“I have seen wicked men and fools, a great many of both;
and I believe they both get paid in the end; but the fools first.”
Robert Louis Stevenson, Kidnapped
Hüseyin Aygün, a member of the Turkish parliament, was kidnapped two days ago by the PKK. They took him into the mountains. Everyone expected the worst. After all, the PKK is listed as a terrorist organization by Turkey, the United States, the European Union and NATO. And they should know the danger, being terror organizations themselves.
But the “terrorists” surprised everyone. They called him “brother.” They talked together. Then they released Aygün, who is a member of the opposition leftist party, the CHP. He was not abused.
But he became abused soon after gaining his freedom by the gasbag experts that abound in Turkish politics and the lamentable, toady media.
“He should not have expressed sympathy towards a terrorist organization,” said an armchair hero of the CHP, Aygün’s own party, one Metin Feyzioğlu. What sympathy? He was kidnapped and he talked to his captors. The Turkish government has been talking to the PKK for years…and denying it! America has been championing the PKK for years…and denying it! And what is “sympathy” anyway? By the way, there is still no international legal consensus regarding a definition of “terrorism.” Like obscenity, one knows it when one sees it. And one sees clearly the obscene US-induced carnage in Syria.
How about sympathy towards the Turkish and US governments, both flagrantly flouting international law, the United Nations Charter and the Geneva Conventions in their destruction of Syria. Their abominable behavior and violent public discourse reeks of the blood of innocents, my wife’s uncle murdered in Damascus by the criminal gangs sponsored by the US and Turkey being a case in point.
Should sympathy and support be given to the perpetrators of death, namely, Barack Hussein Obama, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Hillary Rodham Clinton and Ahmet Davutoğlu? Or should war crime charges be rendered?
Hüseyin Aygün said he was treated with respect. So what should he have done? Spit at his captors? Perhaps that is the heroic way of the Turkish politicians, ensconced in their plush, red parliamentary chairs. But like Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Aygün saw the opportunity and seized the moment.
He learned that his PKK abductors “wanted to solve the problem.” A problem now running for over thirty years, thirty years of death and destruction. He heard the kidnappers speak of their “meaningless” struggle. Aygün later said that he wished his young captors had gone to the university instead of going to the mountains.
When it comes to power politics and war, morality and honor disappear. Lies abound. Anything is possible because war is a criminal act. War is murder. And there are murderers among us. And they are not only in the mountains in eastern Turkey.
Oh, and let’s not forget two other “terrorist” organizations, Al-Qaeda and the Muslim Brotherhood, now gainfully employed in Syria courtesy of the United States, Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Qatar.
One more lunacy remains. General İlker Başbuğ, former Commander of the Turkish Armed Forces, remains in Silivri Prison. The charge? He led a “terrorist” organization, that is, the Turkish Armed Forces.
Monday, March 12, 2012 at 12:55 | Ali Yenidunya in EA Middle East and Turkey, Middle East and Iran
2100 GMT: Hayrettin Ayoglu, a 75-year old Turkish citizen was killed by Syrian border soldiers’ fire while himself and the driver were approaching to cross the border. The driver didn’t stop and drove to Kilis province of Turkey. Ayoglu was not saved in Kilis Hospital. It is also reported that another car was targeted by Syrian soldiers in the evening but no one was hurt.
2030 GMT: George Sabra, a spokesman for the opposition Syrian National Council, told a news conference in Istanbul said that they had already decided to arm the Free Syrian Army and added that some foreign governments were helping to send weapons.
However, despite of these, Sabra called on Arab and Western governments to intervene militarily and to protect civilians through imposing a no-fly zone across all of Syria and establishing secured humanitarian corridors. Sabra continued:
The Syrian National Council has taken concrete and practical decisions to arm Free Syrian Army that is established to protect the civilians. And we invite all colonels and other military officials in the Syrian army to take sides with the people of Syria.
1900 GMT: UN peace envoy Kofi Annan has arrived in Ankara, meeting Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan before he sees Syrian opposition members on Tuesday. Annan said:
There are grave and appalling reports of atrocities and abuses. The killing of civilians must stop now. The world has to send a clear and united message in this regard.
This a very complex situation. We are going to press ahead for humanitarian access, for the killings of civilians to stop, and that get everybody to the table to work out a political solution.
1825 GMT: Ukranian FEMEN activist Inna Shevchenko said that Turkish police forced them to sign a paper they did not understand, kept talking in Turkish, and took activists to their cells by force.
1810 GMT: EU Enlargement Commissioner Stefan Fule’s spokesperson Peter Stano welcomed the release of four journalists and called on authorities to solve structural problems so freedom of speech, the right to freedom and security, and fair hearings into practice.
