In 2015, moreover, we will assume the presidency of the G-20, and we are committed to using our means and capabilities to make it a more effective organ of global governance.
Turkey’s internal transformation over the past decade has placed it in an ideal position to benefit the region – and thus the global community. While we have accomplished much already, more is required of us. Given the challenges of our neighbourhood, and the region’s central role in global affairs, Turkey will not refrain from taking on new responsibilities. – Project Syndicate
l Abdullah Gül is President of Turkey

Most people in the Arab world believe the post-revolutionary states in the region should model their political systems on Turkey’s, an opinion poll commissioned by The Doha Debates has found

By Habib Toumi, Bureau chief

Manama: Most people in the Arab world believe the post-revolutionary states in the region should model their political systems on Turkey’s, an opinion poll commissioned by The Doha Debates has found.

Seventy-two percent of respondents believe Turkey is a good model for Egypt, Tunisia and Libya, the states where the political regime was changed.

The poll findings contradict the results of the latest Doha Debate held in Istanbul, Turkey, on February 12 in which 59 percent of the audience said Turkey was a bad model for the new Arab states.

The main reasons given for supporting the Turkish model were that Turkey is “close to the Arab world in regards to culture, religion and traditions”, “Turkey has become a well-respected country” and the “Turkish model has integrated Islam into politics which fits into the needs of the Arab world.”

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However, despite a high level of support for the Turkish model, a significant number of those polled were also sceptical of the motives of Islamists.

The poll found that 45 percent expressed concerns that Islamists would adopt the Turkish model in order to introduce their beliefs into government under the banner of religion.

The area with the highest number of people opposed to Turkey as a model was in the Levant (35%).

The poll, conducted by the polling company YouGov between the January 29 and of February 2, questioned 1001 people.

The Doha Debates are hosted and funded by the Qatar Foundation for Education, Science and Community Development.

via gulfnews : Arabs believe Turkey should be political role model.

Emerging Arab democracies were warned not to follow the example set by the Turkish political system by the audience at the latest Doha Debates, with 59% of viewers supporting the motion that “This House believes Turkey is a bad model for the new Arab states.”

The debate was held at Bosphorus University, and produced a sustained attack on Ankara’s record on human rights and media freedom.

Award winning journalist and author, Ece Temelkuran, who was recently dismissed from her newspaper for a series of campaign reports, drew huge support from the audience as she referred to an example of the government’s crackdown on critics.

“Arabs should talk to Arabs about which model is best for them,” she said, arguing “they should hear their own voices. Turkey cannot be a model because Arabs already have enough problems.”

Senior Transatlantic Fellow for Middle East, North Africa and the Islamic World at the German Marshall Fund, Hassan Mneimneh said Arabs should learn from other models of good governance around the world.

“Beware of the use of the Turkish model as a cover for the insertion of Islamism into positions of power where the Islamists would be really entrenched in the Arab world,” he warned.

Speaking against the motion were former Turkish diplomat Sinan Ulgen and award-winning Moroccan journalist and co-editor of the news website, lakome.com, Aboubakr Jamai.

Both opponents suggested that while there are problems associated with the Turkish model, it is a work in progress and offers an example to Arab countries in political turmoil.

“This is a workable model for us because I do believe that Islamism can evolve in our countries and because our population relate to this model,” said Jamai.

Ulgen said that for reasons associated to geographic proximity, culture, religion and tradition, the Turkish model should work for the Arab world, particularly in Tunisia, Morocco and Egypt.

More lightheartedly, he also referred to the success of Turkish soap operas in Arab countries, saying “that tells us something about Turkey in the Arab world.”

via Gulf Times – Qatar’s top-selling English daily newspaper – Qatar.

The mistaken, late December Turkish airstrike that left 35 Kurdish civilians dead highlights an apparent shift in US policy toward Ankara. The change could end up undermining efforts to promote democratization in the Middle East and North Africa.

Officials in Ankara now suggest the late December tragedy was the result of faulty or misinterpreted intelligence provided by a US drone, which is believed to have misidentified smugglers crossing into Turkey from neighboring Iraq as militants belonging to a Kurdish rebel group, the PKK.

