Tag: Mexico

  • What U.S. troops are actually doing on the Mexican border,

    What U.S. troops are actually doing on the Mexican border,

    Pentagon Chief Weighs Broader Approach to Border Security

    The military considers how best to use the 6,000 troops sent to the U.S.-Mexico border, who cannot legally stand in for CBP.

    Acting Secretary of Defense Patrick Shanahan, center, fires a modified paintball gun that shoots pepper balls during a tour of the U.S.-Mexico border at Santa Teresa Station in Sunland Park, New Mexico, on Feb. 23. (AP Photo/Pablo Martinez Monsivais)

    The U.S. military is sending an additional 1,000 troops to the border with Mexico, bringing the number of U.S. military personnel there—both active-duty and National Guard—to about 6,000, a senior defense official told reporters at the Pentagon on Feb. 22.

    That’s a significant chunk of military resources going toward a mission that can only legally be performed by domestic law enforcement such as Customs and Border Protection (CBP) officers: border security. Under the Posse Comitatus Act, the U.S. military is prohibited from taking any direct role in law enforcement—including search, seizure, apprehension, or arrest.

    So what, then, are those 6,000 troops actually doing there? So far, the U.S. military has functioned primarily in a supporting role—installing concertina wire, transporting law enforcement officers by air, providing medical services to migrants, hardening points of entry, and helping with surveillance. In addition to stringing another 140 miles of concertina wire, the troops will be supporting the CBP officers between the points of entry, as well as installing ground-based detection systems, the senior defense official said.

    The goal is “freeing up agents and putting them in a law enforcement role instead of administrative duties,” according to the official.

    Despite their restricted role, it now seems like the troops on the border are there for the long term. As the Trump administration trumpets the so-called national security crisis of border security—and seeks to divert billions of dollars in military funding to building his long-promised border wall—the Pentagon is reassessing the role of the U.S. military in securing the border.

    Acting Secretary of Defense Patrick Shanahan indicated on Feb. 23 during a surprise trip to the border—which, as is more common for trips to combat zones, was kept secret until his arrival—that the U.S. government needs a broader, more holistic approach to border security instead of a short-term solution.

    “Let’s not do triage. Let’s really solve the fundamental problem,” Shanahan told reporters during the trip. “I think of it as: This is an opportunity, as we’re addressing this issue, to recommend solutions that are systemic and major and not a triage solution.”

    “I don’t want to just add resources and not fix the problem long term,” Shanahan stressed.

    As part of that holistic strategy, a U.S. military presence at the border could become the new normal. Shanahan said he and Gen. Joseph Dunford, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, discussed a two- or three-year support role. For example, the troops could potentially take on more of the monitoring and detection mission in order to free up the CBP officers for other aspects of their mission.

    Arguably, as long as the troops stick to the support mission, the deployment does not run afoul of the law, said Andrew Boyle, who works as counsel for the Liberty and National Security Program at the Brennan Center for Justice. However, an increased military presence in the border communities does raise concern about the possibility of violent cross-border incidents, he said.

    “It does raise alarm bells in regards to the militarization of the domestic sphere,” he said.

    But William Banks, an emeritus professor at Syracuse University’s College of Law and Maxwell School, believes there is no “clear, positive legal authority” for active-duty U.S. troops to be at the U.S.-Mexico border. The surveillance and detection role could pose a particular problem, he added.

    The laws allowing U.S. military forces to conduct surveillance in support of CBP officers dates back to the “war on drugs” in the 1980s and were specifically designed for counter-drug activities, Banks explained.

    That means that any surveillance the U.S. military is conducting that is not directly related to drug trafficking—for example, monitoring the border for illegal crossings—could be challenged in a court of law.

    “If a federal lawsuit is brought challenging the scope of the military’s activities at the border, it remains unclear how a court would rule on such a challenge when drug trafficking is not remotely the issue,” Mark Nevitt, a Sharshwood fellow at the University of Pennsylvania Law School, wrote in November 2018.

    Either way, it doesn’t look like these troops will be heading home anytime soon.

    “What’s the core issue that has to get addressed?” Shanahan said. “How do we get out of treating the symptoms and get at the root of the issues?”

    meksika sapka

    Lara Seligman is a staff writer at Foreign Policy. Twitter: @laraseligman

  • Europe’s Mexico

    Back in 2003, shortly after I arrived in Turkey, I went with some of my Turkish friends to the countryside northeast of Istanbul, up near the Black Sea. We went for a walk along a dirt road, and we passed by a farmer clearing litter from a pathway next to one of his fields.

    There wasn’t much litter for him to pick up, just a few scattered pieces here and there. But he was diligently removing every last scrap, determined to make his little plot of land as spotless as he could. He nodded at us and smiled sheepishly, shaking his head and lamenting, “How will we ever be accepted into the EU if we treat our land like this?”

    Six years later, I found very few people in that country who cared much about EU integration. Turkey had gone from a place where even toothless, sun-worn rural folk were preparing their corner of the world for entry into the EU, to a place where practically no one, not even the most Europeanized of urban professionals, cared anymore. What happened?

