Tag: Kurds

  • Turkey’s Kurds Slowly Build Cultural Autonomy

    Turkey’s Kurds Slowly Build Cultural Autonomy

    A BALEFUL love song wafted from the Vizyon Muzik Market. Not so long ago playing Kurdish music over a loudspeaker into the streets here might have provoked the Turkish police. Just speaking the names of certain Kurdish singers at one time could have landed a Kurd in prison.

    kurds

    These days hundreds of CDs featuring Kurdish pop singers fill one of the long walls in the small, shoebox-shaped Vizyon Muzik. The discs face a few dozen Turkish ones. Abdulvahap Ciftci, the 25-year-old Kurd who runs the place, told me one sunny morning not long ago that customers buy some 250 Kurdish albums a week. “And maybe I sell one Turkish album,” he calculated, wagging a single finger, slowly. “Maybe.”

    Turkey is holding elections in a few days. For months pro-Kurdish activists have been staging rallies that during recent weeks have increasingly turned into violent confrontations with the police in this heavily Kurdish region of the southeast. Capitalizing on the Arab Spring and the general state of turmoil in that part of the world, as well as on Turkey’s vocal support for Egyptian reformers, the Kurds here have been looking toward elections to press longstanding claims for broader parliamentary representation and more freedoms, political and cultural.

    Not that there’s ever much difference between politics and culture for this country’s Kurds. Since the 1920s, when Turkey started forcibly assimilating its Kurds, roughly 20 percent of the population, in a struggle to forge a nation-state out of the broken remnants of the Ottoman Empire, they have resisted. Since the mid-1980s tens of thousands on both sides have died. This must now be the world’s longest bloody conflict.

    In March a Turkish movie, “Press,” opened in Istanbul, recounting the torture and killing of dozens of investigative journalists working for Ozgur Gundem, a newspaper here at the epicenter of the Kurdish struggle. More than 75 of its employees were killed from 1992 to 1994, when the paper was shut down by the government. Only just recently it went back into print. Still, the movie’s 38-year-old director, Sedat Yilmaz, told me recently, the police wanted to make sure he used fake copies of Ozgur Gundem, not real ones.

    “It is now at least possible to talk about issues a little more openly,” Mr. Yilmaz said. We spoke over a din at the film’s opening in a basement theater in Istanbul, amid a crush of young Turks engulfed, as usual, in a thick nimbus of blue cigarette smoke. “The best way to do this is through films and plays and music, which is finally starting to happen.” At the Istanbul International film festival in April “Press” won the Turkish equivalent of an Oscar for its exploration of human rights abuses.

    But change comes slowly, incrementally, if at all here. Concessions by the government of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan in 2009 made way for the first Kurdish national television station, and the government also permitted the teaching of Kurdish language classes in private universities (but not public ones). Token gestures, they made front-page headlines: first because they were signals to the outside world that a democratic state run by an Islamic leader will not automatically become xenophobic or tribalist, and second because even small steps toward acknowledging Kurdish culture can provoke political firestorms inside the country. Turkish nationalists raised a ruckus. Nationalists regard even the most basic Kurdish demand — that their language also be allowed in grade schools and at official settings where Kurds are involved — as treason.

    Turkish Kurds respond that increased cultural freedom only encourages their loyalty to the Turkish state. But in this deeply patriotic country, where sentiments are old and entrenched, Mr. Erdogan’s government, guarding its tenuous majority in Parliament on the verge of the elections, has assumed a more and more hawkish line lately. The arrests of large numbers of Kurdish political activists have fed the Kurds’ concern that the government never really had true democracy in mind for them but just cooked up some window dressing for Western consumption. Recent clashes in this city between the police and hundreds of protesters attending the funerals of separatist militants proved how fragile the peace is in the region.

    via Turkey’s Kurds Slowly Build Cultural Autonomy – NYTimes.com.

  • Kurds Renew Movement for Civil Rights in Turkey

    Kurds Renew Movement for Civil Rights in Turkey

    By LANDON THOMAS Jr.

