Tag: minorities

  • Turkey to Return Seized Property to Religious Minorities

    Turkey to Return Seized Property to Religious Minorities

    By SEBNEM ARSU

    ANKARA, Turkey — The Turkish government said it would return hundreds of properties that were confiscated from religious minorities by the state or other parties over the years since 1936, and would pay compensation for properties that were seized and later sold.

    Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan made the announcement on Sunday to representatives of more than 150 Christian and Jewish trusts gathered at a dinner he hosted in Istanbul to break the day’s Ramadan fast. The government decree to return the properties, bypassing nationalist opposition in Parliament, was issued late Saturday.

    The European Union, which Turkey has applied to join, has pressed the country to ease or eliminate laws and policies that discriminate against non-Muslim religious groups, including restrictions on land ownership. Many of the properties, including schools, hospitals, orphanages and cemeteries, were seized after 1936 when trusts were called to list their assets, and in 1974 a separate ruling banned the groups from purchasing any new real estate.

    Disputes over the groups’ properties have tied up Turkish and European courts for decades, and the European Court for Human Rights has ordered Turkey to pay compensation in several cases related to religious minority rights in recent years.

    “Like everyone else, we also do know about the injustices that different religious groups have been subjected to because of their differences,” Mr. Erdogan said at the dinner, according to the semiofficial Anatolian News Agency. “Times that a citizen of ours would be oppressed due to his religion, ethnic origin or different way of life are over.”

    In contrast with its staunchly secular predecessors, the Islam-inspired government of Mr. Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party, known as A.K.P., has been more sympathetic and attentive to Turkey’s non-Muslims, including Jews and Christians. It has enacted a number of measures since 2002 to bring Turkish law more into compliance with European Union standards on minority rights, so that Turkey’s application to join the union could advance.

    The decree issued on Saturday removed legal impediments that had continued to block the return of the properties even after amendments were enacted in recent years to allow it.

    “There have been changes made to existent legislation at least five times since the government of the A.K. Party, but they have not been very satisfactory in practice,” said a Greek government official who asked not to be identified because of his diplomatic position. “We hope this time the changes would make a real difference in implementation.”

    Less than 1 percent of Turkey’s 74 million people belong to religious minorities; there are about 120,000 Christians of different denominations, including Greek Orthodox, and about 25,000 Jews.

    via Turkey to Return Seized Property to Religious Minorities – NYTimes.com.

  • Religious freedom for Turkey?

    Religious freedom for Turkey?

    By Elizabeth H. Prodromou and Nina Shea (USCIRF) – 08/26/11 10:12 AM ET

    The recent resignation of Turkey’s military high command, along with reports that Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan will subordinate the military to civilian rule, could mark a new era for that nation.  Sweeping constitutional changes, however, are still needed to ensure fundamental rights and avoid exchanging one form of repression for another.  The United States should challenge Turkey’s civilian leadership to make such long-overdue changes, especially regarding religious freedom, including for religious minorities.

    While Turkey has long been a formal democracy, it has been a decidedly imperfect one.  Since Kemal Ataturk founded the Republic of Turkey in 1923, his rigid state secularism has stifled religious freedom.  Restrictions have hindered the majority Sunni Muslim community and have discriminated against and threatened religious minority communities, including Greek, Armenian, and Syriac Orthodox Churches; Catholic and Protestant Churches; the Jewish community; and the Alevis.

    Constitutionally, the military was the protector of the secular state apparatus that engaged in or tolerated religious freedom violations.  Indeed, the context for the recent military resignations was Erdoğan’s refusal to promote officers who allegedly plotted within Ergenekon, a clandestine ultranationalist group, to topple his Islamic-oriented government and commit violence against numerous faith communities and their houses of worship.
    As the inheritor of this legacy, Erdoğan and his AK Party have faced an uphill battle to deepen Turkey’s democratic institutions and culture.  Their moves to bolster civilian rule have positive implications for respecting international human rights norms, including religious freedom.

    Indeed, the AKP government has widened the opening for public religious expression, which has helped Turkey’s Sunni Muslim majority.  Since 2007, imams have had some autonomy in drafting their sermons.   While the ban on religious dress in state institutions continues, last month, the Council of State overturned Turkey’s high court ruling which had barred the wearing of headscarves during the Selection Examination for Academic Personnel and Graduate Studies.  Enrollment in Imam-Hatip religious schools has expanded notably.  Without a doubt, Sunni Islam flourishes.
    When it comes to religious minorities, however, Turkey’s record remains disappointing.

    To be sure, the AKP government has ushered in some improvements, including the addition of worship services allowed for a particular church, citizenship for the leaders of another, accurate national identity cards for converts, and continued engagement with Alevis. Yet, Turkey’s widely publicized constitutional reform process currently omits any attention to religious freedom, thereby suggesting no systematic relief for Turkey’s smallest minorities, such as Christians and Jews.

    Turkey’s Christian minority has dwindled to just 0.15 percent of the country.  In the words of one church leader, it is an “endangered species.”  In past centuries, violence exacted a horrific toll on Turkey’s Christians and their churches.  This provides a frightening context and familiar continuity to a number of recent high-profile murders by ultranationalists.

