Tag: Magnificent Century

  • A more conservative script for Turkey’s relatively liberal culture

    A more conservative script for Turkey’s relatively liberal culture

    Hadeel Al Sayegh   

    A man walks into a bedroom where a beautiful woman with dark eyes and auburn hair is sitting on the bed. He moves towards her and she greets him with a kiss. At first, she tries to hold a serious conversation, but it is not long before she succumbs to the man’s seduction.

    When the saucy Turkish drama Gumus was first broadcast about seven years ago, it took the Middle East by storm, attracting more than 85 million viewers to the final episode and stirring outrage from Islamist sheikhs in Saudi Arabia and across the wider region.

    The show, which ran on MBC as Noor, tells the story of a woman from the countryside who marries into a rich family in Istanbul. The series flaunts Turkey’s relative liberality, with characters frequently drinking wine and kissing on screen: two major taboos in many Muslim societies.

    But many Arab fans turned a blind eye, and Turkey’s tourism sector actually saw a boost as visitors flocked to the luxury waterfront villa where Gumus was filmed. That popularity led several other Turkish series to be dubbed in Arabic.

    Now, behind the scenes, Turkey is slowly pulling back from such risqué fare, given the tension between Mustafa Kemal Ataturk’s secular legacy and the influence of the Islamist-leaning Justice and Development Party (AKP) led by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

    Mr Erdogan’s ascendance has represented a marked shift in Turkish politics. After decades of striving for EU membership, Turkey has turned back towards its Muslim neighbours. Since the Arab Spring uprisings, Mr Erdogan has toured Egypt, Tunisia and Libya, and reached out to Muslim Brotherhood-related groups that have been empowered since their respective revolutions.

    Closer to home, the AKP has lifted the ban on women wearing headscarves in public areas, introduced religious education and restricted alcohol in certain places. This has an artistic element as well – Mr Erdogan has also tried to prevent the filming of the third season of the popular soap opera Muhtesem Yuzyil, or Harem Al Sultan, that is now showing on Dubai TV.

    Muhtesem is loosely based on a true story, depicting the life and women of Suleiman the Magnificent, the Ottoman Empire’s longest reigning sultan. The show, which has over 150 million viewers across Turkey, the Balkans and the Middle East, depicts the Sultan’s concubines and wives battling for his attention. In one episode, Suleiman kills his own son as a result.

    Mr Erdogan has accused the directors of defaming the sultan, who is depicted as a drinker and womaniser, rather than focusing on his political achievements as he ruled the empire from 1520 to 1566.

    “That’s not the Suleiman we know,” Mr Erdogan said in a speech late November. “Before my nation, I condemn both the director of this series and the owner of the television station.”

    Days after his statement, Turkish Airlines removed the show from its in-flight programming.

    This week, it emerged that the national airline had also introduced a new dress code for cabin crew, causing an uproar among secularists, after a leak of pictures of women in modest dress, with skirts below the knees and Ottoman style fez caps. The decision came amid reports that the airline had considered plans to ban alcohol on some routes.

    The airline told Turkish media that the new dress code was just one suggestion. But the flagship’s recent statements do seem to show a steady drift away from Turkey’s secular heritage in line with the more conservative views of Mr Erdogan’s government.

    It’s a storyline with which soap opera fans should be familiar. In Muhtesem, the household of the sultan is split by the rivalries between the two main wives, who are always immaculately dressed in glamorous Ottoman gowns.

    Hurrem is a mischievous woman with her voluminous blonde curls and exposed cleavage, adorned with flashy jewellery. She gradually steals the sultan’s love from Mahidevran – the mother of his first child – who eventually stages a rebellion.

    But in Turkey’s political drama, who is the faithful representative of the people, and who is the interloper? The AKP has consistently won at the ballot box for more than a decade, while the opposition champions Ataturk’s principles espoused at the founding of the country. Neither, it seems, nears its final act.

    via A more conservative script for Turkey’s relatively liberal culture – The National.