1745 GMT: Diyarbakir’s Mayor Osman Baydemir, a member of the Peace and Democracy Party, said that Dersim, in Tunceli province in the eastern part of Turkey, shall not be characterised as Sunni. Instead, the area will be a part of the Alawite and Kurdish identity. He also added that Dersim would overcome these tough days.
1620 GMT: Eleven workers were killed in their tents inn a fire in the middle of Istanbul. Because of insufficient preventive measures, workers had to stay in tents instead of prefabricated houses on the construction field of a shopping mall.
The Confederation of Turkish Real Trade Unions (Hak-İş) President Mahmut Arslan called Sunday’s accident “a shame” and added: “Having workers live in tents in the middle of İstanbul is normal for Turkey.”
1550 GMT: Four journalists detained on charges of involvement in the media wing of Ergenekon, a so-called underground network aimed at toppling the government, were released today.
Nedim Sener, Ahmet Sik, Coskun Musluk and Sait Cakir were freed, but there are still six suspects of the Oda TV case held in prisons.
Deputy Prime Minister Bulent Arınc welcomed the release of the journalists as a “positive development” and said: “We should in fact question why the court didn’t delivere this decision before.”
1330 GMT: Anatolia news agency reporter Samet Dogan entered a military camp of the Free Syria Army near the Turkish-Syrian border. A commander said that they had very little supplies and needed aid. He continued, “We protect our people by guns but we have nothing to prevent starvation.”
1245 GMT: The opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP)’s Central Executive Commission gathered and issued a statement on yesterday’s 4+4+4 bill on the new education system. It said:
On 11 March, in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, a heavy blow inflicted that will be remembered as a shame in Turkish democracy and our political history by despots of the ruling party. The opposition MPs were not taken in the room [parliament’s committee room], were not given right to speak and were forcefully prevented to participate in the voting. Our MPs were knocked and one of our MPs was kicked when he fell on the floor.
Our society will be transformed into something with full of children workers, children brides, children mothers and poor families and those revengefuls of the ruling party will continue their exploitation. CHP will not give the future of our children to AKP’s mentality based on exploitation, revenge and hatred.
1200 GMT: In response to Turkey’s Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu’s earlier remarks, Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Emir Abdollahiyan said that their full support to the Assad regime is continuing.
Davutoglu had reportedly stated in an interview, after his meeting with his Iranian counterpart Ali Akbar Salehi in Nakhichevan, that Russia and Iran had gradually decreased their support to Syria.
1145 GMT: National Education Minister Omer Dincer said that Kurdish language courses and religious courses on Alevi’s faith could be elective if we want Turkey to have more democracy.
1120 GMT: Iraq’s Sunni Vice President, Tariq al-Hashemi who is wanted for arrest and is harboured by Kurdish leaders in northern Iraq, said in an interview that Ankara should pressure Tehran against interfering in Iraq’s internal affairs:
Turkey should convince Iran to leave Iraq alone and to not interfere in Iraq’s internal affairs. No one is trying to make conditions more difficult for Iran, but it should be aware of Iraq’s sovereignty and respect Iraq’s dignity.
1100 GMT: Turkish bus companies that operate services between Turkey’s border province of Hatay and Syria’s Damascus and Aleppo said that roads would be closed due to a lack of security on Syrian roads and there would be no service.
The latest news from Turkey….
UN Envoy Arriving in Ankara
The United Nations special envoy on Syria, Kofi Annan is expected to visit Turkey today. Presumably, he will brief Turkish officials on the political prospects after his two days of talks in Damascus. We will be watching for clues to next steps.
Turkey’s Kurdish Problem
Last week it was reported that the Kurdish Communities Union (KCK), an umbrella organization including the separatist Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), would be transformed into a broader platform called the People’s Democratic Congress (HDK).
The Labour, Democracy and Freedom Bloc, comprised of non-governmental organisations and many leftist political parties including the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP), responded harshly. BDP’s co-chairman Gulten Kisanak said that the news was a diversion, and The BDP’s MP Ertugtul Kurkcu told the daily news channel Haberturk:
I am condemning those who made this news with my all heart and soul. First of all, the People’s Democratic Congress is not going to be formed, it is already formed in October 2011 with the attendance of 900 representatives. Secondly, the Labour, Democracy and Freedom Bloc is behind this platform, that is the alliance the carried independent MPs to victory in 12 June elections. This alliance is comprised of BDP and socialist parties and movements. To carry this success into the 2014 local elections and the 2015 general elections and to expand and deepen this alliance, we started working and we are still working.
On Saturday, following a”‘Unity with Collective Mind” meeting among politicians, writers, academics, lawyers and intellectuals in Diyarbakir, the BDP tried to re-focus on the Kurdish issue with a “Declaration of Common Stance”:
According to us, the Kurdish and Kurdistan problem cannot be solved without a status given to Kurds in the Kurdistan geography. Justice, freedom, collective life and honoured peace can only be possible with the actualisation of this demand.
