Tag: Ergenekon

  • Armenian Refugees Movements And Genocide Claims

    Armenian Refugees Movements And Genocide Claims

    Many reputable sources account to 1.5 – 1.6 million of Armenian population within Ottoman Empire before WW1. Only the number provided by the Armenian Istanbul Patriarchate in 1912 is way above these general numbers, being around 2 million. Oddly, Patriarchate’s number is the only one taken into account in Toynbee’s Blue

    Book and in the declaration published by Boghos Nubar and A. Aharonian before Paris Peace Conference.

    Patriarchate’s 2 million figure highly contradicts with the detailed population numbers provided by British H.F.B Lynch and French Vital Cuinet for the periods ending 19th century and beginning 20th century. When we look at the numbers given by Lynch and Cuinet, it’s easy to see that Patriarchate’s number for before WW1 is nearly 100% higher than the British and French sources for the periods ending 19th century and beginning 20th century which is nearly impossible considering populations can not rise by that much for over only 15 to 20 years. Also the number provided by Armenian Patriarchate for Muslim population in Ottoman Empire in 1912 is 20-30% lower than the other reputable sources.

    In addition to sources of Lynch and Cuinet, many other reputable sources show that Armenian population with in Ottoman empire before WW1 was around 1.3-1.6 million.
    Hence in Lozan Peace Conference, 2 million figure introduced by the Armenians had been found quite an exaggeration and 1.6 million figure by David Magie had been taken into account.
    Another disinformation Ottoman Empire had been a victim of during WW1 about Ottoman Armenians is the number of Armenians that had been killed in Anatolia. It’s almost like this number had been introduced to an auction in last 100 years. ( Numbers given by the Red Cross is between 600.000 and 800.000, numbers given by Morgenthau is 1 million and today Armenian Diaspora claims the number to be around 1.5 to 2 million.

    Some historians that support the Armenian Genocide allegations ignore this debate by saying that; ‘Numbers are meaningless, it’s the crime that matters’. There is no legal document that highlights or clarifies how many Armenians had died or had been killed under what conditions during 1915 phenomenon. Today the main allegation is that most Armenians (1.5 million to 2 million) had faced ethnic cleansing in Anatolian camps or North Syrian camps.

    However when we look at legal documents with European or United Nations origins for the period commencing WW1 and ending 1924, we see just the opposite of these allegations. If we take into consideration the documents of Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Dashnaktsutiun) as well as Czardom Russia and Bolshevik Russia documents together with the above mentioned documents, we can see the mobility of Armenians together with how they ended up and their fates.

    The most important official document indicating the ‘Armenian Armed Movements’ before WW1 is the 1910 speech given by the Armenian Revolutionary Federation ideologist Mikail Varangian (aka Warangian) in Copenhagen during Second Socialist International.

    The report shows that Dashnaktsutiun had organized and formed armed gangs in almost everywhere in Anatolia by adopting a terrorist movement. The report is in Belvedere archives.

    Two other sources admitting the ‘Armenian Armed Movements’ that were seen long before WW1 are as follows:
    1- Manifesto of First Prime Minister Hovhannes Katzhaznouni of Yerevan Dashnak Goverment published in Bucharest
    2- The article of First USA Ambassador of Armenia Garekin Pastırmacıyan called ‘Why Armenian Should Be Free – Boston 1918′

    The number of Armenians who had joined in these armed forces were around 200.000 as stated by Armenia Delegation Chairman Avetis Aharonian and World Armenians Delegation Chairman Boghos Nubar in Paris Peace Conference in 1919.

    The act of organizing and arming these 200.000 Armenians was naturally not something that Armenians could manage on their own initiatives financially and technically. The Armenian armed gangs were supported directly by Czardom Russia, Britain and France before WW1.

    Two years before WW1 on 26th November, 1912, the confidential report sent by Russian Ambassador Zinovyev in İstanbul to Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia S. D. Sazanov included the following (Russian State Archives, Politics Department, nr 117/293):

    ‘According to the information provided by our Van, Beyazıd, Erzurum, Trabzon Consulates, the Armenians living in these cities are on Russian side and are waiting for our armies’. [RussianStateArchives/political section n.117/293]

    As paralel to what stated above, the riots of Armenian armed gangs resulted in Russians occupying Van at the beginning of WW1.

    Van tradegy was described as follows in the telegraph sent by German Ambassador in İstanbul Hans Von Wangenheim to Ministery of Foreign Affairs of Germany on 10th May, 1915:

    ‘Armenians in the city of Van started rioting and started to attack Muslim villages and the castle. The Turkish headquarters in the castle had lost 300 soldiers and as a result of the street combats for days, the rebels took over the city. Russia occupied the city on 17th May, 1915. Armenians sided with Russia afterwards and started to massacre Muslims. Approximately 80.000 Muslims around Bitlis started to flee. [Wangenheim,Deutschisches und Armenien 1914-1918,Postdam 1919 p.65]

    The massacres of Muslims by Armenians were also documented in Czardom Russia archives. A report sent by Russian Commander Brigadier Bolhovitinov in Caucasus to headquarters on 11th December, 1915 included the following:

    ‘The Armenian Volunteer Legions had killed Muslims brutally with racist motives.’ [Brigadier General Leonid Bolhovitinov’s Report,1915,Russian Military History Archives (RGVIA) fond2100,list1,folder557,p.303-307]

    While these tradegies were taking place in East Anatolia, Russian, British and French were helping Armenians getting armed in East Mediterranean.

    The telegraph dated 5th November, 1914 sent by Francois George Picot and French Middle Ambassador Defrance of Egypt stated:

    ‘Greece accepted to send 15.000 rifles and 2 million bullets to the volunteer legions in Syria and in a possible intervention of France in Syria there are 30.000 – 35.000 volunteers readily avaliable to side with France in the region’. [Guerre Mondiale Turquie Vol.867 XCIII-document 237,Legion d’Orient 1914-1918]

    The report sent by the French Admiral in Syrian shore to the British military headquarters in Egypt indicated that the riot in Cilicia had lasted for over one month as of 28th May, 1915 and a total of 300 Turkish gendarmes had been killed.
    [U.K.Archives W.O. 157/691/8, 28 April 1915,Cairo]

    The memorandum sent by Russian Ambassador to British Ministry of Foreign Affairs on 24th Feb, 1915 expressed that an Armenian from Cilicia had contacted Kont Warentzoff Dachkoff in Caucasus and had indicated that they had gathered a force of 15.000 to raid the transportation lines of the Turkish Army but that they had not had enough arms and arsenal to perform and those could have been provided by British and French over through Alexandretta Harbour. [U.K. Archives F.O. 371/2484 No.22083,15 Feb.1915]

    As can be seen clearly from documents and information like the ones mentioned above, Armenian Dashnak Forces were committing war crimes behind the battles when Ottoman Empire called all men to the army to fight in Çanakkale, Palestine and Caucasus battles. This situation resulted in Ottoman Empire deciding to relocate Armenians in war zones as well as Armenians in Anatolia who were working for Dashnak Party to Syrian region.

