Tag: headscarf ban

  • Quiet end to Turkey’s college headscarf ban

    Quiet end to Turkey’s college headscarf ban

    Every morning Yasemin Derbaz puts on the piece of cloth that marks her out as an observant Muslim.

    The headscarf ban has been lifted by all but a handful of universities
    The headscarf ban has been lifted by all but a handful of universities

    Millions of other Turkish women do the same: it is estimated that at least 60% cover their heads.

    Now, for the first time, almost all universities across Turkey have abandoned the official prohibition on women wearing headscarves.

    The ban ended when the government issued a statement in September saying it would support any student expelled or disciplined for covering her head.

    Continue reading the main story

    “Start Quote

    Yasemin Derbaz

    I feel happy that I don’t have to stop in a mosque on the way and change into my wig”

    End Quote Yasemin Derbaz

    The Islamic headscarf has become a divisive symbol, which bars women from jobs and education, and came close to bringing down a government two years ago.

    Yasemin can now go to her architecture classes at Yildiz Technical University for the first time without wearing a large hat or a wig to cover her hair.

    “I feel happy that I don’t have to stop in a mosque on the way and change into my wig,” she said.

    The exact status of the headscarf ban is mired in confusion.

    There is no law against wearing one. Nor does the ban originate with modern Turkey’s founder, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, although he did discourage women from covering their heads, and passed a law barring men from wearing traditional Ottoman clothing.

    Turkey's Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan (R) and his wife Emine Erdogan Emine Erdogan was blocked from entering a military hospital in 2007 for not removing her headscarf

    The more recent ban on headscarves in universities and for public servants dates back to regulations passed by government departments in the 1980s, after the last military coup.

    With leftist groups harshly suppressed, Islamic parties made strong gains among the Turkish electorate in the elections that followed, prompting a reaction from the avowedly secular military.

    The university ban was only properly enforced after the military forced out an overtly Islamic prime minister in 1998.

    What the regulations had in mind was not the traditional scarf, tied around the neck by peasant women in Anatolia, but the hijab, also called a turban in Turkey, which has become a symbol of pious or political Islam, worn by growing numbers of urban, educated women since the 1980s.

    It is for that reason that military buildings will allow headscarfed women in if they take out the pin that holds the tightly-wound hijab in place – they have a special pin-box at reception.

    Continue reading the main story

    “Start Quote

    The state should be impartial to race, religion, everything”

    End Quote Hursit Gunes Opposition CHP party

    Emine Erdogan, the wife of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, was blocked from entering a military hospital in 2007 for refusing to remove hers.

    Mr Erdogan tried to overturn the university ban in 2008, through a constitutional amendment guaranteeing the right to education.

    It passed through parliament, but was thrown out by the Constitutional Court.

    But this year, with the momentum behind him after winning the constitutional referendum in September and more compliant bureaucrats in the Board of Education, the government in effect ended the ban by stealth.

    The Constitutional Court is in any case being restructured following the referendum, and is less likely to challenge the governing party so boldly in future.

    Caught off-guard

    The main opposition party, the secular CHP – previously a strong supporter of the university ban – wanted to negotiate its end with the government, but was denied the chance.

    Fatma Benli Lawyer Fatma Benli says that her headscarf bars her from appearing in court

    But the party has vowed to maintain the ban on civil servants wearing headscarves.

    “The reason why we don’t allow a headscarf for, say a judge, is that it is a symbol of religion. The state should be impartial to race, religion, everything,” says Hursit Gunes, a deputy secretary-general of the party.

    There are still academics appalled by the prospect of headscarves on campus.

    “Universities are supposed to be places where science and scientific thought can be discussed freely,” says Nezhun Goren, a biology professor at Yildiz Technical University.

    “Religious faith can’t be discussed, you either accept it or reject it.”

    Disadvantaged

    The resistance to headscarves among many secular Turks seems to be driven by something deeper – a belief that the rigorous adherence to Islam it symbolises in the wearer will eventually reverse the modernisation of Turkish society under its strictly secular system.

