Tag: Syrian refugees

  • Mortar kills 20 at Damascus university as Turkey denies expelling refugees

    Mortar kills 20 at Damascus university as Turkey denies expelling refugees

    Mortar kills 20 at Damascus university as Turkey denies expelling refugees

    Syrian rebels bring war to capital as UNHCR investigates claims that Turkey forced refugees back across border after protest

    Martin Chulov in Beirut

    guardian.co.uk, Thursday 28 March 2013 19.34 GMT

    A Syrian refugee carries her children near the Turkish border.

    A Syrian refugee carries her children near the Turkish border. Ankara denied expelling scores of Syrian refugees after a protest. Photograph: Bulent Kilic/AFP/Getty

    A mortar strike on Damascus university killed about 20 students on Thursday, exposing the fragility of the capital’s most sensitive zone to attack.

    Syrian officials blamed rebel groups for the strike, which wounded dozens more students. The opposition denied responsibility. All the victims had been in an outdoors cafeteria near the heart of the campus. It was the second consecutive day that mortars had hit the city. An attack on Wednesday struck near a hotel, causing damage but no casualties.

    The presidential palace has in recent weeks also been hit by rockets and mortars fired by rebel groups, who have consolidated inroads they made earlier this year on the city’s southern and western outskirts.

    The groups are a mix of Islamist-leaning and more secular brigades. The jihadist group Jabhat al-Nusra is also active, particularly in the Yarmouk Palestinian refugee camp nearer the heart of the city, which it entered in January.

    Throughout the first three months of the year, loyalist forces and rebel groups have fought a series of savage battles on the urban fringes, often involving rockets and mortars and air strikes from the regime side. Rebels have been trying to cut off access to Damascus airport and to use the area as staging ground for an assault on the capital, which is protected by two of the Syrian military’s most capable divisions and a large special forces unit.

    Loyalist forces also command the high ground around Damascus and use mountains and ridges to shell rebel-held areas.

    Central Damascus, despite resounding to the sound of regular incoming and outgoing fire, has not been a main battlezone. Despite prolific military checkpoints, life in the city has appeared more normal than in many other Syrian towns and cities, allowing officials to project an air of “business as usual”.

    However, a succession of apparent suicide bombings, including an attack last week inside a mosque that killed a leading Muslim imam, are eroding trust in officials to keep the war far from the most important state institutions.

    Large numbers of Damascus residents, including much of the middle class and refugees, have fled the city for Lebanon or Jordan, both of which are now groaning under the influx. Lebanon alone is believed to be hosting 350,000 children of school age. Many thousands more have not been registered by authorities.

    Aid dollars have started to reach the sprawling tent cities that are housing the refugees, who number more than one million with those who have fled to Turkey included. The onset of spring, after a sharp but mercilessly short winter, has eased housing fears, but the camps remain in desperate need and often squalid.

    Brawls broke out at a camp near the Jordanian border on Thursday and Turkish riot police used water cannons in a camp in Akçakale after refugees protested over the death of a child from a tent fire, in which three other people were also wounded.

    The UNHCR, the UN refugee body, said it was investigating claims, denied by Turkey, that up to 60 Syrians from the camp’s 25,000 residents, had been forced to return to Syria after the disturbance.

    via Mortar kills 20 at Damascus university as Turkey denies expelling refugees | World news | guardian.co.uk.

  • ANKARA, Turkey: UN refugee chief sees increase in Syrian refugees

    ANKARA, Turkey: UN refugee chief sees increase in Syrian refugees

    THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

    ANKARA, Turkey — The U.N. chief for refugees says the number of refugees from Syria could increase by “two or three times” the present level by the end of the year if the country’s conflict doesn’t end.

    U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres says the international community should work toward ending the conflict and says there is a “risk of an explosion” throughout the already volatile Middle East region if it continues much longer.

    Guterres was speaking in Ankara on Sunday, days after the number of U.N.-registered refugees in neighboring countries topped 1 million.

    Guterres also renewed a call for nations to help support Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan and other countries shelter the refugees.

    via ANKARA, Turkey: UN refugee chief sees increase in Syrian refugees – World Wires – MiamiHerald.com.

  • Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey: The Syrian refugees at Europe’s gateway

    Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey: The Syrian refugees at Europe’s gateway

    A letter from the border.

    BY REBECCA OMONIRA-OYEKANMI

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    A Syrian women and her son wait for help to erect their tent at a refugee camp in Bab al-Salam on the Syria-Turkey border. Photograph: Getty Images

    A question for the European politicians thrashing out a plan to provide“assistance” to Syria: if a bedraggled Syrian escapes the war, if he escapes the chaos of the refugee camps in Iraq or Jordan or Turkey, if he arrives tired but hopeful on your doorstep, what will happen to him?

    Reporting at the European Union’s most porous borders where Greece and Bulgaria merge with Turkey I was struck by the story of a Syrian refugee who risked drowning to avoid the clasp of the EU’s tortuous asylum and immigration system.

    After relating the story of how he was deposited on the banks of Turkey by border patrol officers in Greece, I assumed my interview with Farouk, a Syrian refugee, was finished. It was twilight, and the shabby cafe on the edge of the tiny Bulgarian village was empty. I sat at the head of a small wooden table scribbling into the silence as a dozen pair of striking eyes, various shades of green, watched me curiously. They were all Syrian, thrown together by the war. The two teenage boys were awkward, goofy grins even as they imitated the sound of bombs. The old man, stooped and pot-bellied, eyed me suspiciously. Farouk’s friend spat furiously in Arabic, insisting that he keep quiet. They ate from a large dish of sunflower seeds. I swallowed the remains of a thick, bitter Bulgarian coffee, clumps of sugar clung to the tiny shot-sized glass. “So after that you travelled from Turkey to Bulgaria? How did you cross the border?” I asked.

    “No, that’s another story.” We ordered more coffee and Farouk told me about his second “push-back”.

    Following his encounter with the border police on River Evros in Greece, Farouk went back to his smuggler, who sent him to the Aegean Sea. He was packed into a large wooden boat bound for Italy with more than 100 other people. Very soon they lost control of the boat, and could do little as it spun in the middle of the ocean between Turkey and Greece.  “After three or four hours people started to throw up,” he said. “There was a problem inside the boat, the water started to enter. Everyone was scared and thinking about dying. We had suffered too much.”

    On this occasion the Greek maritime police tried to rescue them, but the appointed captain of the boat, another Syrian refugee, deliberately thwarted the attempt. “He had a problem with Greece because he had been caught in Greece before,” said Farouk. Rather than find himself back in Greece, the desperate captain threw an anchor into the sea, which caught on something solid, so even as the Greek officers tried to pull the boat to safety it would not budge and looked certain to capsize. Farouk’s rising terror was compounded by the screams of his fellow passengers, among them young children.

    It was the Turkish maritime police that eventually saved them. One of their officers jumped aboard the boat, wrested control from the captain, and steered the boat back to Turkey. All the while the refugees cheered, clapped and sang, “Long live Turkey”.

    What made the Syrian captain risk the lives of everyone on the boat to avoid Greece?

    The fingerprints of any non-European person who has travelled “unofficially” across borders are taken on arrival in any European Union country. If you want to make a claim for asylum, under the EU’s Dublin II regulations you must do so in the first EU country you enter. There is a European database containing the fingerprints of all irregular migrants and refugees (Eurodac) to track their movements. If you try to make a claim in another EU country, your fingerprints will pop up on a central database indicating the country of entry, and you will be deported back there.

    Dublin II could only work if each and every EU country operated an efficient, fair and humane asylum and immigration system. Most EU countries appear to have coherent structures in place, but in reality all over Europe there are hundreds of genuine refugees and children detained in prisons or holding centres, sometimes for months, living in extreme poverty, and stuck in limbo for years while their applications are processed.

    From the signing of the European Convention on Human Rights more than 60 years ago to the first tentative steps towards a common asylum system in Dublin in 1990, every piece of EU legislation on asylum and immigration policy has reiterated the continent’s commitment to freedom and justice for all. Indeed when the European Council met to discuss a common asylum system at Tampere in 1999, it was said that to deny those from less free and democratic societies would be to betray Europe’s liberal traditions. But the poor implementation of the current system means Europe is edging toward the betrayal of those traditions, and why a terrified Syrian refugee would rather drown than go back to Greece.