    The ones claiming that there is a genocide are accusing Ottoman Empire of ethnically cleansing 1.5 million Armenians in the Empire with the application of this relocation decision dated 24th April, 1915.

    Many official documents were obtained in relation to the fate of Armenians forced to relocate during WW1 and after which were highly contradicting with the idea of a genocide.

    Although Ottoman Empire decided to relocate Armenians in above mentioned locations, Batumi Ambassador of Britain P. Stevens indicated that many Armenians were not even subject to obligatory relocation and were taken away by Russians to Caucasus in the report he sent to London on 25th Feb, 1916. [Halaçoğlu,Ermeniler:Sürgün Ve Göç,p.84-85]

    [Photo: Armenian Refugees From Turkey arrived in Russia,1914– Harold Buxton;Travel & Politics in Armenia,1914]

    This is also confirmed in the report of British Lord Major Found which he wrote about 1915. 250.000 Armenians moved to Caucasus Armenia from Anatolia fighting against illnesses and war conditions.

    250.000 figure was confirmed in the report sent by Armenian National Delegation Chairman Boghos Nubar to Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France in addition to the figure of 40.000 Ottoman Armenians being in Iran.

    When we can reasonably confirm that 250.000 Ottoman Armenians arriving at Caucasus and 40.000 Ottoman Armenians arriving at Iran at the beginning of WW1, we also obtain some other related information from US National Archives: American Counsel J. B. Jackson of Aleppo indicated in the letter he sent to American Ambassador Henry Morgenthau in İstanbul(8February1916) that 486.000 Armenians were located in the camps between Aleppo and Damascus and there were two charities helping the migrants. [U.S. Archives State Department Record Group 59,867.48/271]
    [—The ones claiming that there was a genocide can not answer the question of why Ottoman Goverment allowed American charities or American ambassadors to help the Ottoman Armenian refugees located in camps between Aleppo and Damascus, locations which were under the control of Ottoman Goverment back then.—]

    We can provide more detailed information related to Armenian refugees in Caucasus and Syria from documents obtained after WW1.

    WW1 ended with Mondros Armistice signed on 30th October, 1918 for Ottoman Empire. In 1918 after the war when the Bolshevik Revolution was over, the massacres of Muslim civilians in East and South East Anatolia by Armenian Dashnak Goverment which was continuing to fight, reached the maximum possible. In the same year, Cilicia was

    Occupied by the French (on 24th December, 1918). It is seen that after Cilicia was occupied by the French, some Armenian refugees in Syria were relocated here.
    [Photo:George R. Swain(Adana/Turkey). Francis W. Kelsey and Near East Expedition of 1919-1920]

    However we obtain the exact number of Armenians living under Ottoman Empire after WW1 from the official document presented to the US by İstanbul American High Council. This document is in US National Archives and was confirmed by İstanbul Armenian Patriarchate.

    According to this official document, there were 624.900 Armenians living under Ottoman Empire in 1921. We also know that apparently around 200.000 were located in Cilicia (in Adana, Antep, Maraş etc.) which was under French control.
    [U.S. Archives NARA, T 1192 R2.860J01/395]

    This document shows that there were 624.900 Armenians under Ottoman borders after WW1 until these Armenians were refugees again.

    There is also another visual document related to Armenians obtained for these years. The photo of Armenian refugees living in Novorossisk (Black Sea shore – South Russia) taken by G. P. Lloyd is in Frank Carpenter archives and it was taken in 1920. Unfortunately we can not obtain any information related to the number of Armenian refugees in Novorossik.

    It is discussed in the Near East Relief Report dated 31st December, 1921 that around 500.000 Armenian refugees in Dashnak Goverment in Yerevan (which was in Caucasus) were being provided aid.

    [Report Of The Near East Relief,For The Year Ending 31 December 1921, Washington Government Printing office 1922]

    The exact number of Armenian refugees who went to Armenia during the Turkish – Armenian War which started with WW1 and ended with Gümrü Treaty signed on 3rd December, 1920 and Bolshevik Russians occupying Armenia on 4th December, 1920, was provided by Fridjof Nansen, Refugees High Commissar of League of Nations.

    Fridjof Nansen indicated that 400.000 of the 1 million population of Yerevan Armenian Goverment was comprised of refugees who came during the war as answer to the question of an Indian representative during the 8th meeting of League of Nations held on 19th October, 1928.

    Even if Fridjof Nansen did not give any indications related to the number of Armenians in whole Caucasus or South Russia, he definitely indicated that 400.000 Ottoman Armenians moved to Caucasus Armenia.

    Meanwhile the Ankara Treaty signed between France and Ankara government resulting in France withdrawing from Cilicia also resulted in 200.000 Armenians leaving the region (who were located there before) and migrating to other countries without ever coming back. 500.000 Muslims being massacred by Armenian Armed Forces in Anatolia made it impossible for the Armenians and Turks living together.

    The document about the ‘Armenian Population Around The World’ dated 1922 and included in US National Archives gives information about the Armenian emigration that started with the French withdrawing from Cilicia. We can follow the refugee movements of the 624.900 Armenians in Ottoman Empire beginning 1921 with the help of the activities of League of Nations.
    [U.S. Archives, NARA 867.4016/816.Janunary 10,1923]

    This refugee movement was also indicated in the declaration prepared by Armenian National Delegation for Lausanne Treaty on 2nd February, 1923.

    [League Of Nation,Armenia, Geneva, February 2nd.1923, 0.153. M.56 1923 VII]

    CONCLUSION:

    From the beginning of WW1 to 1921, there were 624.900 Armenians in Ottoman Empire, at least 400.000 in Yerevan Armenia and finally at least 40.000 in Iran. Unfortunately we can not conclude as to how many Ottoman Armenians immigrated to South Russia, Georgia, Egypt, Greece, USA or Europe.

    However the most certain thing we get out of all these documents is that the Armenian population which was around 1.6 million before WW1 was at least around 1.1 million after WW1.