    Islamic fashion show Lawyers are still barred from wearing the headscarf in court

    Headscarfed women say right now they are the ones who are disadvantaged.

    Fatma Benli is an experienced lawyer who specialises in defending women. But her headscarf bars her from appearing in court – she has to appoint bare-headed proxies to defend her clients.

    “For 12 years I’ve been working long hours as a lawyer and I have specialist skills, in international law, so I should be well-paid,” she says, “yet I still have to rely on financial help from my parents to run my office”.

    Dilek Cindoglu, a sociologist at Bilkent University who does not wear a headscarf, has done research which shows that the restrictions on headscarfed women in the civil service have spilled over into the private sector.

    “Once they get employment they are being discriminated against in terms of promotions, salaries, and in terms of dismissals should the company decide to reduce the workforce.”

    I asked Yasemin if she understood the fear many secular Turks feel about openly pious Muslims like herself.

    “I am forcing myself, but I cannot say that I totally understand it.”

    She argues that she was the one left with the psychology of fear, not them, because for 10 years she was unable to go to school wearing her headscarf.

  • Daughter of Turkish premier fuels debate on headscarf

    Daughter of Turkish premier fuels debate on headscarf

    Thomas Seibert

    Last Updated: Dec 18, 2010

    ISTANBUL // When Sumeyye Erdogan, the youngest daughter of the Turkish prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, took a seat on the visitors’ balcony of a meeting room inside Ankara’s parliament building to listen to a speech by her father a few weeks ago, no one assumed the appearance was a coincidence or pure family business.

    The U2 frontman Bono is greeted by Sumeyye Erdogan, the Turkish prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's daughter, in Istanbul in September.  IBRAHIM USTA / POOL PHOTO
    The U2 frontman Bono is greeted by Sumeyye Erdogan, the Turkish prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's daughter, in Istanbul in September. IBRAHIM USTA / POOL PHOTO

    Recent sightings of Ms Erdogan, 29, at several of her father’s political meetings have triggered speculation in the media that she may be preparing to enter politics and run for a parliamentary seat at elections scheduled for June next year.

    Although Ms Erdogan says her father does not want her to enter politics, the rumours swirling around her political ambition have a wider significance: in order for her to enter parliament, Turkey would have to lift the ban on the Islamic headscarf for parliamentary deputies.

    Ms Erdogan wears the headscarf, as does her mother, her sister and millions of other Turkish women. Mr Erdogan, a devout Muslim who is accused by his opponents of following a hidden agenda to turn Turkey into a Islamic state, has refused to rule out changing the rules on the garment in parliament.

    A long-time headscarf ban in Turkish universities, lifted only a few months ago, prevented Ms Erdogan from studying in her home country. With the financial help of Remzi Gur, a wealthy textile entrepreneur and a friend of the Erdogan family, Ms Erdogan went to the United States and to the United Kingdom to study political science and graduated from the London School of Economics in 2008.

    Mr Gur has also paid for the higher education of Mr Erdogan’s other three children, Sumeyye’s older sister, Esra, and her brothers, Ahmet Burak and Necmeddin Bilal.

    Unlike her siblings, Ms Erdogan has shown an intense interest in political affairs after her return to Turkey. She has accompanied her father on diplomatic trips in Turkey and abroad.

    At the same time, she has been working as an “honorary adviser” to Mr Erdogan in his ruling Justice and Development Party, or AKP, as she said in the only interview she has given in response to the media speculation about her political ambition.

    Speaking to Hilal Kaplan, a columnist of the independent Taraf daily, during a trip with her father to Lebanon last month, Ms Erdogan denied that she was thinking about running for parliament and said that her father did not like the idea of family members entering politics.

    “He has been like that since we were little,” she said. Mr Erdogan, who has built his reputation partly on fighting corruption, has banned leading AKP party officials from promoting close relatives to party positions.