Turkey and the European Union
As Ankara offers a 4 million euro reward for each of the 50 most wanted PKK leaders, the European Union is calling on the Government to take important steps on the Kurdish issue.
The Committee on Foreign Affairs asked Ankara “to demonstrate resilience and intensify its efforts for a political solution to the Kurdish issue and asks all political forces to work in alliance towards the goal of reinforced political dialogue and a process of further political, cultural and socio-economic inclusion and participation of citizens of Kurdish origin, in order to guarantee the rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly”.
The Committee continued:
[This statement] considers, in this context, the right to education in the native language as essential; calls on the Government of Turkey to step up its efforts to further promote socio-economic development in the South East; takes the view that the Constitutional reform provides a very useful framework to promote a democratic opening”. The commission “recalls that a political solution can only be built upon an open and truly democratic debate on the Kurdish issue and expresses concern at the large number of cases launched against writers and journalists writing on the Kurdish issue and the arrest of several Kurdish politicians, locally elected mayors and members of municipal councils, lawyers, protestors and human rights defenders in connection with the KCK trial and other police operations; calls on the Government of Turkey to create the peaceful ground for political figures of Kurdish origin to have a free and pluralistic debate.
The Committee also underlined “the importance of keeping the secular structure of the army within the context of Turkey’s significance in NATO.”
Reacting to Israeli Airstrikes on Gaza
The Foreign Ministry has strongly condemned Israel over the three days of airstrikes that killed at least 18 Palestinians in Gaza. IT called on the world not to remain indifferent and to react to Israel’s “disproportionate and indiscriminate retaliatory attacks”.
The statement concluded: “We ask Israel once again to end its inhumane and unacceptable policies toward Gaza.”
The New Education System
After long debates and even fights between MPs, the Parliamentary Commission approved a bill to increase the duration of compulsory education from 8 to 12 years in a 4+4+4 system.
Under the bill, students could start studying in technical schools after the end of the first four years, working in businesses from the age of 11. The legislation also paves the way for the re-opening of Imam Hatip schools, which provide relatively conservative religious education.
Kurdish Issue Heats Up Before Turkey’s Parliamentary Vote
Dorian Jones | Istanbul May 20, 2011
Photo: Reuters
Kurdish demonstrators clash with riot police in Istanbul, May 16, 2011
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With just weeks to go before Turkey’s June 12 parliamentary vote, tensions are rising over Turkey’s Kurdish minority’s demands for the greater rights. The election campaign has already been marred by violent demonstrations , clashes between the army and the PKK rebel group as well as many arrests. But the ruling AK party are committed to taking a tough stance against the unrest.
Kurdish youths clash with police in the center of Istanbul.
Similar clashes have also occurred across much of Turkey’s predominantly Kurdish southeast. It is in response to last weekend’s killing by the Turkish army of 12 members of Kurdish rebel group, the Kurdistan Workers Party, or the PKK.
Tough stance
AP
Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan speaks to the media during a news conference in Ankara, April 7, 2011
Since the start of his election campaign, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has taken a tough stance against the rebel group and the country’s main pro-Kurdish party, the BDP.
“We can’t get anywhere with those who try to undermine the democratic will of the people,” he said in an address to parliamentary candidates. “There is no longer a Kurdish question in this country. I do not accept this.”
That stance differs from 2005 when the prime minister declared in a speech “There was a Kurdish problem.”
Greater cultural rights
In the last general election in 2007, Erdogan campaigned on the platform of meeting Kurdish demands for greater cultural rights. In the past few years, the government developed a 24-hour state Kurdish TV station and launched what it called the “Democratic Opening” to end the 26-year conflict with the PKK. But that broke down in mutual recriminations.
“The whole government was disappointed, even resentful, about their attempts towards the Kurds. But they saw the benefit of getting nationalist votes away from the nationalistic party. They saw there is a solid support ground and they can easily get more votes by underlining their nationalist credentials rather than democratic credentials and this explains their present policy,” Political columnist Nuray Mert explains.
Increasing legal pressure
VOA – Xecîcan Farqîn
Peace and Democracy party’s first campaign for Turkey’s election in Diyarbakir, 14 May 2011
In last few years the pro-Kurdish BDP has been getting more organized and has high hopes of defeating the AKP in the predominantly Kurdish southeast in the upcoming elections. But the party is facing increasing legal pressure.
Last month there were nationwide protests by Kurds when many BDP-supported parliamentary candidates were banned by Turkey’s electoral commission because of alleged links to the PKK. The decision was later reversed, but during the unrest one person was shot dead by the police and hundreds arrested. According to the Turkish-based Human Rights Society, in past 50 days more than 2500 ethnic Kurds have been detained by the police. This month, Aysel Tugluk a leading BDP supported parliamentary candidate gave this warning about the crackdown.
