Turkey: PKK Should Consider Ceasefire – Leader
July 2, 2010
Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) leader Abdullah Ocalan said the group’s militants should consider a ceasefire with Turkey following Turkish bombings of PKK areas in northern Iraq, AFP reported July 2. Ocalan said he hopes to resolve the PKK’s conflict with Turkey through democratic channels, rather than through the escalation of violence and internal strife. The Kurds would comply with a ceasefire, should Turkey develop a process of nonviolence, Ocalan said.

PKK ye silahlari kim veriyormus

Olaf Palme assassination PKK subcontracting and guns guns guns

Right after the (Olaf Palme) assassination, a British consultant and

MI6 operative, apparently Gordievsky, had gone to Stockholm, and told

publisher and owner of a private intelligence company Ebbe Carlsson,

and the two Sapo officers, who had bugged the KGB residency on the

night of Palme’s assassination on the instruction of the CIA Stockholm

station chief Jenonne Walker, that the Iranians had arranged for the

PKK to kill the statsminister because of his stoppage of weapons

shipments, starting in November 1985. (Jesus Alcala, “Polisen ville

tro pa PKK-sparet,” Dagens Nyheter, Feb. 28, 1996) MI6, knowing now

the safety in numbers, had the same operative, it seems, tell his

friend Karl-Gunnar Back, the Swedish Chairman of Civil Defence, that

mercenary Craig Williamson had arranged the assassination hit-team,

Koevoet/COIN, for disgrunted groups within the Swedish and South

African security services (Operation Longreach). (Roger Magnegard and

Mari Sandstrom, “Sydafrika planlade mordet,” Svensk Dagbladet, May 27,

1987, p. 7.)

source:

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PKK ye silahlari kim veriyormus

Marksist PKK ye silah satisini bir tek İşçi Partisi hem de on sene

evveliben biliyor. Neden acaba? Aslinda haberin icinde ismi gecen

aktorlere bakinca bu tur islere bulasik olduklarini anliyoruz. Ancak

operasyonel tiyatrolari biraz farkli. Bu basin toplantisi ve kapak

haberi aslinda sasirtmaca. Olayin icindekiler Aydinlik gurubundakiler

tarafindan cok iyi biliniyor. Her kara haberci gibi “Devletin en

yüksek kurumları” lafi arada ama isimlendirilmiyor. Bir kolu

uyusturucu mafyasinda, bir kolu mason locasinda, silahlar alinip

veriliyor. Italya’dan Portekiz’den patlayicilar teroristlere teslim

ediliyor. Bunlari da bir tek Silivri ahalisi bilebiliyor. Susurluk

nasil ortuldu biraz daha arastirin bakalim. Bu ortulus kime yaradi

aktorleri kimlerdi?

Gelelim yazinin yapici kismina Turk halki adina Turk halkinin kaderini

cizmek isteyen devrimci kisvesi altindaki kisi ve kuruluslar tasviye

yolunda.Ciyak ciyak otmeleri bundan. Olayi PKK yi bitirmeye indirmek

istiyenler OHAL destekcileri  besleyip beslendikleri emme basma

tulumba gibi calistirdiklari duzenin sonuna gelindigini elbette

goruyorlar ama yigitlige cokella surdurmuyorlar.

Olacak nedir?

72 milyon icin Devlet, Ordu, iktidar ve muhalefet bir araya gelecek.

Kimle gerekiyorsa onla gorusecek ve bu isin onu oyle alinacak sonu

oyle gelecek. Gelinen noktada kendini acz icinde gormemesi gereken

buyuk bir Devlet var. Cetin Altan’in dedigi gibi ulusal “ensemizi

karartmayalim.”