    Despite her denial, the symbolism of her visit to parliament last month to hear her father’s speech to AKP deputies has fuelled speculation about a possible end to the headscarf ban for female members of parliament.

    Although headscarves are allowed in meeting rooms of parliamentary groups inside the parliament complex, making it possible for Ms Erdogan to attend her father’s speech, they are banned in the parliamentary chamber.

    Turkish secularists, who include a majority of members of the military as well as parts of the judiciary and the bureaucracy, are concerned that an Islamist agenda is gaining strength in the country and see the headscarf as a symbol of political Islam that must be kept out of state institutions.

    The recent end of the headscarf ban for students in universities only became possible after a change in the make-up of the higher education board, which used to be a secularist stronghold but is now dominated by academics considered close to Mr Erdogan.

    That change was accepted by Turkey’s main opposition group, the secularist Republican People’s Party, or CHP. Its new leader, Kemal Kilicdaroglu, argues that the party can reach its goal of unseating Mr Erdogan next June only if it softens its formerly strict opposition to the headscarf, worn by two out of three women.

    But consenting to a lifting of the headscarf ban in parliament is out of the question for the CHP and Mr Kilicdaroglu. He has called on Mr Erdogan to give his word that the government was not trying to lift the existing headscarf ban for civil servants of parliamentary deputies. Mr Erdogan has refused to do that.

    “In politics, everything is possible,” he said in reply to questions by reporters last month whether Turkey would see parliamentary deputies with headscarves in the future.

    Further fuelling speculation, some AKP politicians have openly demanded an end to the ban. “Sixty to 70 per cent of women in Turkey wear the headscarf, but they only have active voting rights, no passive voting rights,” Fatma Bostan Unsal, a founding member of the AKP, said in October. “There must be headscarf-wearing candidates for the elections in 2011.”

    The last attempt by a deputy to enter parliament with a headscarf ended in uproar. In 1999, Merve Kavakci, a member of an Islamist party that was later banned by the constitutional court, entered the chamber in a blue headscarf to take her oath as an elected deputy.

    Protests by secularist members of parliament forced Ms Kavakci to leave the chamber without taking the oath. She was later stripped of her seat and her Turkish citizenship, the official reason being that she had failed to disclose that she also held US citizenship.

    [email protected]

    via Daughter of Turkish premier fuels debate on headscarf.

  • The headscarf is not about freedom

    The headscarf is not about freedom

    ELDAR MAMEDOV

    As Turkey is struggling to lift the headscarf ban on university campuses, Islamic conservatives and some of their liberal allies are already calling for the end of all restrictions on the use of the garb in the public sphere, especially in the workplace.

    It sounds like an impeccably liberal demand: after all, if adult women are to be allowed to wear headscarves at universities, on what basis should they be denied the same right when they pursue their careers after graduation? And yet, there are concerns that setting the headscarf totally free would lead not to the liberalization of Turkish society but to its further Islamization, an outcome that would be greatly detrimental to a core liberal principle of gender equality.

    One of the reasons for such concerns has to do with the political context in Turkey, in which the headscarf debate is raging on. Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, the leader of Turkey’s main opposition party, the secularist Republican People’s Party, or CHP, in a major departure from the line of his predecessor Deniz Baykal, declared that the CHP was ready to solve the headscarf problem. To demonstrate the seriousness of his intentions, he entrusted respected liberal-minded academic Sencer Ayata with the task of coming out with concrete proposals to that end. However, instead of seizing on the opportunity to solve this highly divisive issue, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has chosen to keep using and abusing the headscarf in his tug of war with the secularists. Erdoğan lashed out at women who do not cover themselves for supposedly failing to empathize with those who do, willfully ignoring those uncovered women who were very vocal in defending the rights of pious women. The ruling Islam-rooted Justice and Development Party, or AKP’s, single-minded focus on headscarf freedom stands in sharp contrast to its neglect of other aspects of democratization, such as the rights of Kurds and Alevis. There is a growing realization that the AKP understands freedom as being chiefly about religious freedom. If so, the promotion of the headscarf should be seen not as a liberalizing move, but as part of ongoing efforts to nudge Turkish society in a more conservative, religiously observant direction.