“A calamity is just around the corner. I am not pessimistic,” she says. “I only possess the sensibility that emanates from intuition and foresight. Once again we are at a crossroads. Everyone who is concerned about the Kurdish issue should know that we are moving toward ground zero, and fast.”
So far, the AKP has defended the measures taken against the BDP. The prime minister accused the party of being involved in an attack earlier this month by the PKK on a campaign bus of its members returning from a rally.
AKP parliamentary candidate Volkan Bozkir, is a former Turkish ambassador to the European Union. “It is not because they have said something. But they are part of a terrorist organization. They have been helping those terrorists who are killing young people,” he said.
PKK’s uttimatum
AP
A person holds a poster of jailed Kurdish rebel leader Abdullah Ocalan as Kurdish demonstrators march in Istanbul, Turkey, April 19, 2011
Last month imprisoned PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan issued an ultimatum that unless talks start over greater Kurdish rights within three days of the general election, fighting will resume.
But Political scientist Cengiz Aktar says any hope of dialogue is remote. “The government have extreme difficulties to understand that they should talk to Kurds. In their minds there are plenty of bad Kurds and a few good Kurds who belong to their party. When there is vacuum in policy others come in and fill this vacuum, both the Turkish military and PKK may come back. Unless the government solves the Kurdish problem through political means the military will always be around,” he said.
The ending of the Turkish army’s interference in politics is heralded by the ruling AK party as well as the EU which Turkey is seeking to join – one of its most important democratic accomplishments of Erdogan’s rule. But that breakthrough came at a time of relative peace. A return to widespread conflict, observers warn, could well unravel many of the country’s achievements.
Semra Özal, wife of former Turkish President Turgut Özal, talks to Rudaw in Istanbul.—– Photo by Rudaw.
ISTANBUL, Turkey: Semra Özal is the wife of the former Turkish president Turgut Özal. She was born in 1934 in Istanbul. She was the second wife of Mr. Özal and was with president until the last days of his life. In 1990-92, she served as chairwoman of the Motherland Party (ANAP). In an exclusive and rare interview, Rudaw talked to her about Kurdish question in Turkey as well as her life with former Turkish president Turgut Özal, who passed away in 1993 in a controversial death.
RUDAW: Who is Semra Özal? How did she become the partner of one of the famous presidents of Turkey?
Özal: It is difficult to talk about yourself. I was born in Besiktashi in Istanbul. I finished high school in the same neighborhood. One day, in 1954 we went to Ankara to visit my uncles. There I met Turgut Özal and then we married later on. It was a coincidence. After we got married we continued to live in Ankara, because Turgut was working there.
RUDAW: At that time, did you have kind of relations with Kurds?
Özal: due to my husband’s job, we used to travel across the cities of Anatolia constantly. My husband was an engineer [specialized] in dam constructions. Therefore, we took part in the construction of most of the dams built in Turkey. This required us to stay in different cities for different periods of time.
Back then, when we were traveling all around the Anatolia, the east and southeast, I witnessed what a harsh condition the women were living in. That hurt me. Back then I was working in several NGOs, hospitals and the like, voluntarily in Ankara. But when I saw the women of those areas I told myself these women need help, not those in Ankara.
Then in 1985 I founded an Organization named “Introducing and Strengthening Turkish Women.” Up to now when our ladies going abroad are asked ‘Are you the first wife?’ And many more weird and disturbing questions are asked.
These were not all we were offering. In addition to the health services we offered instructions and guidance to the people. Our work was very productive. Then we moved on, and built some permanent health clinics. One of those clinics is still operating in a poor neighborhood in Diyarbakir. The clinic now offers help to more than two thousand patients on a daily basis. I was proud to be able to help the kids and women of those areas.
Then I realized there were a huge number of married couples who had not documented their marriage in the court. This had left a number of kids without having identity cards of any kind. That was a very hurtful thing, because the husband could just dismiss the wife anytime and the women in that case did not have any rights. They would remain unprotected with their kids. Therefore, I started a campaign for legal documentation of the married couples. In a short period of time, we documented about 30.000 marriages. This made tens of thousands of kids to obtain ID cards. Each family had seven to eight kids. Now if you calculate that you know how many kids benefited from that campaign!
We kept our campaigning in many other countries of the world including America, Japan where we presented the Turkish women’s situations. In Paris we held several exhibitions. We tried to present Turkish women’s abilities. Then we organized a portable exhibition in America and Japan. This awarded me an honor medal from the UNICEF.
The medal then led to receipt of an honorary doctoral certificate from an American university. Despite all these I am still carrying on and would not stop in doing charity works.
RUDAW: You said you had traveled to the Kurdish areas with Turgut Özal, did the Kurdish roots of Turgut Özal have any impacts on your views towards the Kurds?