    [The Republic Of Armenia–A Memorandum , On The Recognition Of The Government Of The Republic Of Armenia, Submitted By The Special Mission Of The Republic Of Armenia To The United States– Presented By Mr. Lodge,November 10,1919, Washington,Government Printing Office 1919]

    GÖÇ EDEN OSMANLI ERMENİLERİNİN AKİBETİ VE SOYKIRIM İDDİASI

    Birinci Dünya Savaşı öncesinde Osmanlı İmparatorluğu sınırları içinde yaşayan Ermenilerin sayıları hakkında verilen ciddi rakamların çoğunluğu 1.5-1.6 milyon arasındadır.Sadece İstanbul Ermeni Patrikhanesi’nin 1912 yılında verdiği rakam , bu genel rakamların çok üzerinde, 2 milyon u bulmaktadır.Patrikhane’nin bu değerleri, hem Toynbee’nin Mavi Kitap’ı ve hemde Paris Barış Konferansı öncesi, Boghos Nubar ve A. Aharonian iklisinin yayınladığı bildiride kullanılır.

    Patrikhane’nin bu 2 milyon rakamı , 19. yy sonu-20.yy başı itibariyle İngiliz H.F.B Lynch ve Fransız Vital Cuinet’in verdiği detaylı nüfus değerleri ile oldukça çelişkilidir.Lynch ve Cuinet’in verdiği rakamlara bakıldığında, Patrikhane’nin verdiği nüfus değerlerinin hemen hemen %100 fazla olduğu anlaşılır ve 15-20 yıl içinde hiçbir insan populasyonu doğal yollardan bu kadar artamaz.Ayrıca İstanbul Ermeni Patrikhanesi’nin 1912 yılında, Müslümanlara ait nüfus sayılarında ise %20-30 oranında bir eksilme görülmektedir.

    Lynch ve Cuinet’e ek olarak birçok kaynakta da, Birinci Dünya Savaşı öncesi için Osmanlı sınırlarındaki Ermenilerin sayısı
    1.3-1.6 milyon civarında verilmektedir.

    Keza Lozan Barış Konferansı’nda da , Ermeni Patrikhanesi’nin 2 milyon takamı çok abartılı bulunarak, David Magie tarafından hazırlanan ve Ermenilerin sayısını 1.6 milyon olarak veren nüfus istatistiği kabul edilmiştir.

    Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda, Osmanlı Ermenileri hakkında bilimsel olmayan bilgi dezenfermasyonunun bolluğu içinde karşımıza çıkan diğer bir konu ise,Birinci Dünya Savaşı boyunca hayatını kaybeden Anadolu Ermenileri’nin sayısıdır.Bu konu geçen 100 yıl içinde sanki açık arttırmaya çıkmış gibidir. (Kızılhaç 600-800 bin rakamı, Morgenthau 1 milyon, bugünün Ermeni Diasporası ise 1.5-2 milyon kayıptan bahseder)

    ”Ermeni Soykırımı” iddiasında bulunan bazı tarihçiler, bu sayılar hakkında ”ne kadar insanın öldüğünün ne önemi var,önemli olan suçun kendisidir” diyerek, konuyu geçiştirmektedirler.1915 fenomeni içinde ne kadar Osmanlı Ermenisi’nin hangi koşullar altında öldüğü ya da öldürüldüğünün hukuki bir belgesi yoktur.Bugün itibariyle genel iddia, 1.5 (ya da 2) milyon Ermeni’nin,
    Anadolu’da veya Kuzey Suriye’deki kamplarda etnik temizliğe tabii tutulduğu üzerinedir.

    Halbuki 1.Dünya Savaşı’ndan 1924 lere kadar olan,Avrupa ve Birleşik Devletler kaynaklı resmi belgeler bize bu iddiaların tam tersi şeyleri söylemektedir.Bu belgelere , Ermeni Devrimci Federasyonu’na (Dashnakzutiun) ait bazı belgeler ile Çarlık Rusyası ve Bolşevik Rusya’ya ait belgeleri de eklediğimizde, Osmanlı Ermenileri’nin hareketliliğini ve akibetlerini genel bir kesinlikle görüyoruz.

    1.Dünya Savaşı öncesi, Ermeni Silahlı hareketlerinin tarih ititbariyle en önemli ve resmi belgesi, Ermeni devrimci Federasyonu’nun (Dasnakzutiun) ideolojisti Mikail Varangian(or Warangian) ın 1910 yılında Kopenhag’taki 2. Sosyalist İnternasyonal’e verdiği rapordur.

    Raporda bizzat, Dashnakzutiun’un Anadolu’nun hemen her yerleşiminde örgütlendikleri ve silahlı çeteler oluşturarak, terörist eylem biçimini benimsedikleri ifade edilmektedir.Bu rapor Belvedere arşivlerindedir.

    1.Dünya savaşı’ndan çok önce başlayan Ermeni Silahlı organizasyonlarını itiraf eden diğer iki kaynak ise, Erivan Taşnak Hükümeti’nin ilk Başbakanı Hovhannes Katzhaznouni’nin Bükreş’te yayınlanan manifestosu ve Ermenistan’ın ilk Abd Büyükelçisi Karekin Pastırmacıyan’ın ”Ermenistan niçin özgür olmalı”(Why Armenia Should Be Free-Boston 1918) yazılarıdır.

    Keza bu silahlı hareketlere katılan Ermenilerin sayısı, hem 1919′da Paris Barış Konferansı’nda Ermenistan Delegasyon Başkanı Avetis Aharonian ve hem de Dünya Ermenileri Delegasyon Başkanı Boghos Nubar’ın söylediği üzere 200.000 civarındadır.

    Doğal Olarak bu 200.000 kişilik silahlı Ermeni Çetelerin silahlandırılması ve yönetilmesi eylemi, Ermenilerin kendi insiyatifleriyle gerçekleştirebilecekleri teknik ve finansal bir eylem değildir.Ermeni silahlı çeteleri 1.Dünya Savaşı öncesinde bizzat Çarlık Rusyası,İngiltere ve Fransa tarafından desteklenmiştir.

    Keza savaştan 2 yıl önce, 26 Kasım 1912 tarihinde, Rusya’nın İstanbul Büyükelçisi Zinovyev’in Rusya Dışişleri Bakanı S.D. Sazanov’a gönderdiği gizli raporda( Rusya Devlet Arşivi,Siyasi Bölüm,nr 117/293);

    ”Van;Beyazıd;Erzurum,Trabzon konsolosluklarımızın bildirdiklerine göre, bu vilayetlerdeki Ermenilerin hepsi Rusya tarafındadırlar ve bizim ordularımızı bekliyorlar” denilmektedir.