    In this context, the potential effects of the spread of the headscarf in the workplace should not be underestimated. Currently their use is banned for public servants, but it is possible that in the future some restrictions will be relaxed. On the one hand, this will make public institutions more representative. On the other, in the context of the religious revivalism in Turkey it risks introducing conservative religious values and norms in the workplace at the expense of the principles of merit and competence. This would have especially pernicious effects on the situation of women. As American-Algerian sociologist Marnia Lazreg observes in her book “Questioning the Veil: Open Letters to Muslim Women” (it should be urgently translated into Turkish!), the spread of the headscarf in the workplace in countries like Algeria and Egypt has gradually led to sexually segregated delivery of services. She followed the trajectories of some professional women who took up the headscarf, succumbing to the wave of the newly assertive religiosity in these countries. She noticed that from that point on they ceased to be perceived by their male colleagues as competent workers and competitors for promotion. They have been relegated to the role of invisible helpers at best.

    It is, of course, possible that Turkey will prove to be different. Unlike in Algeria and Egypt, Turkey´s conservative Muslims have largely internalized the benefits of democracy and global markets. However, the softening of their hard-edged cultural and social conservatism is proceeding at a much slower pace. Therefore, one of the arguments advanced by those who favor the total and immediate liberalization of the headscarf is that, in the words of The Economist magazine, the headscarf provides a stamp of virtue that could convince conservative men to allow women to work outside home. But it is somewhat perverse to argue for female advancement while at the same time uncritically accepting the intrusive regulation of women’s bodies. Besides, as any Muslim woman would know, the headscarf is not only about the outer appearance, it also subjects a woman to a very rigid code of conduct. Would a headscarf-wearing woman be allowed to successfully compete in the workplace if that involves mixing with men, working long hours, traveling, attending receptions and other standard requirements of modern professional life? The empirical evidence suggests the answer is no. There are many success stories of professional women in the secular milieu, even though discrimination persists also there, but no corresponding stories in the Islamist camp. For example, the headscarf was never banned in conservative businesses. But women, with headscarf or without, are almost totally invisible there. Therefore, a strong case exists to limit the influence of religious values and interests in the workplace, be it in public institutions or private companies. Strict equality should prevail in all cases. But the headscarf, as Lazreg notes, symbolically diminishes the formal equality enjoyed by both genders in the workplace. It perpetuates the culture of gender inequality.

    Questioning the headscarf is not the same as advocating bans, or barring headscarf-wearing women from work. Bans are undemocratic and usually counterproductive. It is about coaxing women out of this highly questionable and harmful practice that hampers their social advancement and prevents them from enjoying their humanity fully, of which their bodies are an inextricable part. Eschewing the headscarf is not a strike against Islam or Turkish culture. It is about a woman’s desire for progress, freedom and achievement.

    *Eldar Mamedov is an international-relations analyst based in Brussels.

  • Modern myths: politicially divided university canteens in Istanbul

    Modern myths: politicially divided university canteens in Istanbul

    September 2010. Students are purported to be so politicised that even their school canteen is split into liberal and conservative factions. Two journalists from Lithuania and France investigate a myth which seems to have disappeared thanks to a new ‘apolitical’ generation

    report

    BY EMMANUEL HADDAD @ ,DAIVA REPEČKAITĖ @Translation: Daiva Repečkaitė @, cafebabel.co.uk @

    Istanbul: what is a young student's political religion? (Image: (cc) kooklanekookla/ Inessa Akhmedova)
    Istanbul: what is a young student's political religion? (Image: (cc) kooklanekookla/ Inessa Akhmedova)

    Istanbul is home to seven public universities and thirty private universities (the youngest of which opened in 2010). Turkish friends have revealed one trend which may sound very exotic to students and graduates in northern, eastern or western Europe: students are deeply divided along political lines. Even their canteens have a political orientation, with some catering for socialists whilst others serve islamists. You eat what you believe in, and people who believe in the same thing know where to find you. Intrigued, we set off to the oldest and the most prominent higher education establishment we know of.