Özal: We did not segregate between/among Turkey’s different groups and ethnicities. My ancestors are from Istanbul. We never thought of ethnic differences until recently. I have not thought about I am Turkish or Kurdish, we are all human. We were viewing the people in a human prospective. My husband was the same. We had friends from all the different groups. And just so you know, Turgut Özal’s parents were Kurdish. Some other Kurdish key figures had emerged, figures such as the military chief commander and prime minister. Therefore, in the Turkish society I have had friends from all the different groups and ethnicities. I have never differentiated between the people of Turkey.
RUDAW: Turgut Özal tried to solve the Kurdish problem but life did not give him the chance to…
Özal: Turgut Özal was a very intelligent man. He was farsighted. I don’t think there is anyone like him in the world. He was very talented. His thinking and ability were not one of a normal human being. If you remember, in the 1980s, the GAP T.V was established by the state for the first time. Back then, he asked for an hour Kurdish news program in the morning and an hour in the evening. He was saying with this step, we can prevent the negative news that is relied on the Kurdish people from other places. That is why he believed the T.V should have Kurdish news casting.
But unfortunately, the politicians in his time defied this move. They were saying this was not a necessary thing to have! The politicians were wrong. What Özal was doing was necessary. If that step were taken at the time, more steps would have followed by now. Özal was saying language has to be freed. Everybody should be free to listen to the news, read book, sing, and publish newspapers in their own language. He was saying this is not a danger to anyone. Now that Kurdish language and music are allowed, what dangers do they pose? In one of our weddings, Ibrahim Tatlisas with Kanan Ivran sang in Kurdish!
If Özal were alive and if he were not blocked he would have solved the issue step after step. Not only this, he had taken many other important steps in the interest of Turkey. An example is the establishment of three small financial institutions that served this country a lot. These institutions, one of them was dedicated to architecture development. Another to dams and the last one to roads. These institutions were funded by the customs put on the precious goods. This means the funding would not pressure the people nor would it have affected the nation’s financial storage. This would have funded all these roads and dams we see now without hurting the economy. But unfortunately, after Özal when Tanso Ciller came to power, the first thing Chiller did was shutting down these institutions. Özal had many great projects in mind, but he was not given a chance to realize them.
RUDAW: After Mr. Özal’s death, there were many discussions saying that Özal’s death was not a natural death, but rather he was assassinated. What do you say?
Ms.Özal: No, of course it was not a natural death. I assure you 100% that he was killed. He was poisoned. Unfortunately, the evidences, which we found to prove he was murdered, are destroyed. We tried to prove the killing at the court, but the evidences were destroyed/hidden. We did not give up. And will not give up. We will find the truth one day. When Ahmet, my son was a member of the parliament he asked the parliament to form a committee to investigate Özal’s death. But the committee did not do any investigation about the subject. We will not give up.
RUDAW: The Ergenekon issue is now under investigation. And it’s said that everything is going to be investigated, why they are not make a case for Özal’s poisoning, within that framework?
Özal: I do not know about his assassination, but before the assassination there was a failed assassination attempt. I think that one was orchestrated by the Ergenekon. Ahmet, my son, will not give up on that. He is working on it.
RUDAW: As you were Turkey’s first lady, you visited several countries with Turgut Özal. In your visits which country’s first lady was attracting your attention, and did you have any joint works with the other first ladies?
Özal: I went everywhere with Özal. I had relations and joint works with other first ladies. For example, I worked with Nancy Regan’s for two years fighting against drugs. I worked with the Belgium princess for three years. We were working on the future of women in the mountainous regions. Among all the first ladies I met, two of them were very dear to me. Margret Thatcher, the British Prime Minister and Benazir Bhutto, Pakistan’s Prime Minister. Sadly, Thatcher is currently suffering with dementia and Bhutto was killed. Benazir visited me a few times after the death of Özal. The Spanish princess came to visit me in my home. And when I went to Spain they received me in the presidential palace. I have good relations with all of them who are alive. Especially with the Bush senior’s family. I have a very good relations with them.
RUDAW: Barbara Bush, Bush senior’s wife in her memoirs says Danielle Mitterrand talked about the Kurds to me. Has anybody talked about Kurds to you? Were you discussing politics?
Özal: Barbara was a very good woman. She has a very strong maternity feeling. In fact we were not talking about politics very much. But with Bhutto, we were discussing politics a lot. We were talking about the country. What should be done, and how should it be done. We were discussing the way in which we could co-operate with one another. But not with the other first ladies.
RUDAW: Before Özal’s death you had taken a few steps towards politics but then after his death you gave up. Why did you not carry on his path?
