Tag: Secularism

  • Democracy, Islam, and Secularism

    Democracy, Islam, and Secularism

    Turkey, as a Muslim-majority country, is the only member of NATO and on
    candidate member of the European Union. Assertive secularism, multiparty
    democracy, and military interventions are other puzzling aspects of
    Turkish politics. With its rising activism in the Middle East, Caucasus,
    and Central Asia, Turkey has also become an influential actor in world
    politics. This conference aims to present an integrated picture of Turkey
    by bringing together comparative perspectives on its past, present, and
    future, and delving into such issues as the legacy of the Ottoman Empire,
    secularism, religion, democracy, civil-military relations, and the
    European Union membership.

    Contact: Ahmet Kuru
    E-mail: ak2840@columbia.edu

    Date: March 6-7, 2009
    Time: 9:00 am to 5:30 pm
    Location: International Affairs Building 1501, Columbia University

    Co-sponsored by Center for the Study of Democracy, Toleration, and
    Religion; Institute for Religion, Culture, and Public Life; and Middle
    East Institute of Columbia University; and Institute for Turkish Studies

    Friday, March 6

    9.00 – 9.30: Coffee and rolls
    9.30 – 9.45: Welcome: Alfred Stepan
    9.45 – 12.45: From the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic
    Chair: Rashid Khalidi (invited)
    Discussant: Richard Bulliet
    Karen Barkey, “Empire and Religious Diversity: The Ottoman Model in
    Contemporary Perspective”
    Sükrü Hanioglu, “The Historical Roots of Kemalism”
    Nur Yalman, “‘The Three Ways of Politics’ Revisited: Whither the People of
    the ‘Sublime State’?”
    12.45 – 2.30: Lunch
    2.30 – 5.30: Religion, Religious Parties, and Democracy
    Chair: David Cuthell
    Discussant: Mirjam Kunkler
    Alfred Stepan, “Variations of Laïcité: Comparing Turkey, France, and Senegal”
    Stathis Kalyvas, “Does Christian Democratic Experience Travel in the
    non-Christian World?”
    5.30: Reception

    Saturday, March 7

    9.00 – 9.30: Coffee and rolls
    9.30 – 12.30: The AKP Government and the Military
    Chair and discussant: Alfred Stepan
    Ümit Cizre, “Society as the Battleground for Hegemony: Secular Military
    and the AKP”
    Ahmet Kuru, “Politicized Military and the Consolidation of Democracy in
    Turkey”
    12.30 – 2.30: Lunch
    2.30 – 5.30: Politics of the Future: European Union, Constitution, and
    Democratization
    Chair and discussant: Joan Scott
    Joost Lagendijk, “Turkey’s Membership to the European Union: Perceptions
    and Processes”
    Andrew Arato, “Legality and Legitimacy in the Making of a New Turkish
    Constitution”
    Ergun Özbudun, “Turkish Democracy in Constitutional Crisis”

    Short Bios

    Andrew Arato is Dorothy Hirshon Professor of Political and Social Theory
    at the New School for Social Research. He is the author of Civil Society,
    Constitution, and Legitimacy and Constitution Making under Occupation: The
    Politics of Imposed Revolution in Iraq, and co-author of Civil Society and
    Political Theory.

    Karen Barkey is Professor of Sociology at Columbia University. She is the
    author of Empire of Difference: The Ottomans in Comparative Perspective
    and co-editor of After Empire: Multiethnic Societies and Nation-Building,
    the Soviet Union and the Russian, Ottoman, and Habsburg Empires.

    Richard Bulliet is Professor of History at Columbia University. He is the
    author of The Case for Islamo-Christian Civilization, the editor The
    Columbia History of the Twentieth Century, and the co-editor of The
    Encyclopedia of the Modern Middle East.

    Ümit Cizre is Professor of Political Science at Bilkent University,
    Turkey. She is the author of The Politics of the Powerful (in Turkish) and
    the editor of Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey: The Making of the
    Justice and Development Party and Almanac Turkey 2005: Security Sector and
    Democratic Oversight.

    David Cuthell is the Executive Director of the Institute of Turkish
    Studies in Washington D.C. He also teaches Turkish politics as Visiting
    Adjunct Professor at Columbia University and Georgetown University.

    Nilüfer Göle is Professor of Sociology at Ecoles des Hautes Etudes en
    Sciences Sociales, France. She is the author of The Forbidden Modern:
    Civilization and Veiling and Interpenetrations: Islam and Europe (in
    French).