    Meals fit for a conservative | We discover this rumour has become a modern-day myth

    Istanbul university canteen

    Monday morning on the 1453-era campus doesn’t feel too busy. The security guards check the IDs of everyone who is entering the campus, somewhat relaxed. As we walk along a pretty path across the green towards one of the faculties, some female students wearing headscarves pass us by, then some older students, as well as many young people chatting and not hurrying inside. Although the university is in the very heart of Istanbul, fewer people speak English than expected. Finally we meet a student on the way to one of the canteens – she gladly shows us where to go.

    Kerem is a Phd student in law | He says any headscarf problems died away peacefullyThe canteen looks ordinary. Sandwiches, Cola – do the nationalists eat here? Or the liberals? ‘This canteen is for everybody,’ explainsKerem, a PhD law student who speaks perfect English. He is enrolled in a different university, but takes some classes at Istanbul university. In his view, students are not politicised at all. ‘Maybe it was the case in the past,’ he says. What does stirs up political student life nowadays then? Students usually have strong opinions about the current government, he says. ‘For thirteen years it was forbidden to demonstrate on Taksim square. The government considered it to be dangerous, since it could be used by mafia-like movements. The [current] president did the right thing for the people in my opinion – now people can go and demonstrate and nobody is injured. People were saying, ‘Oh, why didn’t we think of this before?’ Everyone can go there, as long as it’s peaceful. It’s good for people.’

    Headscarf divide

    What policies are most relevant to university life? ‘A new agenda allow womens to wear a [head] scarf. Now people who believe that it is necessary can go to university – before they couldn’t, it was forbidden. Now it is open, especially in this university. Before it was the main conflict, people demonstrated against each other. Something has changed, and because of that people can go to lectures. You can see it in the classes.’ Kerem is certain that in Europe governments would not even think of imposing such limitations, and is surprised to hear that headscarves are also forbidden in France. ‘Our constitution is imposed by the military, and such policies are developed by politicians, not by the people.’

    ‘People don’t express their political views’

    So it is the headscarf which intrigues and divides students, not canteens. One fourth-year law studentdisagrees; not so many students have strong opinions about whether wearing a headscarf should be permitted at the university or not. ‘Everyone is free to wear what they want, only politicians have a problem. This year there are more such girls in class. Before (the ban was lifted), they used to take off their headscarves near the university and put on a wig or a hat.’ As for university life, the 23-year-old explains that just a few years ago things were very different. ‘Student life is livelier. Until last year we only had classes at noon and then dispersed. Now we spend more time together. Before there were only intellectual student clubs which were not much fun. But the new generation is apolitical – or at least people don’t express their political views.’

    Flash mob Istanbul

    Eventually we confess that one of our missions is to check the politicisation of university canteens. ‘In 2005 canteens were still separated,’ our anonymous friend says. ‘I witnessed this for one academic year. There were two sides, usually along the smoking and non-smoking lines. Food was the same, and alcohol is not permitted at the university in any case. Liberals were reading their magazines on one side, and conservatives were sitting with prayer beads. But many political activists graduated and others were expelled after having problems with the university.’ Nowadays there is no dominant political stream in the previously predominantly liberal university.

    ‘There were two sides, usually along the smoking and non-smoking lines’

    So, our confusion is gone. We know the explanation: everybody was right: both our friend, who told us about the divided canteens, and Kerem, who does not remember any divisions in this university at all. Political divisions vanished like a smoke and were pushed aside by the new, fun-loving apolitical generation. Our mission to see the situation about the canteens is completed, but since we cannot test our stomachs on socialist, islamist or liberal food, we decide to have lunch outside. From afar, we hear shouts between the sounds of a military march and of lads playing football – we’ve stumbled across a flash mob accompanied by journalists and photographers and an inert public with a glazed look of seen-it-before.