Özal: That is a question that everybody has. I have been often asked why did you not become the chairwoman of the party and carry on? I was in shock. Özal and me were walking and all the sudden he fell on the ground and was dead. Just as simple as that! I was in shock for two years. I cannot remember anything that has happened in those two years. After in the two years, when I realized things, they were already of out our control. In fact back then I did not believe in becoming the chairwoman of the party and thought it was none sense. But later I regretted it. I became the leader of the ANAP, the motherland party, on the insistence of Özal.
When I was the leader of ANAP I was constantly working and collecting votes for ANAP. The results were productive. In the elections we scored a great success. But after the elections I resigned.
RUDAW: As you said, Turgut Özal was very far sighted, and you accompanied him in many of his visits, you knew how he was thinking. Following his death, Turkey fell into a crisis and took a decade to recover. Do you see anyone of the Turkish politicians to be able replace him?
Ms. Özal: As a matter of fact no one has understood Özal, so they cannot be a replacement to him. His Excellency Erdogan talks about Özal’s activities a lot, he respects what Özal had achieved. He is trying to go on Özal’s path. I hope he will be successful and continue on Özal’s path. I don’t see anybody else, apart from Erdogan to be continuing on Özal’s policies. I think Erdogan does. I hope he succeeds.
RUDAW: To speaking about Prime Minister Erdogan, how is your relation with him? I think you and the Turkish current first lady and Erdogan’s wife meet one another’s in social ceremonies?
Özal: I know Abdullah Gul for a long time. He was a consultant of planning in the time of Turgut Özal. And one time he was accompanying Özal to a Muslim conference. I have known him ever since then. We have good relations. When we meet we talk to one another. If I need something I will call him. I have no relation with the president’s wife. But Erdogan and Amine (Ms. Erdogan), we meet very often and talk very often. We invite them, and they invite us. When my son got married, Mrs. Erdogan came to my son’s engagement ceremony. We are very close to Erdogan and his wife. We can understand one another very well.
RUDAW: Huseyin Çelik, deputy chairman of the AK party, says what we have done is un-comparable to what was done in the Özal’s tenure. He says we have done much more. What do you think?
Özal: I disagree. Özal’s works are obvious. Some of his works were not completed and now are under completion. Now those are in office were very close friends to Özal including [Turkish Deputy Prime Minister] Cemil Çiçek and many more.
RUDAW: Do you think that the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has the courage of Özal to solve Kurdish question?
Özal: They want to be as courageous as Özal. They will succeed hopefully. But the issue requires a gradual solution. It cannot be solved over night.
RUDAW: Do you think if Özal were still alive, the Kurdish problem would have been solved by now?
Özal: it would have been solved long time ago. Much more would have been accomplished. Let me say this, the world map would have changed, If he were alive. One day before his death, we were on a visit abroad. He had signed an agreement with all the Turkic states to form a Turkish union. He had decided to visit China in six days and announce this union over there. But this was not let to happen. Because there were some people who did not wish to see something like this. If this Turkish union succeeded, the world map would have been changed now. A huge amount of oil and gas would have been in the union. Actually this factor [oil] led to the prevention of creation of the union. Therefore, I believe some international powers poisoned Turgut Özal and killed him.
RUDAW: One of the simplest rights of humans is to study in their mother tongue. Now in Turkey the subject of studying in Kurdish is provoked and the Turkish government does not want to admit that this is the right of the Kurdish people, how do you view this subject?
Özal: I do not understand the purpose of studying in Kurdish. If the purpose is that the kids should learn their mother tongue, there is no any restriction on that anybody can learn Kurdish. It has been set into the education curriculum as a selective lesson. As far as I know, Kurdish language department is to be opened in the universities too.
RUDAW: In the nineties, Kurdish leaders Massoud Barzani and Jalal Talabani met with Özal. Özal played a big role in the creation of the no fly zone in the Kurdistan region. Were you aware of these things?
Özal: Özal was a close friend of Barzani. When Barzani came to Ankara, I just greeted him. And then they had to go for a formal meeting. But later, after 19 years, Barzani invited me to Erbil. He received me very warmly and we talked to me abut many things. Özal liked Barzani very much. I remember he was repeatedly saying we will not be hurt by him. After my visit and talks with Barzani, I am convinced with what Özal was saying. With Barzani we talked about the past. Barzani respected me so much because of the past relations with Özal.
RUDAW: When Barzani and Talabani came to Ankara, attempts to solve Kurdish problem solving already started, therefore letters were exchanged between Özal and Ocalan. To what extent are you aware of that?
Özal: I have no information about this. I have no information about Ocalan.
RUDAW: Now a ceasefire has been announced by the rebels of the PKK against Turkey, what do you think about that?
Özal: I don’t know much about these sorts of things. But I know war does not solve the issues. Now the government and the state would not engage in direct talks with PKK but there could be a mediating organization. I don’t know if there is or not.