    Greece is a tragic example of where Europe’s common asylum system is failing. Up to November last year 26,000 refugees and irregular migrants entered Greece illegally, with Syrians the largest group after Afghans. Around 90 per cent of all migrants and refugees entering Europe unofficially enter through Greece, which embodies the worst of the differing national asylum and immigration systems across the European Union’s 27 member states. Greece’s system had already collapsed before its financial problems hit. By 2010 the backlog for asylum claims had crept towards 70,000; Médecins Sans Frontières declared the state of immigration holding centres “medieval”; and a quarter of a million undocumented migrants and refugees haunt the city of Athens alone trapped in various states of destitution, unable to leave legally because of the Dublin II regulations.

    Najib tried to escape his Greek nightmare several times. The 25-year-old Afghan made it as far as Germany, where he lived for one year before he was caught and told to leave within 10 days. He went to the Netherlands; they sent him back to Germany, where he spent a month in prison before being deported back to Greece, the country of his first fingerprint. Confined to Athens, Najib contends with daily harassment from the police and Golden Dawn. When a Golden Dawn supporter beat him up, he went to the police, who asked for his ID, and on seeing his temporary residence permit was out of date, jailed him for 10 days.

    I don’t know what happened to the captain who panicked, but others on the boat were forced to go back to the Aegean Sea. Many could not afford to find a safer passage. They drowned when their boat sank killing 60 people on 6 September last year.

    Shaken, Farouk decided to stick to land for the rest of his journey, and hoping for a warmer European reception elsewhere, he crossed the border into Bulgaria.

  • Jordan welcomes ‘big brother’ Turkey’s return to Middle East

    Jordan welcomes ‘big brother’ Turkey’s return to Middle East

    Jordan’s PM welcomes the return of Turkey, which he described as ‘the big brother,’ to the Middle East. ‘Turkey has had a very important comeback,’ he says

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    Jordan’s King Abdullah (C) reviews a guard of honor prior to the opening of the first session of the new Parliament in Amman. ‘We do not look at it [Turkey] as a foreign power trying to find a place in the region. We find it very wise,’ says PM Abdullah Ensour. REUTERS photo

    Serkan Demirtaş

    Believing that a secular and modern Turkey could contribute more to averting sectarian or any other sort of conflicts in the Middle East, the Jordanian prime minister has welcomed the return of Turkey, which he described as a “big brother,” to the Middle East.

    “Turkey has had a very important, very impressive comeback to the Middle East, to where it belongs. We, in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, are very happy that we witnessed the changes in Turkey that brought our big brother to the region,” Jordanian Prime Minister Abdullah Ensour told a group of Turkish journalists visiting the country prior to King Abdullah’s trip to Turkey next week.

    Jordan and Turkey have common problems stemming from the Syrian crisis, which has caused hundreds of Syrians to flee both to its northern and southern neighbors. This has been an especially huge burden for Jordan, who is currently struggling through dire days both economically and politically.

    Given the circumstances, Turkey’s return as a powerful country to the Middle East is welcomed by Jordan, according to its prime minister. “We do not look at it as a foreign power trying to find a place in the region. We find it very wise and strategic look of Turkey,” the Jordanian prime minister said. Referring to ongoing regional conflict and instability, Ensour said Jordan, as a small nation, needed Turkish presence in the region more than anyone else and recalled that the Middle East has always been instable since World War I, which actually ended 300 years of Ottoman rule in the region.

    It was interesting to hear Turkey described as a “big brother” in a rather positive sense from a senior politician of a Middle Eastern country as this is commonly used in defaming Ottoman rule in the region and criticizing neo-Ottomanism moves in modern Turkey.

    “This has been our position ever since. We’ve always had the best relations with Turkey. Every other Arab country has had a change of heart regarding Turkey,” he stressed, without elaborating further.

    When asked what Turkey could do contribute to the region as a big brother, the prime minister replied “You know very well the challenges in the region, especially sectarian conflicts. That’s very bad. You are a laique [secular] country. And therefore the best efforts to prevent this could come from Turkey.”