    You can’t just come into our university, Istanbul students shout | They are incensed about police intrusion in their campus life

    After ten minutes it’s over. ‘We’re a revolutionary organization who march in the footsteps of the 1968 and 1978 generations. There’s around two to two-and-a-half thousand members across the country,’ explains Can Ugur, an English literature student and Youth Organisation member, as we watch the protest together. ‘Demonstrations happen almost every week, we’re used to that. This time it’s against the right of the police to enter and inspect the university freely.’ The demonstrators are said to be socialists; their symbol is a lifted left fist. Accordingly, the young activists believe the media and state is behind the apoliticism of young people. These boys want more people to be active, but as they freely admit, such demonstrations do not achieve any results. Another member, Oguz, frowns. ‘It’s dangerous to get too political. One day you might be expected to beat up your friend. No, we want peace.’ For them the question of the headscarf is a false friend which diverts attention from the real issues that count, such as poverty and the inequality in accessing education. Apolitical generation? You decide.

    Images: main (cc) kooklanekookla on Flickr/ Inessa Akhmedova;  protest and law student © Emmanuel Haddad; canteen (cc) iwouldstay/ Flickr; flash mob © Daiva Repečkaitė

    cafebabel

  • Women’s headscarves the subject of political debate in Turkey

    Women’s headscarves the subject of political debate in Turkey

    BROOKFIELD — A news clip showed women in a Turkish fashion show sashaying down the catwalk in long-sleeved, ankle-length, figure-flaunting outfits with colorful, matching hijabs wrapped tightly around their heads.

    People watching the clip at the Brookfield Library saw a contradiction: The hijab is supposed to be an Islamic symbol of piety and modesty, but these stylish hijabs seemed anything but.

    Their reactions are similar to the secular Turks’ explained Wendy Youngblood, who traveled to Turkey on a Fulbright-Hayes scholarship in 2009; Monday she spoke about the political identity of the headscarf in modern Turkey at the Brookfield Library. Her talk was sponsored by the Brookfield League of Women Voters.

    Turkey is 99 percent Muslim, and 45 percent of women said they wear a headscarf in public, according to a 2007 Gallup poll.

    But by its constitution, Turkey is a secular country and the military is charged with ousting political leaders if they don’t uphold the divide between religion and government.

    “If the generals feel the political parties are getting too Islamic for their britches, they clear them out,” Youngblood said. (Such a coup has happened four times in the last 50 years.)

    A national rule states women are not allowed to wear their headscarves in public universities. If they do wear them, they are not allowed to take the final exams. Female judges are not allowed to wear headscarves either. Burkas are illegal, and the only women sporting them are the tourists from countries such as Saudi Arabia, Youngblood said.

    A political divide exists between the secularists, those who uphold Turkey’s embrace of Western principles, and those who believe that secularism by definition should allow people to freely practice their religion.

    Secularists charge that the women wearing the stylish hijabs, nicknamed “Easter eggs”, are actually making a political statement rather than honoring their religious beliefs.

    The current political party in power is the conservative AKP, or Justice and Development Party. Its leaders have been taken to court on accusations that they are trying to impose Islamic religious law in Turkey. The fact that the wives of Turkey’s prime minister and president both wear stylish hijabs fans the flames of the debate, Youngblood said.

    “It’s a huge deal,” Youngblood said. “You think Hillary (Clinton) got a hard time over her pantsuits. That was nothing.”

    Youngblood showed a photo she snapped of some village women wearing basortusus, or plain, simple hijabs, on a ferry.

    Basortusus were common 50 years ago in Turkey and were socially accepted, said Albert Uziel, a Turkish native who now lives in Brookfield.

    Then Youngblood showed a photo of a made up, beautiful woman sporting a turban, or Easter egg hijab.

    “That woman supports the AKP,” Uziel said.