    Turkey’s Jewish community also fears a reprise of past violence, such as the 2003 al Qaeda-linked Istanbul synagogue bombings.   Societal anti-Semitism has been fueled in recent years by Erdoğan’s rhetoric against Israel’s activity in the Middle East and by negative portrayals in Turkey’s state-run media.
    Today, however, it is the state’s dense web of regulations that most threatens Turkey’s religious minorities.

    Religious communities are being strangled by legal restrictions on internal governance, education, houses of worship and wider property rights. It is difficult even to have a frank national discussion about their plight; those who have tried can face constitutional charges for insulting “Turkishness”, as well as a broader climate of impunity.

    One example of the oppressive regulatory climate is the meddling in internal governance, as seen in the interference in the election procedure for the acting Armenian Patriarch, as well as in the refusal to recognize the title of “ecumenical” of the Greek Orthodox Church’s Ecumenical Patriarch and the inherited titles of Alevi leaders.

    Another is the government’s refusal to allow non-Muslim clergy to be trained in Turkey.  The military’s shuttering in 1971 of the Greek Orthodox Theological School of Halki, once the educational center for global Orthodox Christianity, is a case in point.   Successive governments’ policies have put at risk the very survival of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and its Greek Orthodox flock.

    A third example is the expropriation of land from the 1,600-year-old Mor Gabriel Monastery, the world’s oldest Syriac Orthodox monastery.  Last January, Turkey’s Supreme Court granted its treasury parts of the monastery’s territory.  Besides impacting the church, such arbitrary state expropriations encourage acts of impunity against all religious minorities.

    Finally, there is the status of the Alevis, the nation’s largest religious minority.  Turkey refuses legal recognition of Alevi meeting places (cemevi) as houses of worship, and has denied them construction permits.

    These examples underscore how Turkey’s religious minorities still lack full legal status and are deprived of full rights as citizens.   To help remedy this injustice, the United States should urge Erdoğan to fulfill his pledge to amend the military-drafted constitution of 1982 by making changes in line with religious freedom and the other human rights guarantees found in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which Turkey ratified.

    By strengthening civilian control, Turkey has an opportunity to chart a clearer course toward greater freedom for all its citizens.  It’s time for the country’s leaders to embrace constitutional reform, end impunity, protect religious diversity, and advance religious freedom for every citizen.

    Elizabeth H. Prodromou serves as Vice Chair of the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF).  Nina Shea serves as a USCIRF Commissioner.  Both authors traveled to Turkey in February 2011 as part of a USCIRF delegation.

  • Turkey Easing Repatriation of Minorities Who Fled, Hurriyet Says

    Turkey Easing Repatriation of Minorities Who Fled, Hurriyet Says

    Turkey plans to ease the repatriation process for ethnic and religious minorities including Greeks, Armenians, Jews and Assyrians who fled Turkey under duress, Hurriyet newspaper reported.

    The proposed measures are to be presented to the European Union’s Reform Monitoring Group in February by minister of state and chief EU negotiator Egemen Bagis, Hurriyet said.

    Turkish ministries will discuss how to deal with flexibility on military service requirements, reparations, the return of property and official apologies for the minorities who fled, lost their citizenship and wish to return, Hurriyet said.

    Some 30,000 Greeks fled or left Turkey during ethnic clashes and “population exchanges” in the 1960s and 1970s, leaving only 3,000 in the country today, Hurriyet said. Between 1948 and 1953, 40,000 Jews left Turkey for the newly established state of Israel, it said. Some 25,000 Jews still live in Turkey, it said.

    To contact the reporter responsible for this story: Benjamin Harvey at bharvey11@bloomberg.net

    To contact the editor responsible for this story: Peter Hirschberg at phirschberg@bloomberg.net.

    via Turkey Easing Repatriation of Minorities Who Fled, Hurriyet Says – Bloomberg.

  • Armenian Religious Minorities Complain of Discrimination

    Armenian Religious Minorities Complain of Discrimination

    They fear that proposed amendments to religious legislation could makes things worse.

    By Gita Elibekian and Seda Muradian in Yerevan (CRS No. 480, 13-Feb-09)

    Armenian Jehovah’s Witness Margarita Hovhannisian said she has not seen her son since he was taken away from her by her husband a year ago.

    Two legal appeals have failed, and she is beginning to suspect the legal system is biased against her because of her faith.

    “My husband kidnapped our child, justifying this by saying he did not want to leave him with a mother who was a Jehovah’s Witness,” she said.

    While Armenia technically guarantees freedom of worship to all faiths, Hovhannisian says that this is not her experience.

    She cited a court document issued to her, which she claims effectively states that it would not be in the child’s interests to be returned to his mother.

    Jehovah’s Witnesses, who are a tiny minority in Armenia, say they are facing increasing prejudice as a result of their beliefs.

    The group, which emerged from a 19th century American Bible study group and now claims seven million members worldwide, is controversial for its members’ refusal to serve in armies or to undergo blood transfusions.