  • Turkey: Television Drama Generates Official Angst

    Turkey: Television Drama Generates Official Angst

    In most countries, it’s unusual for the looming death of a television character to become a source of official anxiety. In Turkey, however, a hit television series chronicling the 16th century reign of Ottoman Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent has riled officials, who are looking to that era to help shape their own conservative message.

    A soap opera or Turkey's true history? A TV series about the 16th century reign of Ottoman Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent has riled up the country's conservative politicians. (Still: Muhteşem Yüzyıl/The Magnificent Century)
    A soap opera or Turkey’s true history? A TV series about the 16th century reign of Ottoman Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent has riled up the country’s conservative politicians. (Still: Muhteşem Yüzyıl/The Magnificent Century)

    For decades, Turkey’s Ottoman heritage was downplayed by a secular governing elite that wanted to make a definitive break from the country’s Islamic, eastern-oriented past. Now, with the country’s star rising internationally, stories that lavishly recall a grand imperial past dovetail well with modern Turkey’s greater self-confidence.

    But not all of these tales necessarily reflect the image of the country that the government wishes to project.

    The television drama Muhteşem Yüzyıl (The Magnificent Century) offers a case in point. The sweeping historical saga has already enthralled legions of Turkish viewers for two years. But now the story is reaching an especially riveting point, the pending execution of Ibrahim Pasha, the sultan’s grand vizier.

    The path to Ibrahim Pasha’s demise was filled with intrigue. And the prospect of reexamining this complicated chapter in the Ottoman past makes Turkey’s incumbent culture minister, Ertuğrul Günay, uneasy. “As there are good aspects in history worth praising, there are also bad sides, which are not tolerable with our consciousness of today,” Günay commented on national television earlier this month.

    In recent weeks, The Magnificent Century has angered many prominent government politicians, who have denounced it for depicting entanglements between the Ottoman Empire’s most illustrious sultan and the scheming women of his harem.

    “Imposed on Suleiman the Magnificent, a person who spent his life on horseback serving his country and his nation, is a life entirely composed of the bedroom and based on twisted relationships,” Oktay Saral, an MP for the governing, Islamist-oriented Justice and Development Party (AKP), commented in December, the Sabah newspaper reported.

    Oktay threatened to introduce a bill in parliament that would outlaw the “misrepresentation of historical figures,” but when EurasiaNet.org contacted his office, a spokesperson said the issue was “no longer a priority.”

    The MP seemed to take his cue from Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who assailed the show in similar terms in November.

    Analysts believe that the anger over the drama is rooted in clashing priorities between a burgeoning TV and movie industry riding a wave of so-called “Ottomania,” and a government that wants retroactively to stamp that era with its own political and social values.

    Today, the series reportedly attracts one-third of Turkey’s primetime audience on Wednesday nights, as well as 150 million viewers across Central Asia, the Middle East, and the Balkans. It has also paved the way for a string of other movies and television shows hoping to emulate its success by feeding viewers’ hunger for tales of the Ottoman past.

    “You would think that the AKP would totally embrace this because it reflects their notion of the new founding moment of Turkey,” said Jenny White, a professor of social anthropology at Boston University, and a self-confessed addict of The Magnificent Century.

    The cause of Erdoğan’s anger, White believes, may lie in characters like Hürrem, also known to history as Roxelana, who was born in what is now western Ukraine. As Suleiman’s concubine and, later, his wife, Hürrem played a central role in the corridors of power. Her enormous political influence, which has been documented by scholars, runs counter to the AKP’s own conservative ideas about the role of women in society.

    As many historians claim was the case in real life, Hürrem’s machinations, as portrayed in The Magnificent Century, are expected to lead to the on-screen death of Ibrahim Pasha.

    “I think the image of scantily-clad women cavorting with these men and having power, even if it’s in this limited sphere, is just too much for them,” said White, in reference to the AKP.

    Prevailing attitudes in Turkish politics hold that women “shouldn’t be in [the] public space whatsoever because they should be at home having children.”

    Social taboos have governed Turkey’s television industry since private television first got its start in the 1990s, noted Julien Paris, a researcher studying the Turkish soap opera industry at the French Institute of Anatolian Studies in Istanbul.