    “I don’t see that woman symbolizing a return to Islam,” one woman in the audience said.

    “That is the symbol of Islamic extremism,” Uziel said. Uziel moved to the United States in 1987 to pursue higher education and ended up settling here.

    After the presentation, Uziel said he believed the president of Turkey, Abdullah Gul, wouldn’t stop short of reinstating Sharia law in Turkey if it weren’t for the military keeping him in check.

    “He is trying to bring back Islam in the disguise of democracy,” Uziel said.

    Contact Vinti Singh at [email protected] or 203-731-3331.

    via Women’s headscarves the subject of political debate in Turkey – NewsTimes.

  • Istanbul University lifts headscarf ban

    Istanbul University lifts headscarf ban

    istanbul universitesi1

    In Turkey, women being allowed to wear headscarves at universities; follows complaint by Istanbul University student, who was sent out of class.

    The head of Turkey’s Higher Education-Board confirmed this week that he ordered Istanbul University, one of the nation’s biggest, to stop its professors from kicking students out of classes for wearing head coverings.

    The directive followed a complaint by an Istanbul University student, who was sent out of class last November for wearing a hat. Many students disguise headscarves by placing an over-sized baseball cap on top of their scarves.

    The headscarf debate has dominated political talk in Turkey for most of the year and almost brought the ruling party to the brink of being banned by the country’s highest court for infringing on human rights. Now it seems that the two major parties have reached a consensus.

    “This is liberalization in one sense and in another sense it is acceptance of the headscarf in the public domain in Turkey,” said Dr. Nilufer Narli, a professor of Political Sociology at Bahçeşehir University and author of numerous books including the forthcoming Feminism, Islamism and Women’s Political Participation: A Comparative Perspective.

    “This is a healthy process for Turkey. This issue was really creating conflict and dividing the society,” Dr. Narli said. “It will bring more unity to Turkey.”

    In a sign of how power is shifting in Turkey, the Republican People’s Party, or CHP, the main party of secularist opposition, has said in recent weeks that it, too, would support ending the ban in universities.

    “This is a political process. The competing parties have been trying to reach a consensus, one political group insisted it is only political symbol and it shouldn’t be permitted in public and another party claimed it is sign of faith and should be allowed in the public sector. Today these two parties are reached a consensus that the headscarf should be accepted and permitted at universities,” Dr. Narli added.

    The directive released today was aimed specifically at Istanbul University, however, it is expected that more universities will follow suit.

    “We are against anybody being sent out of the classroom for any way of dressing,” said Education Board President Yusuf Ozcan, in comments to Turkey’s NTV television channel.” We notified this [to Istanbul University]. If it is needed, we will notify other universities as well.”

    Secularists, including many academics, support the ban out of fear that any dilution of Turkey’s secular laws will open the floodgates to the country’s Islamization.

    “This is a huge step backwards, a step to radicalize the state and a step towards Islamization,” Anders Gravers founder of Stop Islamization Of Europe (SIOE) told The Media Line. “This will be one of many steps that will transform Turkey into an Islamic state.”

    “The veil means you are a good Muslim, that you are cleaner than everyone else and that those who do not wear it are unclean. The founder of Turkey liberated the women and now he [Abdullah Gül] is allowing them to be condemned,” Gravers said.

    “The Arab-Turks want to make this a law because they want to use the veil as a step towards Islamization. To show that they [Muslims] are dominating,” Gravers added.

    Parliament passed legislation to lift the ban in 2008. The law was struck down by Turkey’s top court on grounds that it conflicted with the constitution’s secular guarantees. The court then came within a single vote of banning the AKP Party (Justice and Development Party) as a threat to Turkey’s secular foundations.

    That, however, is unlikely to be repeated. In a referendum last month, the government succeeded in driving through amendments to the constitution that will radically change the make-up of the Constitutional Court, likely ending its dominance by secularists. Turkey’s Higher Education Board, too, was once a bastion of secularism. It is now dominated by government appointees.