    “In Armenia, the negative approach towards the Jehovah’s Witnesses is becoming ever more intolerable, especially since 2004, when the organisation granted us permission to operate here,” said Tigran Harutiunian, spokesperson for the faith.

    But things may about to become harder for his co-religionists in Armenia, where most people belong to the Armenian Apostolic Church – an ancient form of Christianity that dates back to 301 AD.

    Amendments to the country’s laws on religious freedom currently before parliament would restrict faiths’ rights to evangelise – or to “hunt for souls” as the officials behind the proposals put it.

    Armen Ashotian, chairman of the parliamentary commission on science, education, culture, youth and sport, who presented the draft changes to parliament on February 5, explained the terminology used.

    “We tried to create a definition of the hunt for souls and came up with the following – in means preaching among a religious population or among people who do not belong to any religious confession, when this is conducted with material incentives, or with the use of physical, moral, psychological or material compulsion, and creating distrust or hate of other religious organisations and their followers,” he said.

    The co-authors of the amendments have also suggested changing the minimum number of members that a faith can have before it gains registration from 200 to 1,000 members, which could cause problems for small groups.

    If the proposals are passed into law, faiths would have three months to re-register.

    Proselytising Christian groups of western origin began operating openly in Armenia and other states in the more liberal atmosphere created after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.

    Many Armenians dislike having their doorbells rung on a regular basis by small religious groups seeking to convert them.

    “I always slam the door on these sect members,” said Hasmik Qosian, a resident of Yerevan.

    Vardan Asatrian, the head of the office for national minorities and religions in the government office, said this was a commonly-held opinion.

    He said people were tired of being approached in this way, and argued that a law which restricts proselytising was long overdue.

    “That there aren’t specific laws controlling this… is an omission. This situation has been neglected, and it seems we spend more time protecting the rights of religious minorities than those of the majority,” he said.

    “We need to create equality.”

    The Jehovah’s Witnesses say they do not force people to join their organisation or pester them with demands,

    Religious minorities report that discrimination comes from official sources in the country and is a constant blight on their lives.

    Hasmik Mkhitarian, who is trained as an English teacher, said she cannot get a job in her home town of Vanadzor because she is a member of the Church of Jesus Christ and the Latter-Day Saints, also known as the Mormons.

    “I studied our faith for a year and a half in London, and noted that in my CV. The problem is that when people read that, they don’t even invite me to an interview,” she said.

    “When I ask what’s wrong, they directly tell me that I belong to a sect, and that people like me should not be teaching in schools.”

    She blamed the Armenian Apostolic Church for discouraging any alternative forms of worship.

    Shmavon Ghevondian, a cleric from the Armenian church, told IWPR that any religious group that did not follow its canons counted as a “sect”.

    “Religion is dividing the nation, and if ethnic differences are added to this, then we have a far from attractive future for our three-million strong nation,” he said.

    He said he thought the Jehovah’s Witnesses were the most dangerous of the religious groups to appear in post-Soviet Armenia. He added that he thought religious freedom in the country was unnecessary and had been introduced solely to obey the rules of European institutions.

    Armenia has had to adopt certain laws to satisfy the Council of Europe, a continent-wide body that insists that its member states respect human rights.

    This legislation included a measure under which conscientious objectors are allowed to avoid military service and undergo alternative forms of service instead.

    The council’s criteria state that genuine alternative civilian service which is not under the control, auspices, or supervision of the military must be provided to conscientious objectors.

    But Jehovah’s Witnesses in Armenia say that even with new legislation in place, they still have to serve in a militarised atmosphere, obey military orders and work under the military police.

    Hayk Khachatrian, in his mid twenties, refused to serve in such a climate and, as a result, received a two-year jail sentence in 2005.

    Eight-seven other Jehovah’s Witnesses are in Armenian prisons for their refusal to do alternative service.

    “How can I follow our precepts if my brothers in faith and I – Jehovah’s Witnesses in Azerbaijan – start to shoot at each other?” asked Hayk.

    Human rights activists say Armenia has not tried hard enough to accommodate the wishes of the Jehovah’s Witnesses, despite pressure from the Council of Europe.

    “They all refuse to do alternative service because of its great similarity to military service,” said Avetiq Ishkhanian, chairman of the Helsinki Committee of Armenia.

    “In its resolution 1532 adopted on January 23, 2007, the Council of Europe called on the Armenian authorities to re-examine the law on alternative service, but this has not happened.”

    Yet even if legal changes are made to accommodate the beliefs of Jehovah’s Witnesses, they are still likely to face widespread prejudice.

    Hovhannisian’s husband Arthur Torosian said he will not allow her access to her child as long as she follows this faith.

    “She went completely mad after she joined this sect. She took him all the time to these meetings; she even held his birthday party there. My son told me these things,” he told IWPR.

    “You cannot bring up a child in endless meetings which will turn him into a Jehovah’s Witness. I will bring him up myself, and when he grows up he can decide for himself.”

    Gita Elibekian is a correspondent for Armenia’s RadioLur social radio. Seda Muradian is IWPR’s Armenia director.