EA

“Devletin en yüksek kurumları, Susurluk’la ortaya çıkan özel örgüt’ün

PKK’ye silah sattığını saptadı. Özel örgüt’ün silah ticareti ile

ilgilenen görevlileri isim isim belirlendi. PKK’ye silah satış

faaliyetinin başında CIA-MOSSAD ekibi bulunuyor. Soruşturma devam

ediyor…Soruşturmanın dayandığı istihbarat raporlarına göre,

başlangıçta örgüt, Suriye devletine de silah satıyor. Bu silahların

PKK’ye gittiği ortaya çıkınca ilişkiyi perdelemek için diğer kanallar

kullanılıyor. Silah ticaretine aracılık yapanlar arasında MED TV’nin

finansörleri de bulunuyor. Bunlar için “eroin ve silah

tüccarları…PKK’ye ve çeşitli bölge ülkelerine silah satışını

planlayan ve koordine eden ekibin başındaki kişi emekli Amerikalı

General Harry “Heinie” Aderholt[1], General Richard Secord[2] ve Albay

Tom McGravey. Söz konusu ekip, MOSSAD şeflerinden David Kimche[3] ile

birlikte çalışıyor… Susurluk olayıyla ortaya çıkan özel örgüt’ün,

PKK ile silah ve uyuşturucu ticareti yaptığı artık devlet belgelerine

geçmiş bulunuyor.”

Doğu PERİNÇEK’in yardımcısı, İşçi Partisi Genel Başkan Vekili Hasan YALÇIN

3 Aralık 1998 tarihinde İP Genel Merkezi’nde yapilan basın toplantısı

ve Aydınlık gazetesi 6 Aralık 1998 tarihli ve 594 sayılı kapak haberi.

[1] Harry C. Aderholt (1920 – Mayis 20, 2010)

Olum haberinden “…Aderholt, known as “Air Commando One” by friends

and those who served with him, worked through the CIA and the Air

Force to form what was originally known as the First Air Commando

Wing. In the 1960s, he conceived and directed a unit of Air Commandos

who waged an unconventional war against the North Vietnamese. It often

was fought from locations in Laos, where United States leaders denied

soldiers were deployed. “He’s probably one of the greatest leaders of

unconventional warfare,” said Chuck Keeler, current president of the

Air Commando Association.

In October 1973, nearly a year after retiring as a colonel, Aderholt

was recalled to active duty and promoted to brigadier general. His job

was to negotiate the withdrawal of American troops from Vietnam, said

close friend Dick Geron.”

[2] Major General Richard V. Secord, Retired, was a United States Air

Force officer convicted for his involvement with the Iran-Contra

scandal. He was born in LaRue, Ohio in 1932. He graduated from West

Point in 1955 and was then commissioned in the USAF. He was President

of Stanford Technology Trading Group Intl., also known as the

“Enterprise”, a company involved with arms sales to Iran during the

Reagan presidency. Richard Secord was involved in the Secret War in

Laos during the Second Indochina War. At the time he was stationed in

Thailand as deputy air wing commander and provided Hmong military

leader, and Royal Lao Army Major General, Vang Pao with tactical air

support. Ron Rickenbach, a former USAID official who served at the

time, made an unsubstantiated allegation that Vang Pao occasionally

used these aircraft to transport opium

[3] The name David Kimche became vaguely familiar to Americans who

followed the Iran-Contra scandal, yet few now can recall exactly what

role he played.

David Kimche: Israel’s Leading Spy and Would-Be Mossad Chief By Leon T. Hadar

========================================================

June 25, 2010

By Charles Recknagel

Before the March 7 parliamentary elections in Iraq, there was no question of who dominated politics in mixed-population Kirkuk — it was the two main political factions in the neighboring Kurdish autonomous region.

But as the vote count from Kirkuk city and its surrounding Tamin Province neared its conclusion, it was clear that the political landscape was changing dramatically.

The secular Al-Iraqiyah coalition and the Kurdistan Alliance appeared to be in a virtual tie, with the balance between them shifting by only wafer-thin differences as the vote tally rose.

If the current balance stood, it would mean that the divided province’s Turkoman and Arab populations would have a much louder political voice than before. That, in turn, could complicate Kurdish hopes of one day incorporating oil-rich Kirkuk into their autonomous region.

Turkoman politicians in Kirkuk make no secret of the fact that they competed in the parliamentary contest precisely with that goal in mind.

United Against Kurdish Ambitions

Hicran Kazanci head of the foreign relations department of the Iraqi Turkoman Front, tells RFE/RL’s Turkmen Service that Turkoman candidates enlisted in a variety of coalitions for the March 7 race.

But he says they all agree on one thing: “Despite the fact the Turkomans went into the election with different coalitions, on major and essential subjects they are united,” Kazanci says. “For example, about the future status of Kirkuk, all of them are united in opposition toward annexing Kirkuk into any federation. And they are united in making Turkoman one of Iraq’s official languages.”