    As the Ottoman history regains a role in Turkey’s political discourse, “it’s important for the government to create a kind of unspoken jurisprudence for how to represent that era,” Paris said.

    The controversy may also reflect a debate over how to represent figures from Turkey’s past – whether as flesh-and-blood characters, complete with human weaknesses and, sometimes, sex drives, or as semi-mythical heroes.

    The Magnificent Century, and the 2008 biopic Mustafa, which sought to humanize the Turkish Republic’s founder, Mustafa Atatürk, spark angry reactions not because they challenge official positions, but “because they depict their hero as a person who falls in love, who has sex as any ordinary person would,” commented Esin Paça Cengiz, a doctoral candidate studying the depiction of history in Turkish cinema at London’s Royal Holloway University.

    “The government and lots of nationalist people object to this kind of representation,” she added.

    Some fans say that The Magnificent Century’s scene settings have begun to change in response to official criticism. “There are … noticeably more religious scenes both in the harem … and [of] the sultan and his entourage going to the mosque,” observed Boston University’s White.

    Despite its objections to The Magnificent Century, Turkey’s government appears committed to expanding the international reach of the country’s soap-opera industry, seeing it as an effective way to project soft power.

    The Ministry of Economy hopes to expand exports of Turkish TV programs to $100 million per year, up from $70 million in 2012.

    The largely state-financed public broadcaster TRT has even come up with its own contribution to the Ottoman craze — Cinar, a cartoon that, according to producer Varol Yasaroğlu, aims to educate children about the Ottoman era’s “moral and humanitarian values” of “peace and hospitality and tolerance.”

    But with romance and intrigue still the mainstays of Turkey’s thriving soap opera industry, more programming like The Magnificent Century seems destined to go into production, said White, the social anthropologist.

    Editor’s note:

    Alexander Christie-Miller is a freelance reporter based in Istanbul.

  • Will Turkey Squander Its Opportunity to Lead?

    Will Turkey Squander Its Opportunity to Lead?

    27rdv-Rohde1-tmagArticle

    Demonstrators attacked billboards advertising Turkey’s most popular soap opera “Magnificent Century” in Istanbul in 2011.

    Instead of Turkey leading the post-Arab Spring Middle East, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan is setting a new standard of intolerance. Fourteen months after he touted Turkey as an example for the region, Mr. Erdogan is polarizing politics in his country and squelching dissent.

    Turkey is, at last, in a unique and enviable position on the world stage: sitting astride Europe, Asia and the Middle East, culturally as well as politically, and relatively strong economically. As post-Mubarak Egypt grapples with old demons in new forms, Syria approaches a bloody denouement, and Saudi Arabia and Iran offer little in the way of viable paths to progress, this could be Turkey’s moment.

    A picture of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad was riddled with bullets on a wall of an infantry college near the city of Aleppo in December.Ahmed Jadallah/Reuters A picture of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad was riddled with bullets on a wall of an infantry college near the city of Aleppo in December.

    But experts and human rights groups say leaders in the region need to tolerate more dissent, not less. And Turkey appears to be heading in the wrong direction.

    More than 10,000 members of Turkey’s Kurdish minority —who account for 18 percent of the country’s population — languish in the country’s jails on various terrorism charges. And Turkey now has more journalists in jail — 49 — than any other nation, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. That is more than Iran, which has jailed 45, or China, which has imprisoned 32.

    On Dec.7th, Mr. Erdogan threatened the makers of Turkey’s most popular soap opera — “Magnificent Century” —  for the second time in a month. He complained that the series, which exaggerates the palace intrigue, romance, and sex life of Suleiman the Magnificent, a revered 16th century Ottoman leader, was historically inaccurate and called for the series creators to be “taught a lesson.”

    A protester held a sign reading Khaled Elfiqi/European Pressphoto Agency A protester held a sign reading “no to constitution” during a rally against Egypt’s contentious new fundamental law before voters backed the document in a referendum in December.

    More alarmingly, the daily Hurriyet reported that the ruling party was laying the groundwork for a law that “aims to forbid humiliation of historical figures or perversion of real facts.” As Dan Bilefsky reported here, the law would apply to works of fiction as well.