    Bunu gelişmeleri takiben 1.Dünya Savaşı’nın başlangıcında, Ermeni silahlı çetelerinin isyan faaliyeti Rusların Van İlini işgal etmesiyle sonuçlanır.

    İstanbul Alman Büyükelçisi Hans von Wangenheim tarafından Alman Dışişleri Bakanlığı’na gönderilen 10 Mayıs 1915 tarihli telgrafta, ”Van Trajedisi” şu şekilde anlatılır:

    ”Van vilayetindeki Ermeniler ayaklanmışlar,müslüman köylere ve kaleye saldırıya geçmişlerdir.Kaledeki Türk garnizonu 300 kayıp vermiş,günlerce devam eden sokak muharebeleri sonunda şehir asilerin eline geçmiştir. 17 Mayıs 1915′te de Van Ruslar tarafından işgal edilmiştir.Ermeniler Rus tarafına geçmiş ve müslümanları katle başlamışlardır.Bitlis istikametinde 80.000 müslüman kaçmaya başlamıştır.”

    Ermeni çetelerinin katliamları Çarlık Rusyası arşivlerinde de belgelenmiştir.Kafkas Cephesinde görevli Rus komutan Tuğgeneral Bolhovitinov, 11 Aralık 1915′te karargaha gönderdiği raporda;

    ”Ermeni Gönüllü Birliklerinin ırkçı duygularla Müslüman Halka karşı vahşi katliamlar yaptı” der.

    Doğu Anadolu’da bu trajedi yaşanırken, Doğu Akdeniz’de Rus-İngiliz ve Fransızlar tarafından bölgedeki Ermeniler silahlandırılmaktadır.

    Francois George Picot ve Fransa Mısır Orta Elçisi Defrance’ın 5 Kasım 1914 tarihini taşıyan telgrafta;

    ”Yunanistan’ın Suriye’deki gönüllü kuvvetlere 15.000 tüfek ve 2 milyon mermi yollamayı kabul ettiği ve Fransa’nın Suriye’ye müdahelesi durumunda, burada 30-35.000 gönüllünün bulunduğu” ifade edilmektedir.

    Mısır’da ki İngiliz askeri karargahına Suriye kıyısındaki Fransız Amiralinden gelen rapor;

    ”28 Nisan 1915 tarihine kadar Zeytun’daki (Cilicia) isyan bir aydır devam etmektedir ve toplam 300 Türk jandarması öldürülmüştür.”

    Rus Büyükelçisi’nin İngiliz Dışişleri Bakanlığı’na yazdığı 24 Şubat 1915 tarihli memorandumda ;

    ”Zeytun’lu bir Ermeni’nin Kafkasya’da Kont Warentzoff_Dachkoff ile temas kurduğu, Türk ordularının ulaşım hatlarına baskın yapmak üzere 15.000 kişilik bir kuvvet topladıkları ancak silah ve cephanelerinin yeterli olmadığı, ingiliz ve Fransızlar tarafından İskenderun Limanı üzerinden bunun yapılabileceği …” anlatılır.
    Buna benzer birçok belge ve yazışmadan da anlaşılacağı gibi, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu WW1 Savaşı başlangıcında Çanakkale, Filistin, ve Kafkasya cephesinde savaşmak üzere ülkedeki erkekleri askere almışken, Ermeni Taşnak birlikleri cephe gerisinde savaş hukukuna aykırı eylem ve katliamlara girişmişlerdir.Bu durum Osmanlı Devleti’nin savaş bölgelerindeki ermeniler ile tüm Anadolu’daki Taşnak Partisi ile bağlantılı Ermenilerin Suriye bölgesine tehciri kararını almasıyla sonuçlanmıştır.

    İşte ‘’soykırım” iddilarını öne sürenler 24 Nisan 1915 tarihli bu tehcir kararı uygulamasıyla 1.5 milyon ermeninin, Osmanlı Devleti tarafından etnik temizliğe tabii tutulduğunu iddia etmektedirler.

    1.Dünya Savaşı esnasında ve sonraki yıllarda tehcire maruz kalan Ermenilerin akibeti ile ilgili olarak, ” soykırım” iddialarının aksine , çok farklı resmi belgeler ortaya çıkmaktadır.

    Ermenilerle ilgili olarak Osmanlı devleti’nin tehcir kararı almasına rağmen, ingiltere’nin Batum Konsolosu P. Stevens’ın Londra’ya gönderdiği 25 Şubat 1916 tarihli raporda; çok sayıda Ermeninin zorunlu göçe tabii tutulmadığı ve Ruslar tarafından Kafkasya’ya götürüldüğü ifade edilmektedir.

    Bu durumu İngiliz Lord Major Found’un 1915 yılına ait raporuda tasdik eder. 250.000 Ermeni bu yıllarda Türkiye’den Kafkasya Ermenistan’ına geçmiş ve savaş koşullarında hastalıklarla mücadele etmektedirler.

    Aynı bilgiyi Ermeni Milli Delegasyon Başkanı Boghos Nubar’ın Fransız Dışişleri Bakanlığı’na gönderdiği yazıda 250.000 rakamı teyit edildiği gibi İran’da da 40.000 Osmanlı Ermenisinin bulunduğu bilgisi verilir.

    1. Dünya Savaşı’nın ilk yıllarında Kafkasya’ya 250.000, İran’a 40.000 Ermeni’nin gittiği bilgisine ulaşırken başka bir bilgi de Amerikan Ulusal Arşivlerinden çıkıyor.
    Amerikan Halep Valisi J.B. jackson’un 8 Şubat 1916′da Amerikanın İstanbul Büyükelçisi Henry Morgenthau’ya gönderdiği raporda, Halep ve Şam arasındaki bölgede Osmanlı’nın tehcir ettiği 486.000 Ermeni göçmenin kamplarda bulunduğu ve iki yardım kuruluşu tarafından bu göçmenlere yardım edildiği bildiriliyor.

    — Bu rapora baktığımızda ‘’soykırım” iddiasını ileri sürenlerin, o yıllarda Osmanlı kontrolündeki Halep ve şam bölgesinde, Ermeni mültecilere yardım için niçin Amerikan Yardım Kuruluşlarına ve Amerikan Elçisine izin verildiği sorusuna cevapları yoktur.—

    Hem Kafkasya ve hemde Suriye’deki Ermeni mülteciler hakkındaki daha detaylı bilgilere savaş sonrasında ortaya çıkan bilgilerden öğreniyoruz.