A map Iraq’s ethnic makeupTurkoman and Arab politicians made up the vast bulk of Al-Iraqiyah’s candidates in the local race, coming for the first time under a single political umbrella in the divided province. That is in sharp contrast to much of Kirkuk’s recent history, where the three main population groups — Kurdish, Turkoman, and Arab — have all competed against each other.

In the years immediately following the United States’ toppling of Saddam Hussein, both Turkomans and Arabs boycotted attempts to form a provincial government. They expressed anger over what they said were Kurdish efforts to appropriate the province de facto after moving Kurdish peshmerga fighters into the area to support the U.S. invasion.

The Turkomans and Arabs only agreed to take part in the running of the province after a power-sharing deal in 2008. Under that deal, the provincial governor is a Kurd while his two deputies are an Arab and a Turkoman.

But Kirkuk’s provincial parliament is still disputed after Arabs and Turkomans largely stayed away from the first election in 2005, handing the Kurds a majority. The Iraqi government excluded Tamin Province from the January 2009 provincial elections due to fears of sparking sectarian unrest.

Given this background, the fact that this month’s elections for deputies to the national parliament went peacefully in Tamin Province is a major surprise. To ensure security, the Iraqi police fielded 56 mobile patrols in Kirkuk city on election day, while Kurdish peshmerga also spread out less obtrusively across the provincial capital.

Simira Balay, a correspondent for RFE/RL’s Radio Free Iraq, said the Kurdish coalition was caught unaware by the election results, after it “had expected to dominate the election, but it seems the Kurdish vote split among a number of Kurdish parties, including Goran.” She noted that the Kurdish bloc was “neck and neck with the Iraqiyah list, which got most of the Turkoman and Arab vote.”

The Kurdish coalition comprises the Kurdistan Democratic Party and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. Goran, a recently created Kurdish opposition party, scored well in recent elections by running on an anticorruption platform.

Resolving Kirkuk Issue

In the aftermath of the elections, Kurdish political leaders — like their Turkoman counterparts — are stressing unity in their position over Kirkuk.

The Kurds see the city as the natural and historic capital of the Kurdish region in northern Iraq. And they insist upon holding a referendum in the province to determine its future status.

“The issue of Kirkuk is [already] in the Iraqi political arena to be solved in accordance with Article 140 of the Iraqi Constitution,” says Rizgar Ali, the Kurdish head of Kirkuk’s provincial council.

Major steps under Article 140 include resolving property disputes created by Hussein’s policy of “Arabizing” Kirkuk, the holding of a census and conducting a referendum to decide the province’s future status.

To date, progress on all these steps has been painfully slow. Most property disputes remain unresolved and unrest in northern Iraq has prevented a census. The referendum, originally planned for no later than the end of 2007, has slipped accordingly.

That limbo is unacceptable to the Kurds, who are sure to use their full representation in the Baghdad parliament, including deputies from the Kurdish region, to continue to press for swift implementation of Article 140.

But it is likely that both the Turkomans and Arabs will use their new voice in the federal legislature to try to subject Article 140 to further negotiation.

According to Rakan Said, the Arab deputy governor of Kirkuk, the election results “laid the ground for dialogue.” He adds that now there are “two parties to the issue of Kirkuk: one is Al-Iraqiyah and the other is the Kurdish coalition. So the platform [for dialogue] has become clear and without interference.”

New Political Landscape

Al-Iraqiyah, headed by former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi, ran on a nonsectarian, nationalist platform. Its success on the national level as a joint front-runner with Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki’s State of Law coalition has appeared to realign Iraqi politics by relegating sectarian- and ethnic-based parties to the background.

As the vote count neared its end and with challenges to a final tally continuing, the Shi’ite religious parties’ Iraqi National Alliance were in third place and the Kurdistan Alliance in fourth. Still, Iraqi parliamentary politics is all about making coalitions and in the past the Kurds have proved adept at playing the role of kingmakers.

Whether the Kurdish parties can continue to do so now, or are relegated to a less prominent role, will directly affect Kirkuk’s eventual status. The Kurds want it to be part of Iraqi Kurdistan. And the newly empowered Kirkuk Turkoman-Arab bloc is just as determined to play the spoiler.