    Culture wars, of course, are fought in every country. And the portrayal of revered historical figures, from Abraham Lincoln to Suleiman the Magnificent, can spark angry debate. But what is so troubling about Mr. Erdogan’s behavior is the heedless example it sets at a vital time in the region — and the world.

    To be fair, Turkey endured decades of Western-backed military rule and is a relatively new democracy. A Kurdish insurgency has claimed 40,000 lives since 1984. And other nations making the transition to democracy — or facing insurgencies — have struggled with dissent, with leaders seeing it as disloyal rather than legitimate.

    Tom Carothers, an expert in transitions to democracy at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, said some countries, such as Brazil, Ghana and Mongolia, have welcomed a shift to bracing debate. But others, particularly countries with no history of strong opposition parties, struggle to accept it. In the end, according to Mr. Carothers, it often comes down to the disposition of individual leaders.

    “Putin can’t stand dissent,” he said, referring to the Russian leader. “Yeltsin could.”

    While Mr. Erdogan’s actions rankle Turks, the stakes are far higher in Egypt, where Mr. Erdogan has some sway and vital precedents are being set. So far, in terms of the news media, President Mohamed Morsi is proving more tolerant of dissent in some ways than his Turkish counterpart.

    While Mr. Morsi’s rushed Constitution has created deep division, he has generally allowed open political debate and a basic level of press freedom in Egypt. Since the dispute over the country’s Constitution began, Mr. Morsi’s opponents have freely and fiercely criticized him in the Egyptian media.

    On the other hand, as Nathan Brown, a professor at George Washington University and an Egypt expert, says, Mr. Morsi’s supporters have savagely beaten his opponents in the streets.

    “In Egypt, the rules of political discourse and contestation are unclear and contested,” Mr. Brown said in an e-mail exchange. “Where shrill speech ends and seditious speech begins is being worked out in practice — and in very harsh practice.”

    Experts on Turkey say that Mr. Erdogan’s tone and tactics are lamentable because they are unnecessary. He remains genuinely popular in the country and is likely to be elected president when his second — and he says final — term as prime minister ends in 2015. Instead of keeping a promise to try to resolve the country’s Kurdish insurgency, he is sowing division over social issues.

    In June, he sparked a furor when he called abortion “murder,” reigniting a debate that has largely quieted since abortion was legalized in Turkey in 1983. Last month, he called for the re-imposition of the death penalty, which his own government banned in 2004. The comment sparked tension with jailed Kurds, in particular, who could potentially face the death penalty.

    All the while, the Obama administration continues to support Mr. Erdogan, according to Turkish analysts.

    While human rights and press freedom groups question whether Mr. Erdogan’s Turkey is, in fact, a model for the region, the United States remains silent.

    “I was in Washington last week and no one gives a damn about whether or not the quality of Turkish democracy has declined,” Soli Ozel, a professor of international affairs at Kadir Has University in Istanbul, said in a telephone interview. “So long as it does not hurt essential American interests — and I don’t think it will — nobody is going to talk about it.”


    David Rohde is a columnist for Reuters, former reporter for The New York Times and two-time winner of the Pulitzer Prize. His forthcoming book, “Beyond War: Reimagining American Influence in a New Middle East” will be published in March 2013.

    https://archive.nytimes.com/rendezvous.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/12/30/will-turkey-squander-its-opportunity-to-lead/

  • Why Is Turkey’s Prime Minister at War with a Soap Opera?

    Murad Sezer / Reuters

    An egg-stained and damaged billboard advertising the Turkish soap opera Magnificent Century in Istanbul on Jan. 9, 2011, following a pro-Islamist protest against the popular TV series

    Crammed with trinkets, eunuchs, wine, giggly harem girls, seduction and intrigue, Magnificent Century — a Turkish soap opera based on the life and reign of Suleiman the Magnificent, the 16th century Ottoman sultan — might at times appear gaudy, predictable and rife with historical inaccuracies. To the show’s estimated 150 million viewers, spread across Turkey, the Balkans and the Middle East, however, it’s nothing more than good entertainment. To Turkey’s Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, though, it’s blasphemy.