    Sükrü Hanioglu is Professor and the Chair of Near Eastern Studies at
    Princeton University. He is the author of Brief History of the Late
    Ottoman Empire, Preparation for a Revolution: The Young Turks, 1902-1908,
    and Young Turks in Opposition.

    Stathis Kalyvas is Arnold Wolfers Professor of Political Science and
    Director of the Program on Order, Conflict, and Violence at Yale
    University. He is the author of The Logic of Violence in Civil War and The
    Rise of Christian Democracy in Europe.

    Rashid Khalidi is Edward Said Professor of Arab Studies at Columbia
    University. He is the author of The Iron Cage: The Story of the
    Palestinian Struggle for Statehood and Resurrecting Empire: Western
    Footprints and America’s Perilous Path in the Middle East.

    Mirjam Künkler is Assistant Professor of Near Eastern Studies at Princeton
    University. She is the co-editor of Comparative Study of the Role of
    Religious Institutions in Democratic Transition and Consolidation
    Processes (in German)

    Ahmet Kuru is Postdoctoral Fellow at the Center for the Study of
    Democracy, Toleration, and Religion at Columbia University and Assistant
    Professor of Political Science at San Diego State University. He is the
    author of Secularism and State Policies toward Religion: The United
    States, France, and Turkey.

    Joost Lagendijk is a Dutch politician from Green Left. He is a Member of
    the European Parliament and its Committee on Foreign Affairs. He is also
    the Chairman of the Delegation to the European Union – Turkey Joint
    Parliamentary Committee.

    Ergun Özbudun is Professor of Law at Bilkent University, Turkey. He is the
    author of Contemporary Turkish Politics: Challenges to Democratic
    Consolidation and the co-editor of Atatürk: Founder of a Modern State. He
    recently chaired the academic committee to draft a new constitution for
    Turkey.

    Joan Scott is Harold F. Linder Professor at the School of Social Science
    in the Institute for Advanced Study. She is the author of Only Paradoxes
    to Offer: French Feminists and the Rights of Man, Parité: Sexual Equality
    and the Crisis of French Universalism, and The Politics of the Veil.

    Alfred Stepan, Wallace Sayre Professor of Government, director of Center
    for the Study of Democracy, Toleration, and Religion, and co-director of
    the Institute for Religion, Culture, and Public Life at Columbia
    University. He is the author of Arguing Comparative Politics and the
    co-author of Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation.

    Nur Yalman is Professor of Anthropology at Harvard University. He is the
    author of Under the Bo Tree and “Some Observations on Secularism in Islam:
    The Cultural Revolution in Turkey,” Daedalus, and co-author of A Passage
    to Peace: Global Solutions from East and West.

    Link:

  • Archbishop joins criticism of BBC refusal to screen Gaza appeal

    Archbishop joins criticism of BBC refusal to screen Gaza appeal

    Corporation receives 11,000 complaints and 50 MPs plan to back motion calling on BBC to change its mind over aid film

    Protesters demonstrate outside the BBC's Broadcasting House. Photograph: Andy Rain/EPA

    The Archbishop of Canterbury today added to criticism of the BBC over its refusal to broadcast a charity appeal for aid to Gaza.

    He spoke as it emerged the BBC had received some 11,000 complaints and more than 50 MPs planned to back a parliamentary motion urging the corporation to reverse its decision not to broadcast tomorrow’s appeal by the Disasters Emergency Committee (DEC).

     

    The early day motion to be tabled tomorrow by Labour’s Richard Burden has received the support of 51 MPs from across the Commons; ministers and some senior BBC staff have also called for the BBC to change its mind. The corporation today admitted it had received “approximately” 1,000 telephone complaints about the decision and a further 10,000 by email.

     

    Meanwhile, adding his voice to the calls for a U-turn while speaking after a church service in Cambridge, the Right Rev Rowan Williams said: “My feeling is that the BBC should broadcast an appeal.”

     

    But despite the increasing pressure, a BBC spokesman today said the situation remained unchanged.

     

    Mark Thompson, the BBC director general, has been left isolated as ITV and Channel 4 agreed to air the plea for aid.

     

    The BBC has decided that broadcasting the appeal might be seen as evidence of bias on a highly sensitive political issue.

     

    The culture secretary, Andy Burnham, said it was right that broadcasters made their own decisions, adding that the BBC faced a difficult choice because of the way it is funded.

    The communities secretary, Hazel Blears, said she hoped the BBC would “urgently review its decision”, and the Scottish first minister, Alex Salmond, said the corporation had made the “wrong decision”.

    Yesterday, the Archbishop of York, the John Sentamu, accused the broadcaster of “taking sides” and said: “This is not a row about impartiality, but rather about humanity.