    Osmanlı İmparatorluğu için 1.Dünya Savaşı 30 Ekim 1918 de imzalanan Mondros Mütarekesi ile sona erer. 1918′de savaş bittiğinde, Bolşevik Devriminden sonra savaşa devam eden Ermeni Taşnak Hükümeti’nin Doğu ve Güneydoğu Anadolu’da sivil halka karşı gerçekleştirdiği katliamlar doruk noktasına çıkar.Aynı yıl içinde Çukurova (cilicia)
    Bölgesi Fransa tarafından işgal edilir.(24Aralık1918).Çukurova’nın (Cilicia) Fransızlar tarafından işgalinden sonra, Suriye’deki Ermeni göçmenlerin bir bölümünün buraya yerleştirildiğini anlıyoruz.

    Ama 1. Dünya Savaşı sonrası Osmanlı İmparatorluğu içindeki Ermenilerin tam sayısını, Amerikan Ulusal Arşivlerinde bulunan; Birleşik Devletlere, İstanbul Amerikan Yüksek Komisyonunca sunulan ve İstanbul Ermeni Patrikhanesi tarafından da onaylanan resmi belgeden anlıyoruz.

    Bu belgeye göre 1921 yılında Osmanlı İmparatorluğu sınırları içinde 624.900 Ermeni yaşamaktadır.Ve görünen o ki, 200.000 kadar Ermeni Fransız kontrolündeki Cilicia (Adana-Antep-Maraş vs) bölgesine yerleştirilmiştir.

    Bu belge ile , 1. Dünya Savaşı sonrası , Osmanlı sınırları içindeki Ermenilerin, tekrar göçmen durumuna düşmesine kadar ki tam sayıları 624.900 dür.

    Bu yıllarda ortaya çıkan diğer bir fotoğrafik belge de 1920 yılına ait Frank carpenter arşivinde bulunan ve G.P. Lloyd tarfından çekilen, Novorossik’teki(Karadeniz Kıyısı-Güney Rusya) Ermeni Mültecilere ait fotoğraflardır.Malesef Novorossik’teki Ermeni Mültecilere ait sayısal bir değere ulaşamıyoruz.

    Kafkasya’da Erivan Taşnak Hükümeti sınırları içindeki mülteci sayısı hakkında ise, 31 Aralık 1921 tarihli Near East Relief raporunda, 500.000 kişiye yardım edildiğinden bahsedilir.

    1.Dünya Savaşı ile başlayıp 3 Aralık 1920 deki Gümrü Antlaşması’ na kadar süren ve ertesi gün, 4 Aralık 1920′de Ermenistan’ın Bolşevikler tarafından işgal edilmesiyle tamamen son bulan Türk-Ermeni Savaşı boyunca, Ermenistan’a giden Ermeni Mültecilerin tam sayısını, Milletler Cemiyeti (League of Nations) Mülteciler Yüksek Komiseri Fridjof Nansen net olarak söylüyor.

    Milletler Cemiyeti’nin 19 Ekim 1928 tarihli sekizinci oturumunda Hindistan temsilcisinin sorusuna verdiği cevapta , ”Erivan Ermeni Hükümeti’nin 1.000.000 luk nüfusunun 400.000 inin savaş boyunca gelen mültecilerden oluştuğunu söylüyor.

    Bu belgeden bütün Kafkasya ve Güney Rusya’daki Ermenilerin sayısını öğrenemesek bile, Ermenistan’a 400.000 Osmanlı Ermenisi’nin geçiş yaptığını öğreniyoruz.

    Diğer taraftan Fransa’nın 20 Ekim 1921 tarihinde Ankara Hükümeti ile yaptığı anlaşma ile , Fransızların Çukurova’dan (Cilicia) çekilmesi, Çukuroava’ya geri dönen 200.000 kadar Ermeni’nin, geri dönmemek üzere başka ülkelere mülteci olarak yerleşmesi sonucunu doğurdu.Anadolu’da Ermeni Silahlı Birlikleri tarafından öldürülen 500.000 den fazla Müslüman olması, artık Ermeniler ile Müslümanların birlikte yaşayamayacağı sonucunu doğuruyordu.

    Fransızların Çukurova’dan çekilmesiyle başlayan Ermeni göçü hakkında, Amerikan Ulusal arşivlerindeki 1922 tarihli , ”Dünya’daki Ermeni Populasyonu’ nu gösteren belge, bize bu konuda bilgi veriyor. 1921 yılı başlarında Osmanlı sınırları içindeki 624.900 Ermeni’nin, Milletler Cemiyeti’ninde faaliyetleriyle ilk mülteci hareketlerini bu şekilde izliyoruz.

    Bu hareketlilik, 2 Şubat 1923 tarihinde, Ermeni Milli Delegasyonu’nun, Lozan Konferansı için hazırladığı bildiride de yine teyit edilir.

    SONUÇ:

    Dünya Savaşının başlangıcından 1921 yılına kadar ;

    Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun sınırları içinde 624.900 , Erivan Ermenistan’ınanda en az 400.000, İran’da en az 40.000 Osmanlı Ermenisi bulunmaktadır.1914 ile 1921 yılları arasında, Güney Rusya,Gürcistan,Mısır,Yunanistan,Abd ve Avrupa’ya ne kadar Osmanlı Ermenisi’nin göç ettiği hakkında net bir rakama ulaşamıyoruz.

    Ama bu belgelerden öğrendiğimiz en kesin şey, savaş öncesinde sayıları 1.6 milyon olan Osmanlı Ermenileri’nin , savaş sonunda en az 1.1 milyonunun hayatta olduğudur.


    05 Mart 2009 Perşembe

    Photo Galerie

    Armenian Genocide Tale
    Photo Galerie 1

    Armenian Genocide Tale
    Photo Galerie 2


    11 Şubat 2009 Çarşamba

    The Report of Emory Niles & Arthur Surherland in U.S. National Archives

    Captain Emory Niles and Mr. Arthur Sutherland were Americans ordered by the United States Government (in 1919) to investigate the situation in eastern Anatolia. Their report was to be used as the basis for granting relief aid to the Armenians by the American Committee for Near East Relief.
    U.S. National Archives 184.021/175

    Pls,click to image for read!