    Published: April 21, 2011

    Kurdish demonstrators clashed with the police in Istanbul this week during a protest against political restrictions on Kurdish parliamentary candidates.
    Kurdish demonstrators clashed with the police in Istanbul this week during a protest against political restrictions on Kurdish parliamentary candidates.

    DIYARBAKIR, Turkey — As more than 5,000 Kurds bent their heads to the ground in prayer on the main square of this provincial capital in Turkey’s volatile southeast, the voice of the imam rang out.

    “No one can deny us the right that God gave us to speak our own language, in our schools or in our mosques,” the religious leader said in Kurdish, the language of Turkey’s 12 million to 15 million Kurds that the Turkish state still forbids the official use of in schools, mosques and government offices. “To do this is against God and the Koran — we are united with our Arab brothers and we want our rights.”

    Against the backdrop of the Arab Spring, Turkey’s ever restive Kurds have begun a fresh push to achieve what they have been fighting for since the founding of the Turkish republic in 1923: true freedom of representation and the right to be educated in their mother tongue.

    Whereas in the past, the main force behind this impetus has been a bloody guerrilla war, it is now a campaign of civil disobedience that Kurdish leaders here say is inspired not just by the events in neighboring Syria as well as Egypt, Yemen and Libya, but by the fight for civil rights in the United States in the 1960s.

    “Our struggle is not just for our rights, but to bring democracy to Turkey,” Mehmet Ali Aydin, the chairman of the Diyarbakir branch of the Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party, known as the B.D.P. for the initials of its Kurdish name, said in an interview. “Forty years ago blacks and whites in America could not eat together. Now the president of your country is black — we are trying to follow in the same steps.”

    As the religiously conservative government of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan prepares for nationwide elections in June, this newly assertive drive led by the B.D.P. is seen as a democratic litmus test for Mr. Erdogan.

    Arguably Turkey’s most powerful and regionally influential leader since Kemal Ataturk, the founder of the republic, Mr. Erdogan, who has transformed Turkey into an economic dynamo, has drawn increasing criticism at home and abroad for a recent crackdown on journalists, writers and other critics.

    Those concerns were amplified this week when Turkey’s electoral body disqualified 12 parliamentary candidates, seven of whom were from the B.D.P., from running in the June elections. The decision set off violent protests not just in traditional Kurdish hotbeds like this city, Van and Hakkari but in Istanbul as well. B.D.P. leaders threatened to boycott the elections. On Thursday, the electoral body revised its decision, saying that eight of the barred candidates were now eligible, following appeals by the candidates. But it was unclear whether that would mollify Kurdish anger.

    All of which represents an awkward challenge for Mr. Erdogan — who had urged Egypt’s former leader, Hosni Mubarak, to listen to his own people during the Egyptian uprising — and to Turkey’s broader reputation as the region’s most advanced democracy.

    For a political party that has been closed down six times, the four demands that underpin the B.D.P.’s protest movement ask much of a state that has always been extremely sensitive to any perceived threat to its unity.

    The demands call for the right for Kurds to be educated in their own language and the freedom to use it in the political arena; the immediate cessation of military operations against Kurds by the Turkish Army; the release of all political prisoners, including Abdullah Ocalan, the leader of the Kurds’ illegal military wing, the P.K.K.; and the removal of the controversial 10 percent electoral threshold that bars any party that cannot attract that share of the national vote from gaining seats in Parliament.

    In its blend of the reasonable, like language and representation rights, and the more far-fetched, like the release of Mr. Ocalan, the Kurdish demands exemplify the tensions within the movement between those who want change through the ballot box and those who prefer to secure it by more violent means.

    Perhaps no one embodies this push and pull more so than Abdullah Demirbas, the Kurdish mayor of one of Diyarbakir’s larger municipalities. Jailed in 2009 for having used Kurdish in an official capacity as mayor, he was released last year and was recently re-elected.

    Over lunch at a local restaurant, where he was frequently interrupted by his constituents giving their best wishes, Mr. Demirbas recounted the story of his 18-year-old son who abandoned high school two years ago to join the P.K.K. and its armed struggle.

    via Kurds Renew Movement for Civil Rights in Turkey – NYTimes.com.