     

    “This situation is akin to that of British military hospitals who treat prisoners of war as a result of their duty under the Geneva convention,” he added.

    “They do so because they identify need rather than cause. This is not an appeal by Hamas asking for arms, but by the Disasters Emergency Committee asking for relief.

    “By declining their request, the BBC has already taken sides and forsaken impartiality.”

    Thompson received backing from the BBC Trust’s chairman, Sir Michael Lyons. He said he was “concerned” about the tone of some politicians’ comments on the issue, which he said came close to “undue interference” in the BBC’s editorial independence.

    The BBC’s unrepentant stance has stirred up rebellion in the ranks of it own reporters and editors. One senior BBC news presenter told the Observer: “I’ve been talking to colleagues, and everyone here is absolutely seething about this.

    “The notion that the decision to ban the appeal will seem impartial to the public at large is quite absurd.

    “Most of us feel that the BBC’s defence of its position is pathetic, and there’s a feeling of real anger, made worse by the fact that, contractually, we are unable to speak out.”

    Jon Snow, the journalist who presents Channel 4 news, said the BBC should have been prepared to accept the judgment of the aid experts of the DEC.

    “It is a ludicrous decision,” he said. “That is what public service broadcasting is for. I think it was a decision founded on complete ignorance and I am absolutely amazed they have stuck to it.”

    Snow said he suspected a BBC bureaucrat had “panicked” and urged Thompson to put the situation right.

    Martin Bell, the former BBC foreign correspondent, said the corporation should admit it had made a mistake and claimed “a culture of timidity had crept” in.

    “I am completely appalled,” he said. “It is a grave humanitarian crisis and the people who are suffering are children. They have been caught out on this question of balance.”

    But Greg Dyke, Thompson’s predecessor as director general, said the issue had put the BBC in a “no win situation”.

    “Outside of Iraq, the single biggest issue that caused complaints was the coverage of Israel,” he added. “I can understand why the BBC has taken this decision, because on a subject as sensitive as the Middle East it is absolutely essential that the audience cannot see any evidence at all of a bias.”

    The BBC also faces demands for an explanation from within the ­Commons international development select committee.

    Andrew Mitchell, the shadow international development secretary, said: “We believe that they should allow the broadcast to proceed so that the British public, who have proved themselves so generous during recent emergencies in the Congo and Burma, can make their own judgment on the validity of the appeal.”

    The satellite broadcaster Sky said it was “considering” broadcasting the appeal.

    A BBC spokesman said: “We do accept that people are strongly guided in their view on this by the humanitarian emergency.

    “We are highlighting the situation in Gaza in every news bulletin, and that is one of the reasons the issue is so high on the agenda.”

    Guardian

  • A Firebell in the Night: The Prospect of Turkey’s Membership Sounds the Knell for the European Union

    A Firebell in the Night: The Prospect of Turkey’s Membership Sounds the Knell for the European Union

    This column first appeared at PoliGazette.

    A Firebell in the Night: The Prospect of Turkey’s Membership Sounds the Knell for the European Union
    By Robert Ellis

    Thomas Jefferson, in a memorable letter written in 1820, considered the issue of slavery “a firebell in the night” which would toll the knell of the Union. It is with the same sense of foreboding that some of us today consider the issue of Turkey’s membership of the European Union.

    In the winter issue of the Middle East Quarterly, which deals with Turkey’s Islamist danger, Bassam Tibi concludes: “Western politicians, scholars, and opinion makers barely understand what is going on inTurkey”. This view is borne out by, for example, Condoleeza Rice’s statement in May 2007 that the AKP (Justice and Development Party) government is “a government dedicated to pulling Turkey west towardEurope” and last March the Swedish foreign minister, Carl Bildt, declared: “The AKP government is made up of profound European reformers”.

    Turkey’s long road towards EU membership began with associate status in 1963 and it was not until the EU summit in Helsinki in 1999 that its candidacy was recognized. Beginning in 2001 under the premiership ofBülent Ecevit, Turkey embarked on a series of reforms to get the green light from the EU to start accession negotiations. These reforms included a revision of the civil and penal codes, a dilution of the role of the military and greater freedom to use Kurdish in the public sphere.

    Despite the fact that these reforms for the most part existed on paper, in October 2004 the EU Commission found that Turkey had “sufficiently” fulfilled the political crtiteria for membership and recommended that negotiations be opened. In October 2005 negotiations were formally opened, after a great deal of wrangling over the recognition of (Greek) Cyprus, which became a member together with nine other states in May 2004.