RUDAW: What did you think of the Kurdistan region in your visit?
Özal: I went to Erbil. I think I will go back to Erbil. I think Erbil is becoming a city like the American cities. Erbil is in a fast development. There they respect and trust Turks. I send my greeting to the people of Erbil. Next time if I go there, I will try to meet with those women who are active in the women rights field, so I can help them too. I will surely do some works and activities there.
Turkey’s President Abdullah Gul sparked another debate on the Kurdish question, following his recent statement that he is hopeful that a peaceful solution to the Kurdish problem might be imminent. Yet, Gul’s call to address the Kurdish question within the context of improving the country’s democratic practices, encountered resistance from an opposition increasingly skeptical about his policies.
Gul has played an active role in pushing for a democratic solution to the Kurdish issue. In early May, he held discussions with the leaders of the opposition parties. Last week, he maintained that there was a “historic opportunity” before the country to solve the Kurdish issue, adding that Turkey should exploit this opportunity. He called on the opposition parties to play a constructive role toward its resolution (www.ntvmsnbc.com, May 9). Gul’s remarks came amidst reports that the government was working on a new plan to achieve a breakthrough on the Kurdish question. Earlier, the PKK’s acting leader Murat Karayilan, also called for new initiatives and claimed that its views had also changed (EDM, May 7).
The opposition parties criticized Gul for leaving the meaning of “historic opportunity” open to interpretation. The leader of the Republican People’s Party (CHP), Deniz Baykal, argued that the government’s policies have thus far failed to quell the PKK’s violent campaign. Baykal maintained that the search for a solution, especially the discussions over a general amnesty, was imposed externally. He alleged that the United States and other powers were pressuring Turkey to solve the Kurdish problem, and that President Gul and the government simply responded to this coercion (www.showtvnet.com, May 12). Devlet Bahceli, the leader of the Nationalist Action Party (MHP), also lambasted Gul and Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, arguing that the projects currently under consideration might betray the country’s national interests. “For what reason are Gul and the government asking us to contribute? What is the common ground on which they agreed?” Bahceli asked (Milliyet, May 13).
Before his departure for Syria on May 15, Gul told reporters that “there are comprehensive and a well-intentioned effort in Turkey… the country is an open society, and very lively and civilized debates are taking place” (www.nethaber.com, May 15). During his three-day visit to Syria, Gul held a discussion with Turkish journalists in Damascus where he further clarified his opinions on how to resolve the Kurdish question (Zaman, Aksam, Todays’ Zaman, May 18).
Those present interpreted Gul’s meaning of “historic opportunity” to involve a combination of domestic, regional and global factors to facilitate solving the issue. First, Gul argued that a consensus already exists within the state, both on the need as well as the means to address the Kurdish question. “I have been part of the state machinery for 10 years. I am optimistic more than ever. There is a new consensus and close coordination between the civilian and military branches.” He also pointed to the PKK and pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party (DTP) incrementally rescinding their demands for an independent state in south-eastern Turkey.
In addition to these positive domestic developments, Gul also believes that global and regional factors currently favor addressing the Kurdish issue. He points out that the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Northern Iraq is actively cooperating with Turkey, while global actors are also promoting the search for a solution. These factors create a unique historical opportunity, which he considers that Turkey must seize immediately.
Gul avoided engaging in a polemic with the leaders of the opposition parties, but indirectly responded to their criticisms. He described the Kurdish issue as a deep-rooted problem that goes beyond daily politics and argued that all political actors are stakeholders in its resolution. Gul noted that the responsibility for finding the solution cannot be left to the government alone, and that all political parties should contribute constructively.
Gul’s comments in Syria, far from answering questions, served to reignite the debate on his vision for a solution. The representatives of the pro-Kurdish DTP welcomed Gul’s remarks. Although they wanted more detail on Gul’s plans, they commended him for making a valuable effort. Such discussions, DTP sources maintained, might provide the basis for debating more concrete proposals (ANKA, May 18). Yet, the representatives of the MHP and CHP harshly condemned Gul. One CHP official criticized Gul for keeping his views so vague and argued that as the head of state, he must openly inform the public (www.ntvmsnbc.com, May 18). An MHP spokesman said Gul was acting as the proxy of the government in seeking to solicit opposition approval for policies agreed behind closed doors (ANKA, May 18).
Gul has attempted since his election to shape the country’s domestic and foreign policies, as in the case of the Kurdish issue and rapprochement with Armenia. However, according to his critics, this role goes beyond his presidential functions. Gul legitimizes his active involvement in politics by presenting his actions as “non-partisan” and claims that he acts as a unifying figure to promote solutions to urgent national problems. However, he has failed to achieve a consensus among the opposition over the government’s policy on the Kurdish issue. The opposition still views him as an extension of the government, while fearing that his efforts to resolve this issue might undermine the territorial integrity of the country. Gul and the government are unlikely to gain the full backing of the opposition parties, unless these concerns are adequately addressed.