    Abd Ulusal Arşivleri’ndeki Emory Niles ve Arthur Sutherland Raporu

    Amerikalı Yüzbaşı Emory Niles ve Arthur Sutherland,Amerika Birleşik Devletleri Hükümeti tarafından,Doğu Anadolu’nun durumunu araştırmak üzere görevlendirildi.
    Bu rapor,Amerikan Yakın Doğu Yardım Kuruluşu (Near East Relief) tarafından, Ermenilere yardım aşamasında referans olarak kullanıldı.
    Amerika Ulusal Arşivleri 184.021/175

    IV. Mezalimler

    Bizim araştırma konumuzla direkt ilgili olmamasına rağmen bizde iz bırakan çok çarpıcı bir gerçek var ki o da, Bitlis’ten Trabzon’a kadar geçtiğimiz tüm noktalarda, diğer bölgelerde Türkler tarafından Ermeniler’e karşı işlenen suçlar ve yapılan zulümlerin aynısının bu bölgelerde Ermeniler tarafından Türkler’e yapılmış olmasıdır. İlk başta bize anlatılan hikayelere kuşkulu yaklaşmakla birlikte, görgü tanıklarının ifadelerindeki fikir birliğini, kendilerine yapılan yanlışları gözle görülür bir istekle anlatmalarını, Ermeniler’e karşı duydukları bariz nefreti ve herşeyden daha önemlisi, ortadaki somut kanıtları gördükten sonra şu gerçekler hakkında ikna olduk:

    1- Ermeniler Müslümanlar’a büyük çaplı olarak çeşitli zalimliklerde bulunmuşlardır.
    2- Köylerde ve kasabalarda meydana gelen yıkımlardan büyük oranda Ermeniler sorumludur.

    Ruslar ve Ermeniler ülkeyi 1915 ve 1916 yıllarında hatırı sayılır bir zaman birlikte işgal etmişlerdir ve bu süre içinde çok az düzeyde karışıklık çıkmış olmasına rağmen Ruslar’ın verdiği zararlar şüphesizdir. 1917 yılında Rus ordusu dağılmış ve Ermeniler’i yönetim ve kontrolde kendi başlarına bırakmıştır. Bu dönemde başıbozuk Ermeni askeri çeteleri, ülkeyi amaçsızca dolaşıp köyleri yağmalamışlar ve Müslüman sivil halkı katletmişlerdir. Türk ordusunun Erzincan, Erzurum ve Van’da ilerlemesi üzerine dağılan Ermeni ordusunun düzenli ve düzensiz birliklerini oluşturan tüm askerleri ise bunun arkasından bölgedeki Müslüman halkın mal mülklerine zarar vermişler ve bölge halkına türlü zulümler yapmışlardır. Bunun sonucunda, geriye ülke halkının eski nüfüsunun yaklaşık olarak sadece dörtte biri kalmış ve ülkede bulunan yapıların gene yaklaşık olarak sekizde yedisi talan edilmiştir. Tamamen harabeye dönmüş olan bu ülkedeki en acıklı olay ise Ermeniler’den nefret eden Müslümanlar’ın bu nefretinin, iki ırkın şu gün itibariyle aynı bölgede birlikte yaşama olasılığını tamamen ortadan kaldırmasıdır. Müslümanlar, bir Ermeni Hükümeti’nin boyunduruğu altında yaşamaya zorlanırlarsa savaşacaklarını beyan etmişler ve bize de bu tehditlerini gerçekleştirecek gibi görünmüşlerdir ki bu görüşümüz, karşılaştığımız tüm Türk görevliler, Amerikan görevliler ve İngiliz görevliler tarafından paylaşılmıştır.

    Durumu daha da kötüleştirici diğer bir konu ise sınır ötesindeki gidişattır. Mültecilerin şikayetlerinin ne kadarının ne ölçüde doğru olduğunu bilmemize ya da Müslümanların bu duruma ne ölçüde sebebiyet verdiklerini yani gerçekte Ermeniler’e karşı organize bir direniş göstermeleri yüzünden bu durumdan sorumlu olup olmadıklarını bilmemize imkan yoktur. Her halükarda, hududun Türk tarafında olan yerli halk, sınırın Ermeni tarafında bulunan din kardeşlerinin Ermeniler tarafından katledildiğine ve mümkün olabilecek en büyük zalimliklere maruz kaldığına inanmakta ve bu durum da halkın Ermenilere karşı olan hislerini bir kat daha yoğunlaştırmaktadır. Kafkasya’daki gerçek gidişatı tespit etmeye yönelik bir araştırmanın yapılması şiddetle tavsiye edilmektedir. Bu araştırma sonucunda şayet Müslümanlar’ın ifadelerinin doğru olduğu ortaya çıkar ise halihazırda kalıcı bir uzlaşmayı kaçınılmaz kılan şartlar sözkonusu iken, bu durumu daha da zora koşacak olası karışıklıkların ve isyanların bir an evvel engellenmesi gerekmektedir.

    Mültecilerin ve yerli halkın ekte bulunan mezalimler ile ilgili ifadelerine dikkat etmeniz hususu arz olunur.

    Full Report:

    Others Links:

    https://armenians-1915.blogspot.com/2005/07/67-captain-emory-niles-and-mr-arthur.html

    http://www.tallarmeniantale.com/niles-sutherland.htm

    http://search.freefind.com/find.html?id=39745808&pageid=r&mode=ALL&n=0&query=emory+niles


    29 Ocak 2009 Perşembe

    800 Thousand Kurds Were Annihilated With The Attacks Of Armenians

    Russian commander: “I consider adding that Armenians are looting Kurdish villages and raping Kurdish women as my duty.” The publication of Armenian nationalists: “The area, where 800 thousands Kurds inhabited were completely emptied.” General Bolhovitinov: “When the hunter battalion came back it encountered with bodies of 20 Muslim children, who were cut into pieces.” Another Russian commander: “Which precautions shall we take against looter Armenian volunteers?”

    20 children who were cut into pieces in Tatvan –>Click for Continue

    Turkish

    Ermeni Saldırılarıyla 800.000 Kürt yok oldu.

    Rus Komutan: ”Ermenilerin Kürt köylerini yağmaladıklarını ve Kürt kadınlarına tecavüz ettiklerini eklemeyi görev sayarım”
    Ermeni milliyetçilerinin yayın organı: ”800 bin Kürt’ün yaşadığı alan tamamen boşaldı.Yüzlerce Kürt köyü boşaldı ve yerle bir oldu”
    General Bolhovitinov: ”Avcı taburu döndüğünde 20 müslüman çocuğu doğranmış halde bulmuş”
    Bir başka Rus komutan: ”Yağmacı Ermeni gönüllülere karşı hangi önlemleri alacağız?”