    Praising the achievements made in Turkey during the rule of President Abdullah Gül and Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan that turned the nation into a powerful country and a good example for regional countries, the prime minister said that Turkey, under the current government, stands as a good example of a modern Islam.

    “We very much welcome this. Look, Islam is being targeted everywhere in the world. What we need is to show them the best practices, the best examples. ‘Hey, hold on’ we should tell them. ‘Look here [in Turkey], Islam could work. Islam could be open, could be clear, could be pacific, could accept others, could be moderate and could not be brutal.’ In this sense, there are so many things Turkey can offer,” he stated.

    Turkish support for refugee crisis

    Making clear that he was following Turkish politics very closely by recalling that three deputied had gone to visit İmralı island as part of the government’s initiative to solve the Kurdish question, Ensour cited the launching of a special TV broadcasting in Kurdish and the openness shown toward Kurds as very important and appraisable moves.

    Trying to survive huge economic problems amid a political reform campaign, Jordan is also trying to deal with a refugee problem that grows every day. There are 4,000 to 5,000 people fleeing Syria every day, crossing the border into Jordan, officials say. As of Feb. 24 the registered number of refugees was 402,000. But according to Ensour, unregistered people bring this number as high as 800,000 to 900,000. “You are the first non-Jordanian journalist ever hearing this figure. This has never been told by a senior Jordanian official,” he said.

    “We need your support as a country that shares with us the Syrian problem to attract special attention [of the international community] on what’s going on in Syria,” Ensour said.

    February/25/2013

    via MIDEAST – Jordan welcomes ‘big brother’ Turkey’s return to Middle East.

    AMMAN – Hürriyet Daily News

     

  • Turkey’s Foray Into the Fertile Crescent

    Turkey’s Foray Into the Fertile Crescent

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    The rebel-controlled Atmeh refugee camp in northern Syria is only yards from the border with Turkey, which provides strong support to the Syrian rebels.

    By SONER CAGAPTAY

    The biggest open secret in Ankara is that Turkey detests Iran, which it sees as undermining its interests in Syria and Iraq. Turkish leaders will not admit this publicly, for their country desperately needs Iranian natural gas and oil to continue its phenomenal economic growth.

    But Ankara increasingly regards both Iraq and Syria as arenas for proxy conflict with Iran; in the former, Turkey backs the Sunni Arabs and Kurds against the central government in Baghdad under Shiite Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki, seen by Turkey as an Iranian puppet; in the latter, Ankara supports the rebels against the Tehran-backed Assad regime.

    Turkey has answered Iran’s challenge by building influence in the northern parts of both Iraq and Syria. This signals the rise of a yet-undeclared Turkish policy in the Middle East: Anticipating the decentralization of post-Assad Syria, and hoping to take advantage of Iraq’s autonomous Kurdish north, Turkey is carving out a cordon sanitaire across the northern Fertile Crescent, building influence in the Kurdish population as well as in large commercial centers such as Aleppo and Mosul.

    When Turkey moved to foster closer ties with its Muslim neighbors about a decade ago, it hoped that such relations would help boost Iraq’s stability and improve political ties with Syria and Iran.

    But the Arab rebellions have rendered these designs obsolete. At first Ankara provided the Assad regime with friendly advice to stop killing civilians. But the Damascus regime refused, and Turkey’s stance flipped in August 2011: Ankara went from being Assad’s friendly neighbor to his chief adversary. Turkey started providing safe haven to the Syrian opposition, and, according to media reports, even arming the rebels.

    This policy has cast Ankara and Tehran, Assad’s patron, as chief rivals in Syria. And this, in turn, has exacerbated competition in Iraq, where Ankara supported Ayad Allawi’s secular Iraqiya bloc in the run-up to the 2010 elections, poisoning relations with Maliki.

    In the aftermath of Maliki’s reelection, Ankara has favored closer contacts among Sunni Arabs and Kurds in northern Iraq. Turkey’s trade volume with northern Iraq has climbed to $8 billion per year compared to only $2 billion with the southern portion of the country, and Ankara is seeking lucrative oil deals with Iraqi Kurds.

    In short, for all practical purposes, northern Iraq has become part of the Turkish sphere of influence. This is especially surprising considering that only a few years ago Turkish hostility toward Iraqi Kurdish leaders seemed ready to boil over into an outright invasion of the area.