Turkey’s local elections on March 29 produced mixed results, with the governing Justice and Development Party (AKP) emerging victorious, yet underperforming compared with earlier elections. The AKP received a 38.86 percent share of the vote, while the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and the Nationalist Action Party (MHP) gained 23.10 and 16.08 percent respectively. The AKP’s support fell from 46.6 percent in the 2007 general elections and 41.7 percent in 2004 local elections (www.ntvmsnbc.com.tr, March 30). While retaining its popularity within major cities, it failed to further expand this and lost several mayoral posts. The gains made by opposition parties raise the specter of imminent changes in Turkish politics.
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, acknowledging his party’s losses, emphasized that the AKP did not fall below its performance in the local elections in 2004. It received almost the total percentage of votes cast for its two rival parties (www.cnnturk.com, March 29). The representatives of the opposition parties, in contrast, referred to their increases in the share of the vote, and the “erosion” of the incumbent party’s popular support.
The results exposed wide regional variations and followed an apparent trend in previous elections: whereas the AKP controlled central Anatolia, the CHP and MHP were popular in the Aegean and Mediterranean coastal provinces as well as in the northwestern provinces in the Thrace region. Significantly, the MHP regained some of its past strength in central Anatolia, challenging the AKP’s dominance over center-right voters. In addition to the defeat it suffered vis-à-vis the pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party (DTP) in the southeastern provinces, the AKP’s support also declined in some northern regions. The Islamist Felicity Party (SP), an alternative to the AKP for some conservative voters, also increased its vote to 5.17 percent.
The local elections marked the first decline in the AKP’s share of the vote since the general elections in 2002. Despite surpassing its major rivals by a clear margin, the psychological effect of this decline is undeniable. Previously, the party claimed to be the only viable choice for the electorate. However, a series of electoral victories arguably bred a sense of overconfidence, which left the AKP in general, and Erdogan in particular, open to accusations that they have grown insensitive to criticism, either from society or opposition parties, and developed an authoritarian style of leadership. Faced with losing popular support, the AKP will likely soften its discourse, and foster compromise with the opposition.
Turkish opposition parties, however, are now seeking to capitalize on the AKP’s apparently declining support, claiming that it has entered a period of rapid decay (www.ntvmsnbc.com.tr, March 29). Whether such drastic erosion is occurring remains to be seen, but the results may force the AKP to reconsider its policies. Indeed, Erdogan expressed dissatisfaction with the polls and admitted that the AKP must assess the causes of its decline. Meanwhile, he is expected to reshuffle his cabinet, possibly replacing some high-profile ministers involved in preparing the AKP’s discredited election strategy (www.cnnturk.com, March 29; www.ensonhaber.com, March 30). The AKP will also need to reevaluate its economic policies as well as the Kurdish question and the pursuit of political reforms.
Thus far, the government has ignored charges that the Turkish economy has been badly impacted by the global financial crisis. Although some of the AKP’s populist policies helped cushion the full effects of the crisis, economic considerations played a major role in the local elections. Particularly, the declining performance of the AKP in the Marmara, Aegean, and Thrace regions, as well as some Anatolian cities, reflected the impact of the crisis in Turkey’s industrial heartlands. In this context, the AKP will come under intense pressure to secure a loan from the IMF which it has tried to avoid, consequently leaving the country in a weaker bargaining position than before.
Moreover, the results represent a blow to the image of the AKP as an inclusive party, representing not only conservative Turks and Kurds but also liberal and secular voters. There appear to be limits to the AKP’s appeal to the Turkish people. Its failure to gain support within the western coastal provinces and in the Thrace region, and the traditionally less conservative central Anatolia, shows that the AKP has been unable to diversify its appeal. The DTP’s strong performance in the southeastern provinces is a setback for the AKP’s policies on the Kurdish issue. It shows that “identity politics” remains on the popular agenda, and the AKP’s policy of providing services and socioeconomic incentives alone cannot resolve the Kurdish problem. Crucially, the higher profile of the DTP suggests it cannot be ignored as a major stakeholder in any resolution of the Kurdish problem. Paradoxically, the AKP’s initiatives on the Kurdish issue, though failing to satisfy Kurdish voters, alienated some Turkish voters in the west, in turn boosting the MHP’s popularity.
The AKP has been a largely populist party, attracting votes from across the political spectrum. Since it is potentially losing ground to its rivals, it will come under pressure to address the deeper causes of these failures, or risk the further erosion of its popular support. Whether it can formulate consistent policies to address these multiple challenges, particularly over the looming economic crisis, will be an immediate and major test for the AKP’s government.