    Tatvan’da doğranan 20 çocuk –>Yazının tamamını için(pdf file)

    Remember Khojaly

    Armenian Genocide Ballyhoo

    Innocent Angels Of 1915

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    • 2785) Media Scanner 22 Mar 2009
    • 2784) Action Alert: Please Congratulate Sen Ferguson of Australian Senate
    • 2783) Love Story: Australian Nurse Rose & Turkish Lieutenant Kemal During Korean War: New Book Release
    • Armenian Refugees Movements And Genocide Claims
    • Kultige Feuerbändiger
    • Armenian Orphans Refugees in Kaiser’s Farm ( ? ) , in Sivas – Turkey

    ——— YURARIKI SAYFALAR VE YORUM SAHIBI ———–

    Şu yazınız için yeni bir yorum yapıldı: #12454 “Talât Paşa’nın Evrak-ı Metrûkesi”
    URL    :
    Yorum:
    !.5 milyon civarındaki Osmanlı Ermenisi’ne ne oldu?  İşte cevabı.

    http:// angelsof1915.blogspot. com

    Armenian Refugees Movements and Genocide Claims

    https://www.turkishnews.com/en/content/2009/03/24/armenian-refugees-movements-and-genocide-claims/

  • Ankara Seeks Influence Through Turks Living Abroad

    Ankara Seeks Influence Through Turks Living Abroad

    Leaders of Turkish descent across Europe recently received an invitation to a fancy event in Istanbul, all expenses paid. But what sounded innocent enough appears to have been an attempt by Ankara to get members of the Turkish diaspora to represent Turkish interests abroad. Turkish-German politicians have reacted angrily to the brazen lobbying.

    NOTE:

    WHAT WAS NOT MENTIONED IN THIS ARTICLE IS THE INVITED PEOPLE WERE THE ONES CLOSER TO FETULLAH GULEN’S ORGANIZATION.. OR THE ONES THEY NEED TO DRAFT TO GULENIST MOVEMENT …AKP IS CONSIDERING THE GULENISTS ARE THE LIEDERS OF TURKISH DIASPORA

    SECULAR TURKISH ORGANIZATIONS AND TURKS REFUSED TO ATTEND.

    AMERIKADAN NEWYORK MERKEZLI BIR UST KURULUS BU TOPLANTIYA KATILMIS VE SUNUM YAPMISDIR.. AZERI WEB SITELERINDE CIKAN BU HABERI IKI HAFTA ONCE ILETTIK

    FETULLAHIN GÖLGESİNDE YAPILAŞAN*DIŞ TÜRKLER* 27 ŞUBAT TOPLANTISI

    DR. ERDAL SENER (TURKISH FORUM)

    The invitation that numerous Turkish-German politicians received in February sounded enticing: Lunch in a five-star hotel in Istanbul, travel expenses included. The session was titled: “Wherever One of Our Compatriots Is, We Are There Too.”

    Around 1,500 people of Turkish descent from several European countries accepted the tempting offer. Among the speakers at the event, which took place at the end of February, were businesspeople, NGO representatives and a member of the Belgian parliament of Turkish descent. But the meeting, which has sparked outrage among Turkish-German politicians, was more than a harmless gathering of the Turkish diaspora.

    The event was organized by the Turkish government, which is led by the conservative-religious Justice and Development (AKP) party, in an attempt to send a clear message to the participants that they should represent Turkey in other countries. Turks living abroad should take the citizenship of their new home country — not, however, with the intention of becoming an integrated part of that society, but so they can become politically active, said Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who spoke at the event. Erdogan also compared Islamophobia with anti-Semitism in his speech and said that countries which oppose dual citizenship are violating people’s fundamental rights. (Germany, for example, generally does not allow its citizens to hold dual nationality.)

    ‘Crime Against Humanity’

    Participants in the session told SPIEGEL ONLINE that the Turkish prime minister then repeated a sentence which had already sparked fierce criticism when he said it during a 2008 speech in Cologne: “Assimilation is a crime against humanity.” And even stronger language was apparently used by one representative of the Turkish government. According to Ali Ertan Toprak, the vice chairman of the Alevi community in Germany, who was present at the lunch, one speaker went so far as to say: “We need to inoculate European culture with Turkish culture.”

    The language in the invitiations already suggested the attitude of the Turkish government toward Turkish-German politicians. Ankara perceives them as being its own. Invitations sent in the name of Turkish Labor Minister Faruk Celik to German Bundestag members were addressed as “my esteemed members of parliament” and Erdogan was referred to as “our prime minister.”

    Turkish-German politicians and religious representatives in Germany are now voicing sharp criticism of Ankara. “It was very clearly a lobbying event on the part of the Turkish government,” said Toprak. He said that he himself was shocked about how openly the Turkish government had expressed its view that Germans of Turkish descent should represent Turkey’s interests. “If members of the (conservative) Christian Democratic Union who oppose EU membership for Turkey had been there, they would have got a lot of material for their arguments,” Toprak says.

    Highly Problematic

    Canan Bayram, a member of the Berlin state parliament, said she only attended the meeting because, as an integration spokeswoman for the Green Party in the city, she felt she needed to see what an event like this was like. Of course she covered her own travel and accommodation expenses, she said. “It was important to me that I make it clear that, as a member of a German state parliament, I do not allow the Turkish government to pay my expenses.” Sirvan Cakici, a member of the Bremen state parliament for the Left Party who attended the Istanbul meeting, also emphasized that she paid for her expenses herself.

    “The Turkish government should pay more attention to the interests of Turks in Turkey, rather than trying to exploit Turkish-Germans as their ambassadors,” said Vural Öger, a former member of the European Parliament who was also at the lunch.

    Other Turkish-German politicians turned down the invitation because they saw it as highly problematic right from the beginning. “It was clear that this was purely a lobbying event on the part of the Turkish government. As a German politician, I did not belong there,” says Özcan Mutlu, a member of the Berlin state parliament for the Greens. “We are not an extended arm of the Turkish government.” Memet Kilic, a member of the federal parliament with the Green Party, also declined to take part for similar reasons.

    ‘Unacceptable’

    It is not, in fact, the first time that the Turkish government has sought contact to Turkish-German politicians. After the 2009 parliamentary elections, Turkish-German Bundestag members received congratulatory calls from the AKP government. And in October 2009, the Turkish government invited German parliamentarians to an AKP party congress in Ankara.

    Ekin Deligöz, a member of the Bundestag for the Greens, says she has in the past received numerous invitations from the Turkish government, which she has turned down out of principle. “I refuse to represent the interests of the Turkish government simply because I was born in Turkey.”