    During a speech in late November, Erdogan rained fire and brimstone on the show’s makers. “That’s not the Suleiman we know,” he said, referring to the depiction of the Ottomans’ great ruler as a drinker and womanizer. “Before my nation, I condemn both the director of this series and the owner of the television station. We have already alerted the authorities, and we are awaiting a judicial decision.”

    (MORE: Turkish P.M. Erdogan: We Cannot Deny Our Ottoman Past)

    Erdogan has had little reason to complain about the wave of Ottomania that has propelled programs like Magnificent Century to record ratings. Intent on restoring Turkey’s links with the Balkans and the Middle East, and just as keen to use his country’s newly assertive foreign policy to win votes at home, the Prime Minister has probably done more than anyone else to rekindle Turkish nostalgia for the age of empire. (Critics allege that he likely fancies himself a modern-day sultan.) What Erdogan appears to resent, however, is any interpretation of the Ottoman past that is less than adulatory — or at odds with Islamic values. A sultan on horseback is fine. A sultan on a bender is not.

    Within days of the Prime Minister’s remarks, Turkish Airlines, the national air carrier, reportedly scratched Suleiman and his dancing girls from all of its in-flight programming. At roughly the same time, Oktay Saral, a lawmaker from Erdogan’s mildly Islamist Justice and Development Party (AKP), announced that he would table a law banning programs that infringe on “national values” by “insulting, denigrating, distorting or misrepresenting” historical personalities and events. (An existing law already prescribes prison terms for those guilty of “denigrating the Turkish nation.”) “Magnificent Century will be banned from the airwaves in 2013,” Saral gravely announced.

    To Ihsan Dagi, a columnist at Today’s Zaman, a newspaper that until recently tended to toe the government’s line, the Turkish leader’s vendetta against Magnificent Century is emblematic. “The very top of the [ruling] party, Erdogan, acts as if he is entitled to interfere in the lives and choices of the people, as if he is responsible for their choices,” Dagi wrote in a recent article. “The mandate to rule seems to have been interpreted as a blank check to transform the identities and lifestyles of the people.”

    Fittingly, the day that Dagi’s article appeared, news broke that Turkey’s media watchdog had decided to fine a private channel $30,000 for airing an episode of The Simpsons in which God was depicted as being under the sway of the devil. The program “made fun of God” and “encouraged young people to drink alcohol on New Year’s Eve,” the Radio and Television Supreme Council said in a statement.

    Erdogan is not the first to express his criticism for Magnificent Century. Since the show first aired two years ago, thousands of Turks — conservative Muslims and nationalists alike — have protested its irreverent portrayal of Suleiman. Now, however, the row, while still about values, is also about power — or, more specifically, about the degree to which Erdogan has begun to rule Turkey by fiat.

    (MORE: Fetih 1453: Turkish Epic Revels in Ottoman Past)

    Several years ago, it was still possible to argue, as some did, that it’s not what Erdogan said that mattered, but what his government actually did. Today, the two are slowly becoming indistinguishable. What the Prime Minister says, or thinks, is what goes.

    The chemical reaction that began with Erdogan’s contempt for Magnificent Century and ended in his associates’ bid to pull the plug on the show is just the latest example. Two years ago, during a visit to the eastern province of Kars, the Prime Minister called a local statue to Turkish-Armenian reconciliation a “monstrosity.” A year later, the statue was torn down. Earlier this year, Erdogan declared that abortion was tantamount to “murder” and cesarean births were “a procedure to restrict Turkey’s population.” Within a week of the speech, the Health Ministry announced that a regulation placing new curbs on abortion was in the works. (After a public outcry, the draft law was eventually shelved.)

    Protests notwithstanding, Erdogan has also pushed ahead with a number of pet projects, including the construction of a mosque in the middle of Istanbul’s entertainment district and another, a much larger one, on a hilltop overlooking the city. He hasn’t taken kindly to criticism either. Journalists who knock or lampoon the Prime Minister routinely face lawsuits, fines or dismissals — this in a country that jails more reporters than China and Iran, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists.