Kurds, Arabs, and Turkomans all claim the province around Kirkuk based on a long historical presence in the area.

The Turkic-speaking Turkomans, who claim to be the second-largest group in northern Iraq after the Kurds, trace their presence to the time of the Seljuk Empire, when migrating Turkic tribes conquered a vast expanse of territory stretching from modern Iran to Turkey.

Muhammad Tahir of RFE/RL’s Turkmen Service contributed to this report

Posted by M.A.M at 10:38 AM

June 25, 2010
Teyrebazen | DEPARTMENT OF STATE Public Notice 6057
The Kurdish Freedom Hawks[1], a separatist group, claimed
responsibility for a bomb attack on a military bus in Turkey’s largest
city of Istanbul that killed five people on Tuesday

DEPARTMENT OF STATE
[Public Notice 6057]
Determination Pursuant to Section 1(b) of Executive Order 13224
Relating to the Designation of the Teyrebazen Azadiya Kurdistan aka
TAK aka Kurdistan Freedom Hawks aka The Freedom Hawks of Kurdistan
Acting under the authority of and in accordance with section 1(b) of
Executive Order 13224 of September 23, 2001, as amended by Executive
Order 13268 of July 2, 2002, and Executive Order 13284 of January 23,
2003, I hereby determine that the organization known as Teyrebazen
Azadiya Kurdistan (aka TAK, aka Kurdistan Freedom Hawks, aka The
Freedom Hawks of Kurdistan) has committed, or poses a significant risk
of committing, acts of terrorism that threaten the security of U.S.
nationals or the national security, foreign policy, or economy of the
United States.

Consistent with the determination in section 10 of Executive Order
13224 that ”prior notice to persons determined to be subject to the
Order who might have a constitutional presence in the United States
would render ineffectual the blocking and other measures authorized in
the Order because of the ability to transfer funds instantaneously,”
I determine that no prior notice needs to
be provided to any person subject to this determination who might have
a constitutional presence in the United States, because to do so would
render ineffectual the measures authorized in the Order.
This notice shall be published in the Federal Register.
Condoleezza Rice,
Secretary of State, Department of State.
[FR Doc. E8-274 Filed 1-9-08; 8:45 am]
BILLING CODE 4710-10-P

[1]Teyrebazen Azadiya Kurdistan, or TAK, carried out its first attacks
in 2004. The early bombings were largely small and non-lethal, but
from 2005 onwards TAK launched more deadly attacks. In July that year
it bombed a minibus in the western Turkish holiday resort of Kusadasi,
killing at least five people including a British woman and an Irish
woman.

In January 2008 the United States said it had designated the TAK as a
terrorist group, subjecting it to U.S. financial sanctions.

Although little is known about the TAK, the group is believed to have
links with the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), the main separatist
group operating in mainly Kurdish southeast Turkey. The PKK, founded
by Abdullah Ocalan in 1974, had taken up arms against Turkey in 1984
with the aim of creating an ethnic homeland in the southeast. Nearly
40,000 people have been killed in the resulting conflict since then.
The TAK has deliberately attacked Turkish and foreign civilians. The
geographical spread of TAK attacks also suggests that its members live
in Kurdish migrant communities in western Turkey and in Istanbul,
rather than in the Kurdish heartlands of the southeast that were the
focus of PKK actions.

AIMS: It claims to oppose Turkey’s “false policies on the Kurdish
issue”, and to be seeking revenge for the deaths of Kurds at the hands
of the Turkish government.

SOME ATTACKS:

Six people were wounded, one seriously, after a bomb exploded at a
supermarket in Istanbul in February 2006. The TAK claimed
responsibility for the blast and pledged more attacks.

Three people were killed and 87 injured in a blast in Antalya,
southern Turkey in August 2006. The TAK claimed responsibility.

In August 2008 the group claimed responsibility for bomb attacks in
the Turkish coastal cities of Mersin and Izmir. A suspected suicide
bomber detonated a bomb in his car near Mersin, killing himself and
wounding 12 police officers. Two days later 16 people were wounded,
including eight police and three soldiers, in a car bomb which ripped
through a minibus in Izmir.