    Turkey’s most recent wave of economic integration with Europe actually goes back decades. In the 1960s and 1970s, hundreds of thousands of Turks moved to Germany under Germany’s Guest Worker program. The men worked in Germany’s factories and mines, helping to fuel the country’s rapid economic growth, while their wives provided domestic labor and cared for an entire generation of German kids.

    In the 1980s and 1990s Turkey moved further up the value chain, exporting textiles and then manufactured goods to Europe. At one point, half of all the televisions sold in Europe were made in Turkey. Today the outskirts of Istanbul are home to huge Ford, Toyota, and Hyundai plants that crank out a million cars a year for the European and Central Asian markets.

    Over the past decade the rise of China has challenged Turkey’s preeminence as a cost-effective manufacturing base for Europe, but Turkey continues to climb the value chain, now providing Europe with professional services. Some of the world’s largest companies — Coca-Cola, Microsoft, Unilever — base their regional operations out of Istanbul. They don’t need to staff their Istanbul offices with expats, because in Turkey they find no shortage of intelligent, well-educated, cosmopolitan professionals eager to run their regional operations. Turkey has become Europe’s farm team for international managerial talent.

    So over the past 50 years the Turkish and European economies have become closely integrated. Why isn’t this economic integration translating into EU integration?

    Some people cite disagreements over Cyprus, or integration fatigue after nearly all of Eastern Europe joined the EU in 2004 and 2007. In my opinion these are red herrings. The real reason EU members resist absorbing Turkey is very simple: humans love to draw borders around their lands and around their gods, and not only does Turkey begin a new continent, it begins a new religion.

    In many ways, Europeans’ relationship with Turkey is like Americans’ relationship with Mexico. For Americans, Mexicans are an unwashed other. In the early 1990s when NAFTA was in the headlines in the US, Americans worried about dirty creepy-crawlies riding in on the undercarriages of Mexican trucks storming north across the border. Americans appreciate the cheap labor, the tasty food, and the inexpensive beach vacations Mexico offers, but they don’t want a dirty, unwashed “them” infecting American soil. Similarly, Europeans appreciate the cheap labor, the tasty food, and the inexpensive beach vacations Turkey offers, but they don’t want a dirty, unwashed “them” infecting European soil.

    There are people who believe the EU-Turkey question is an important one, and in some ways I suppose it is. But in a big picture sort of way, a world where Turkey is part of the EU probably wouldn’t be very different from one where it is not. After all, the American relationship with Mexico is bigger than NAFTA. The two countries trade with each other, and they fight with each other. They’ve done so for hundreds of years, and they would have continued to do so with or without NAFTA. Europe and Turkey have traded with each other, and fought with each other, for a thousand years, and they will continue to do so with or without the EU. The parties do not need integration, because they already have it.

    via Europe’s Mexico.

  • Both Istanbul and Mexico City have been sister cities…

    Both Istanbul and Mexico City have been sister cities…

    Mr. Kadir Topbaş, the mayor of the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality and attended in Mexico City for United Cities and Local Governments (UCLG) and Mr. Marcelo Ebrard, the mayor of Mexico City, signed the sister-city protocol between Istanbul and Mexico City.

    mcMr. Kadir Topbaş, the mayor of the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality and attended in Mexico City for United Cities and Local Governments (UCLG) and Mr. Marcelo Ebrard, the mayor of Mexico City, signed the sister-city protocol between Istanbul and Mexico City.

    Mr. Kadir Topbaş, the mayor of the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality and also attended in Mexico City for United Cities and Local Governments (UCLG) for the 2010-2013 term at a meeting on Saturday in Mexico City, met with Mr. Marcelo Ebrard, the mayor of Mexico City at the Municipal Palace.

    Mr. Marcelo Ebrard began his speech by expressing his satisfaction in hosting Mr. Kadir Topbaş, the mayor of the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality. Mayor Mr. Topbaş stated that the strengthening the relations among cities was being important and wished that the sister-city agreement would lead to concrete collaborations in the future.

    After the meeting held at the Municipal Palace in Mexico City, both Mr. Topbaş and Mr. Ebrard passed along the hall to sign up the sister-city agreement. Mr. Hüseyin Tanrıverdi, the Deputy Chairman of AK Party in charge of Decision and Administration Committee, Mr. Alev Kılıç, the Ambassador of the Republic of Turkey in Mexico City have attended the sister city cooperation signing ceremony held at the Municipal Palace. After making a brief speech here, Mr. Topbaş noted that the inter-city relations of world cities have strengthened the ties of friendship and understanding between the people and cities and made a positive contribution to the solution of international problems.

    After the speeches were delivered, the sister-city protocol between Istanbul and Mexico City was signed by both mayors in front of the invitees. About forty mayors who came from Turkey for the United Cities and Local Governments (UCLG) Congress also attended at the signing ceremony in Mexico City.

    via İstanbul Büyükşehir Belediyesi.