The ill-fated air strike was the byproduct of an ongoing Turkish military crackdown against the PKK, which is fighting for greater Kurdish minority rights in Turkey. Winter is usually a quiet time for the decades-long conflict, as the rebels have traditionally retired to their bases to wait out the region’s harsh winter. But this year the Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan promised no let-up in the Turkish military’s pursuit of the militants. Drones appear to be an important asset in the government’s strategic push. Prime Minister Erdogan has expressed the belief that the insurgency can be defeated with help of high-tech weaponry. Parallels with Sri Lanka’s annihilation of the Tamil Tiger insurgency are increasingly being cited in Ankara. In the coming months, US Cobra attack helicopters are due to be delivered, as the Turkish military seeks to check off another item on its shopping list of American military hardware.

“The last few months we are seeing an escalating military response,” said Cengiz Aktar, political scientist at Istanbul’s Bahcesehir University. “Within this conception of conflict resolution, it is clear governmental circles like very much all high-tech military equipment, like these drones, and we are seeing the results of it. Similar types of mistakes are happening all the time in Afghanistan.”

The four US drones that are reportedly operating out of the Turkish airbase at Incirlik were redeployed late last year to Turkey from Iraq. The drones remain under US control and they mostly monitor on-the-ground conditions in Iraq. But they also provide Ankara with intelligence concerning suspected PKK movements along the Iraqi-Turkish border.

In the past, Washington seemed reluctant to sell such military hardware as attack helicopters to Turkey, in part due to concerns about Ankara’s rights record and the possibility that the weapons might be used against internal enemies. But those hesitations appear to be fading.

“Cobras are being sold to Turkey without the US Congress making noise. That speaks volumes in my view,” said Soli Ozel, an international relations expert at Istanbul’s Kadir Has University. “Now that the Americans have left Iraq, cooperation between the two partners has increased in order for Turkey to fight the PKK. And on Syria, we are on the same page, in fact some commentators have said Turkey is becoming [an American] sub-contractor.

“Turkish and American policy is being realigned: they are getting very tight,” Ozel added.

The importance of Ankara within the context of Washington’s vision for the region goes deep. The Obama administration sees predominantly Muslim Turkey as a potential model for the emerging democracies of the “Arab Spring.” But efforts to promote a Turkish democratization model are hampered by a dichotomy in Turkey itself: the government has taken controversial steps of late that seem to go against core democratic principles.

Emma Sinclair Webb, the Turkey representative for the US-based group Human Rights Watch, voiced frustration over what she believes is the alarming indifference from both US and European Union leaders to troubling domestic developments in Turkey.

“Unfortunately because Turkey’s foreign policy is so attractive to the West, the effect of that focus on the foreign policy is a greatly diminished focus on the domestic scene, on human rights, on the process of democracy in Turkey. All of these are getting a lot less attention than they merit,” Webb said.

“While you have got the Kurdish [PKK} issue, you have got a huge crackdown on Kurds who are in a legal, democratically elected party,” Webb continued. Turkish government actions that create the appearance of stifling civil rights make it harder for Turkey to be a credible role model that encourages democratization in the Middle East and North Africa, Webb suggested.

Among the questionable moves made by Ankara of late have been the December arrests of more than two dozen Kurdish journalists under broad anti-terror laws. They are accused of supporting the PKK. Since last June’s parliamentary election in Turkey, nearly 4,000 members of the main legal Kurdish political movement, the Peace and Democracy Party, have been detained on similar charges.

In December, US Vice President Joe Biden raised more than a few eyebrows when he did not raise democratization concerns while on his visit to Turkey. That may well be because a key part of the vice president’s mission centered on enlisting Ankara’s full support in enforcing sanctions against Iran, as well as bolstering cooperation in addressing geopolitical challenges in Syria and Iraq.

The apparent free hand that Washington is giving Ankara has potentially significant risks, cautioned Aktar, the political scientist. Ankara could end up winning its war against the PKK in such a way that lowers the odds of the Arab Spring evolving in a democratic direction. “What we are seeing is Obama is prepared to ignore bad behavior by his ally for his own goals,” Aktar said. So what we see today is not a political or proactive reformist action by the (Turkish) government, but instead a very radical robust completely militarily minded response to the Kurdish conflict.”

Editor’s note:

Dorian Jones is a freelance reporter based in Istanbul.

via Turkey: Can Ankara Serve as Democratization Role Model? | EurasiaNet.org.