    However, in starting negotiations the EU left the back door open, concluding that “if Turkey is not in a position to assume in full all the obligations of membership, it must be ensured that Turkey is fully anchored in the European structures through the strongest possible bond.” Since then, the enthusiasm forTurkey’s membership has waned considerably on both sides.

    The UK, which played a major role in brokering the start of entry talks, has under US tutelage always been an active proponent of Turkish membership. So much so that when Turkey’s Constitutional Court last July decided not to ban the AKP, the British foreign secretary, David Miliband, declared it was “a cause for celebration”.

    It is the same Miliband, who in´a keynote speech in Bruges in November 2007 outlined his vision forEurope in 2030. He is clearly delusional when he speaks of a European Union that would ultimately include the countries of the Mahgreb, the Middle East and Eastern Europe. In his own words: “The goal must be a multi-lateral free-trade zone around our periphery …. not as an alternative to membership but potentially as as step toward it.”

    A community of values

    Quite apart from the formal criteria for EU membership, it has been repeatedly stressed that the Union is a community of values. After the start of entry talks the British foreign secretary, Jack Straw, rejoiced: “It means we have a Europe based on values, not history”, and earlier Olli Rehn, the EU’s enlargement commissioner, explained that Europe was defined by values, not borders. However, in the light of Turkey’s development since the AKP came to power in 2002, it can be argued Turkey is no longer eligible.

    A blueprint for dismantling the secular republic established by Mustafa Kemal in 1923 was put forward by Omer Dincer, Prime Minister Erdogan’s former undersecretary, at a symposium held in Sivas in 1995. Two years earlier 37 people, most of them participants in an Alevi cultural festival, were killed in a hotel fire, when the hotel was burned down by a raging mob of Islamic fundamentalists.

    At the symposium Omer stated: “I believe that the republican regime in Turkey should be replaced by a more participatory one, and the principle of secularism should be replaced with integration with Islam. Therefore I believe that it’s time, and absolutely necessary, to replace all the fundamental principles outlined at the start of the Turkish Republic, such as secularism, republicanism and nationalism, with a structure that is more participatory, more decentralized and more Muslim.”

    The same year Abdullah Gül, deputy leader of the Islamic Welfare Party (banned in 1998) and now Turkey’s president, was more succinct in an interview with The Guardian. “This is the end of the republican period,” he stated. “If 60 percent of Ankara’s´population is living in shacks, then the secular system has failed and we want to change it. “

    And this is precisely what these “reformed post-Islamists” (Olli Rehn’s term) have set out to do, despite the fact that the preamble to the Turkish constitution stipulates: “there shall be no interference whatsoever by sacred religious feelings in state affairs and politics”.

    Anti-secular activities

    Last July Turkey’s Constitutional Court found by 10 votes to one that the AKP was “a focal point of anti-secular activities” but instead of closing the party decided to halve its Treasury funding. In its indictment the Court paid close attention to controversial statements made by party members, but there is ample evidence of the reorientation of Turkish society in the last six years.

    Since coming to power, the AKP has made systematic and sustained efforts to replace the top echelons of the state administration, the education system and the judiciary with its own followers. Two years ago an attempt to appoint the general manager of  Albaraka Turk, an Islamic bank, as governor of the central bank, was vetoed by President Ahmet Necdet Sezer, a staunch secularist, as “inappropriate” but the AKP has otherwise placed its own candidates in key positions.

    The autonomy of independent administrative authorities such as the Energy Market Regulatory Authority (EPDK) and the Capital Markets Board (SPK) has also been eroded. For example, the EPDK awarded an oil refinery construction permit to the Calik Group, where Prime Minister Erdogan’s son-in-law is the general manager, and not a prior applicant, Petrol Ofisi. Petrol Ofisi is owned by Aydin Dogan, who is also the owner of the Dogan Media Group, the Prime Minister’s outspoken opponent.

    The sale of the Sabah-ATV media group, Turkey’s second largest, also to the Calik Group, was facilitated by the Savings Deposit Insurance Fund (TMSF), which is staffed by AKP appointees, and was for the most part financed by a loan from two state banks, also managed by AKP appointees.

    The new head of the Higher Education Board (YÖK), Yusuf Ziya Özcan, was handpicked, which together with a pliable president makes it possible to overrule the universities’ own choice of candidate as rector.

    Furthermore, the president of the Supreme Board of Radio and Television (RTÜK), Zahid Akman, is embroiled in a scandal which could overwhelm the government. In September the three Turkish directors of a charitable foundation in Germany, Deniz Feneri (Lighthouse), were found guilty of siphoning off €14.5 million ($20.6 million) and transferring the funds to business associates in Turkey, including Kanal 7, the Islamist tv channel.