    Erdogan’s popularity, boosted by a decade of rapid economic growth, shows few signs of abating, however. Having pledged not to run for another term as Prime Minister, Erdogan is now attempting to consolidate his legacy by transforming Turkey into a U.S.-style presidential system. Well short of an absolute majority in parliament and facing resistance from the sitting President himself, he may be facing his toughest challenge to date. Undaunted, the Turkish leader doesn’t shy from suggesting that he has found a perfectly suitable candidate for the 2014 presidential election — himself.

    Read more:
  • Turkey has a star role in more than just TV drama

    Turkey has a star role in more than just TV drama

    ISTANBUL // During a recent visit to the UAE, Abdullah Gul, Turkey’s president, was confronted with an unexpected request.

    fo08fe TurkeySoftPower

    “Please tell us how the Turkish soap operas on television will end. Otherwise, we will not be able to pry our women away from their TV sets,” Mr Gul quoted his Emirati hosts as saying last week.

    Turkish television series have long been popular in the Middle East. Yet they are one reason why Turkey topped a recent poll of most admired nations in the region.

    In the survey, carried out by the Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (Tesev), 78 per cent of those polled in 16 countries the Middle East had a very or somewhat favourable opinion of Turkey. The UAE was second with 70 per cent.

    In the case of Turkey, respondents said it was a regional model because of its democratic system, economic development and Muslim identity. Three-out-of-four of those surveyed also said they had seen a Turkish television soap – a testament the country’s expanding influence, said Gokce Percinoglu.

    “TV series form a part of Turkey’s soft power,” said Ms Percinoglu, an analyst at Tesev, an independent think tank.

    Not all Turks were impressed with the survey’s findings.

    They said that the country’s high favourability ratings across the region – like the much-touted “Turkish model” – were both soft and misleading.

    On the one hand, maintaining Turkey’s positive image depended on democratic progress in the country, they said. On the other hand, its reputation is tarnished by limits on media freedom and a hardening of fronts in the long-running Kurdish conflict.

    “More democratisation is the biggest chance for Turkey” to keep improving the favourable perception of the country in the region, Mensur Akgun, a co-author of the Tesev study, said. “But a military intervention or authoritarian tendencies of a civilian government would be risks.”

    The government of Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the prime minister, has been accused of overseeing the arrest of about 100 journalists and an increasing number of university students and of abandoning efforts to solve the Kurdish conflict by democratic means. The government rejects the accusations.

    Kemal Kilicdaroglu, the leader of the secularist opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), wrote in Monday’s Washington Post that Turkey under Mr Erdogan could not be a model for the Middle East.

    “Turkey today is a country where people live in fear and are divided politically, economically and socially. Our democracy is regressing in terms of the separation of powers, basic human rights and freedoms and social development and justice,” Mr Kilicdaroglu said.

    The Tesev poll was conducted by telephone and by in-person interviews between October and December last year among 2,323 people in the UAE, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Iraq, Iran, Tunisia, Oman, Bahrain, Qatar, Yemen and Libya.

    According to the survey, 77 per cent of respondents thought Turkey had a positive effect on peace in the Middle East. Another 71 per cent thought Turkey should play a bigger role in the region, 67 per cent said Turkey was a “successful combination of Islam and democracy”, and 61 per cent of people in the Middle East considered Turkey a possible model for the region.

    Support for the Turkish model is highest in Libya, Tunisia and Egypt, Tesev said, three countries that overthrew their long-time regimes during the Arab Spring and were visited by Mr Erdogan last year. Support for Turkey is lowest in Syria, reflecting deteriorating ties between Ankara and Damascus over the violence of Syrian government forces against protesters.

    The main reason people regard Turkey as a model are its democratic system (32 per cent). Its strong economy (25 per cent) and its identity as a Muslim country (23 per cent) were also at the top of the poll.