    Today, by contrast, Turkish Airlines offers daily flights to Sulaymaniyah and Erbil inside the Kurdistan Regional Government (K.R.G.) in northern Iraq, and Iraqi Kurds take vacations in Antalya, a Turkish resort city on the Mediterranean.

    Mosul, a Sunni-majority province in northern Iraq, is also pivoting toward Ankara. Turkey currently provides safe haven to Tariq al-Hashimi, Iraq’s Sunni vice president, whose arrest warrant has become a rallying cause for many Sunnis. At the same time, historic links between Mosul and Turkey, dating back to the Ottoman Empire, are being resurrected: When I last visited Gaziantep, a city in southern Turkey, my hotel was full of Arab businessmen from Mosul.

    Before the Syrian uprising began, a similar development was taking place in Aleppo, another Fertile Crescent city that enjoyed deep commercial ties with Turkey under the Ottoman Empire.

    Located only 26 miles from the border, Aleppo had become a focal point of Turkish businesses in northern Syria, and there is no doubt that the strong support the Turks have provided to the rebels in northern Syria will increase Turkey’s influence in the city after the end of the Assad regime (it is no accident that the largest contiguous rebel-controlled areas in Syria are around Aleppo).

    The missing part of Turkey’s prospective influence in the northern Fertile Crescent were the Syrian Kurds — until Turkey announced peace talks with the Kurdistan Workers Party (P.K.K.). This group, which has waged a war against Turkey for over three decades, is also known to be the best-organized movement among the Syrian Kurds.

    Ankara hopes that peace talks with the P.K.K. will help heal the bad blood with Syrian Kurds. Indeed, Turkey has reworked its Middle East policy: It now views the Kurds as the foundation of its zone of influence across the northern Fertile Crescent.

    Yet not all is rosy for Turkey. The peace talks with the P.K.K. could go awry, driving P.K.K. rejectionists into the arms of Iran or even Baghdad. There is also an emerging threat in allowing radical fighters into northern Syria. This is a dangerous game, for once the Assad regime falls, Turkey might find itself with a jihadist problem in its newly acquired sphere of influence.

    Soner Cagaptay is director of the Turkish Research Program at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy and the author of “Turkey Rising: 21st Century’s First Muslim Power.”

    A version of this op-ed appeared in print on February 28, 2013, in The International Herald Tribune.
  • Christian Exodus from Syria Raises Hopes for Resurrection in Turkey

    Christian Exodus from Syria Raises Hopes for Resurrection in Turkey

    Christian Exodus from Syria Raises Hopes for Resurrection in Turkey

    Civil war pushes more Christian refugees into nearby Armenia and Turkey.

    Melissa Steffan

    Escalating violence in northern Syria is forcing Christians to flee their homeland and take refuge in nearby regions of Armenia and Turkey.

    The New York Times reports that several hundred Syrian Christian refugees have arrived in Turkey throughout the past few weeks, heading for “the monasteries and towns of Mardin and Midyat in Tur Abdin, an ancient region in southeastern Turkey, less than 50 kilometers, or 30 miles, from the Syrian border that is the historical heartland of the Syriac Orthodox Church.”

    The exodus from Syria is raising hopes of resurrecting the Christian presence in southeastern Turkey, which “is still dotted with Syriac churches like Mor Gabriel, which was founded in the year 397 and is one of the oldest active monasteries in the world today,” reports the Times. “But apart from the monks, very few Syriacs remain.”

    USA Today also reports that an “estimated 7,000 of Syria’s Christian-Armenian community have arrived in Armenia since the start of the uprising.” Christian refugees have headed for Aleppo, which is now the temporary home for nearly 8 in 10 of the Syrian Christians in Armenia.

    CT previously has reported on Syria, including how many Christians backed Assad’s regime and have been working to avert an all-out civil war. CT has also noted the legal troubles of Mor Gabriel.

    CT has also reported on Syriac Christians, who speak Aramaic (the language of Jesus), and “religicide” in the Middle East.

    posted by Melissa Steffan | Comments (0)

    via Christianity Today Gleanings: Christian Exodus from Syria Raises Hopes for Resurrection in Turkey.