    The operation is believed to have been directed from Turkey and Zahid Akman was named as a courier. However, although four months have elapsed, no steps have been taken to require the documents fromGermany and to launch an investigation in Turkey. In addition, a recent law requires the prime minister’s consent into any investigation into an RTÜK president.

    The general elections of 2002 and 2007 provided for the establishment of the AKP’s political power but it was the Public Procurement Laws of 2003 and 2008 which have made possible a transfer of resources to the new elite. According to the first amendment energy, water, transportation and telecommunications contracts are exempt from the law and new amendments have made the awarding of public contracts even less opaque.

    There have been a number of land and tender scandals involving members of the AKP, but as acerbic columnist Burak Bekdil has pointed out: “Corruption is an ideology-free disease.” For example, almost 100 municipal employees, including two district mayors from the CHP, the opposition party, were recently detained in a corruption and bribery operation in Izmir province.

    Neighbourhood pressure

    Two years ago Professor Serif Mardin, the eminent Turkish sociologist, coined the phrase “neighbourhood pressure” to explain the social pressure to conform to conservative religious norms. Last month a controversial study, “Being different in Turkey”, published by the Open Society Institute and BosphorusUniversity, in fact confirms that the non-devout and secularists in Turkey feel under pressure to confirm to the social norms and standards promoted by the AKP.

    Among the examples given are pressure to attend Friday prayers and fast during Ramadan and to have their wives wear a headscarf in order to protect their businesses and their jobs. When Tayyip Erdogan was mayor of Istanbul 15 years ago alcohol was banned at municipal facilities but now in 56 of Turkey’s 81 provinces alcohol is not served in municipal or private restaurants or clubs. During Ramadan last September anAnkara shop owner was beaten by municipal police for selling alcohol.

    In November 2005 the European Court of Human Rights upheld the ban on the wearing of the Islamic headscarf at Turkish universities and underlined: “Pluralism, tolerance and broadmindedness are hallmarks of a democratic society.” Prime Minister Erdogan contested this view and stated that it was only Islamic scholars (‘ulema’) who had the right to speak on this issue.

    Egemen Bagis, AKP deputy for Istanbul and close associate of Tayyip Erdogan, has just been appointed chief EU negotiator in an attempt to revive Turkey’s flagging hopes of membership. It was this gentleman who in an op-ed piece in the LA Times, “My party is good for Turkey”, last March claimed: “We are only upgrading the country’s democratic standards.”

    Unfortunately there are a number of European and American politicians and opinion makers who are prepared to indulge this Alice in Wonderland fantasy. Therefore it would be prudent to heed Bassam Tibi’s warning: “Through its support for institutional Islamism in Turkey, the West loses its true friends: liberal Muslims.”

    Robert Ellis is a regular commentator on Turkish affairs in the Danish press and was also a frequent contributor to the Turkish Daily News.

  • WORLD TRIBUNE:  Turkey military reports major gains against terror

    WORLD TRIBUNE: Turkey military reports major gains against terror

    WORLD TRIBUNE:  Turkey military reports major gains against terror

    ANKARA — The Turkey military has determined that the Kurdish insurgency was heading for a breakdown. Turkish Chief of Staff Gen. Ilker Basbug said the Kurdish Workers Party, or PKK, has been severely harmed by a Turkish military offensive over the last year. Basbug, who assumed his new post in August 2008, said the PKK has sustained hundreds of casualties in 2008 in Turkish air and ground operations.  “The PKK is moving towards the breaking point now,” Basbug told a briefing on Sept. 16. “I do not say they are at the breaking point. How can we benefit from this? If we can succeed in it, then we can reach at breaking point.” Officials said the Turkish military has urged the government of Prime Minister Recep Erdogan to extend permission for the campaign against the PKK in northern Iraq. Parliament has approved Turkish military operations in Iraq until Oct. 17. [link]

    JAMESTOWNTGS still the ultimate guardian of secularism in Turkey, Basbug insists

    The Turkish military is as committed as ever to defending the principle of secularism enshrined in the country’s constitution but will resist attempts to be dragged into party politics, General Ilker Basbug, the new chief of the Turkish General Staff (TGS), told journalists in Ankara earlier this week (NTV, CNNTurk, September 17). Basbug was speaking during the second of what the military called “Communication Meetings.” On September 16 Basbug met for three and a half hours with leading Ankara-based members of the domestic and foreign print media. On September 17 he held a similar three-and-a-half-hour meeting with representatives of radio and television channels. [link]