    While political and economic factors play vital roles in Turkey’s image, the poll also found strong cultural influences, especially its soaps. Murat Yetkin, a columnist, wrote in the newspaper Hurriyet Daily News that Turkish soaps were so popular in the Middle East “because they show that to live a modern and open life in a modern society is possible”, adding that “Turkish soap operas give messages of hope that a modern political, social and economic life can be lived by Turks, as well as by Arab viewers”.

    The role of cultural factors such as television shows was hard to quantify, “but the influence is there”, Mr Akgun said.

    For Zayed University students, that seems indisputable.

    When Mr Gul, Turkey’s president, met them during his recent visit to the UAE, they asked about Muhtesem Yuzyil, or Magnificent Century, a Turkish TV series about the life of Suleiman the Magnificent, an Ottoman sultan of the 16th century.

    “They are all following that show,” he later told reporters.

    via Turkey has a star role in more than just TV drama – The National.

  • Ottoman Empire reborn on TV

    Ottoman Empire reborn on TV

    84f603414a4b911af20e1e8bfae2

    The Magnificent Century is the most-watched television drama in Turkey.

    By Mitch Potter Washington Bureau

    The Turkish producers admit it was more than a gamble. They risked everything to capture the sights, sounds and intrigue of the Ottoman era, replete with production values so lavish the whole world would watch.

    The conquest of Magnificent Century is well underway. Now in its second season, the most-watched TV drama in Turkey is airing in four countries and is scheduled to spread to 14 more in December. By this time next year, producers say, it will be showing in 34 countries, using subtitles and dubbing.

    No doubt Suleiman the Magnificent would approve. He’s the star, after all. And 500 years later, the longest-reigning of the Ottoman sultans is about to hold court again over most of the territory he once controlled, courtesy of his modern-day likeness, actor Halit Ergenc.

    Producer Timur Savci, head of Istanbul’s fledgling TIMS Productions, told the Toronto Star the notion to plunge, Tudors-style, into the previously untouched Ottoman era came to him in a dream years ago.

    “I thought the appeal could be not just national but global. But we needed to create it in a class of its own, in terms of esthetics and production values. It took everything we had. If it failed we would have had to lock the doors.”

    Turkey only recently became a content-exporting nation, with several of its soap operas now heralded throughout the Arab world.

    But Magnificent Century — Muhtesem Yuzvil, in Turkish — ran into trouble even before the first episode aired, when a 30-second trailer sparked protests from Turkish religious conservatives angered the initial images of Harem dancers and wine tippling signalled a series fixated on the most licentious aspects of Ottoman history. The objections melted away once the series began and audiences became hooked.

    Looking back at past glories is rare for the Turkish production industry. But the series coincides with a reviving interest in Ottoman times as the economically resurgent country rises in regional importance.

    “We didn’t calculate that when we started working on this five years ago. But the broadcast coincides with the success Turkey is feeling right now,” said Savci.

    “We have a sense of self-confidence as a country that wasn’t there before. And I think this firmer footing makes it easier for us to look back.”

    A trio of historical advisers help the production team put its finger on the pulse of the first half of the 1500s, when Suleiman ruled for 46 years.

    “We took on a lot of detail you don’t get in school,” said Savci. “For example, Suleiman received his advice while resting on a divan behind a screen. So when important state matters were discussed, they would never see him or even know whether or not he was in the room.”

    And while the characters are historically accurate — Suleiman’s marriage to an enslaved Ukrainian beauty, Alexsandra Lisowka, for example, is well-documented — the emotional drama and dialogue are fiction for the most part.

    The uglier excesses of the era are written around, as well. Though Istanbul still bears the unmarked gravestones of Ottoman-era executioners, their work was deemed too grisly for prime time family viewing.

    “This is important history, but the show has no message. The goal is great stories and pure entertainment.”

    As for Suleiman, his afterlife is scheduled to end in 2013 as the climax to the fourth and final season. But with Magnificent Century already striking a chord with foreign viewers, Savci acknowledges “prequels and sequels are under discussion.

    “We have 500 years of history to work with. This was the peak, but we’re confident there are other facets of the Ottomans worthy of more to come.”

    Mitch Potter is the Star’s Washington bureau chief.

    via World News: Ottoman Empire reborn on TV – thestar.com.