    Turkish-German politicians feel that, in principle, it is acceptable if the Turkish government tries to seek contact with Bundestag members of Turkish descent. “After all, we act as a kind of bridge,” says Kilic. “It’s the most normal thing in the world.” He adds that it is “unacceptable,” however, if Ankara openly says that politicians of Turkish descent should act as a mouthpiece for Turkish interests.

    Sevim Dagdelen, a Bundestag member for the Left Party who turned down the invitation to attend the February event, talks of a “parallel foreign policy” on the part of the Turkish government. “I don’t want to be part of it,” she says. “I find it regrettable and cause for concern that other German politicians are apparently taking part.

  • Armenian Nazi Battalion during World War II

    Armenian Nazi Battalion during World War II

    “Armenian Nazi General Dro commanded the 20,000
    strong Armenian-Nazi 812th Battalion during World War II”

    ERMENI nazi legionTURKISHFORUM DANISMA KURULU UYESI VE YAZARI MERHUM SAMUEL WEEMS’IN KITABINDAN BIR ALINTI

    Samuel A. Weems – There was a funeral a few weeks ago in Vienna, Austria. Two small black urns were buried containing the brains and a few remains of 4-year old Annemarie Danner and 18-month old Gerhard Zeketner. During World War II these were two of the more than 600 children the Nazis proclaimed “worthless lives.” These children were taken to Vienna’s Am Stein Hospital to be murdered and their bodies used for medical research.

    Between 1935 and 1945, in the name of medical science and research, the Nazis murdered more than 75,000 individuals, including 5,000 children across Europe, in their quest to create a racial/ethnic pure state. These acts of terror and cruelty were in addition to what the Nazis did at their many death camps were Jews were exterminated.

    The term “genocide” was invented and created in 1944 to describe all the many different acts of murder the Nazis used in their attempt to exterminate the entire Jewish race. Annemarie Danner and Gerhard Zeketner are but two of the individual lives the Nazis stamped out.

    Armenians today are attempting to “steal” the term genocide by making the fake claim that the Turks massacred 1.5 million of their people in 1915. The undisputed hard evidence is that this tall tale was nothing more than the figment of the imagination of a high priest of the one and only state Armenian church. The priest’s motive for making up and telling this horrible lie was his attempt to get a foreign government to come and help the Armenians obtain someone else’s homes and land for free. This great lie is the foundation upon which the Armenian government has established its multi billion dollar fake “genocide industry.” The Armenians have been operating on this great lie since 1918. Armenia operates their “genocide industry” with great success in today’s world even if they do operate on fraud and deceit.

    The truth is the Ottoman Turks did only one thing which had good cause for doing so, but gave the Armenians a chance to claim that there was a massacre going on. That single act was to ask the Armenian Church to help them stop their congregations’ nightly terrorist acts against the Ottoman military supply lines. The Russians had invaded the Ottoman Empire and the Armenians in the eastern part of the country had joined the Russians. The Armenian Church refused to help the Ottoman government and state officials responded by saying they would themselves have to remove all Armenians from behind their army lines.

    Thereafter, the Ottoman government did remove all the Armenians who were doing such harm to their military forces. The United States of America has done exactly

    the same thing during World War II. Several Americans are known to have seen Armenians being alive and leaving the combat zone even though the Armenian church claims they were all murdered.

    At no time did the Ottoman Turks exterminate children for medical research as the Nazis did between 1935–1945. What makes such acts of Nazi terrorism worse is the fact they did not act alone in their attempts to create an ethnic/racial pure state. Consider the fact that more than 100,000 Armenians volunteered for Nazi military service and took an active part in the Nazi ethnic/racial cleansing campaigns. For ten long years Armenians took part in exterminating not only Jews but also children such as Annemarie Danner and Gerhard Zeketner.

    During World War II Armenians learned well the art of racial/ethnic cleansing from their Nazi partners in crime. Today. Armenia has ethnically/racially cleansed their tiny state so successfully that 94.8% of their population is now ethnically pure Armenian. The Armenians have ethnically/racially cleansed their tiny state of what they consider their “undesirables” much like they helped the Nazis do between 1935/1945. Jews, Muslims, and Christians of other faiths other than the state owned and approved church have either been murdered or forced out of Armenia.

    Consider the fact of how Armenia today continues to honor the Nazis. The Armenian Nazi General Dro commanded the 20,000 strong Armenian-Nazi 812th Battalion during World War II. After the war, even though serving the Nazis, Armenian Dro talked his way into the United States of America where he remained until his death. Just last year Armenians dug him up and took his body back to Armenia where he was reburied with full military and state honors. The Armenian American colony raised several hundred thousand dollars to help fund a youth leadership institute to honor this Armenian Nazi general. Just what specific leadership is Armenian children being taught today in the General Dro leadership institute–hate, ethnic purity of the Armenian race, racial superiority?

    And to think the Armenians, still running their “genocide industry” scam are building their very own genocide memorial two blocks from the American White House. There are less than one million Armenians even in the United States. Why should they spend $75 million dollars on a false claim to something that is disputed that happened 6000 miles away more than 85 years ago. The answer is simple. The Armenian American colony will use this self-invented, fake memorial to deceive and fleece even more American taxpayer dollars for their less than 200 year old homeland the Russians gave them after taking these lands from the Muslim owners. This Armenian genocide memorial will become one of the greatest and largest frauds ever attempted in the history of the entire world. Can anyone believe that Armenians, who took a very active role in the Jewish genocide of World War II, can build such a fake memorial to themselves today for the sole purpose of deceiving and fleecing American Christian taxpayers out of more and more foreign aid money that over the past ten years alone amounts to almost $1.5 billion dollars!

    It is fair to ask since the Armenians were ten year partners in crime with the Nazis during the World War II years–will they have a memorial to Annemarie and Gerhard and all the other poor souls the Armenians helped the Nazis murder and exterminate?

    Samuel A. Weems is a retired U.S. judge from Arkansas and is the author of ARMENIA: Secrets of A ‘Christian’ Terrorist State, The Armenian Great Deception Series – Volume 1, St. John Press. […]

    BU KITAP TURKISH FORUMDAN TEMIN EDILEBILIR

  • AKP: Whither Turkey?

    AKP: Whither Turkey?

    Ziya Meral and Jonathan Paris | March 09, 2010

    Recent arrests and the questioning of top military commanders over an alleged plot to create chaos in Turkey have many in the international media and elsewhere wondering if the Justice and Development Party, or AKP, which came to power in 2002, is spearheading an Islamist takeover.

    Can these arrests be seen as the latest act of a once seemingly Western-friendly AKP government on a mission to fulfill its Islamist ambitions? Current tensions between Israel and Turkey and major new initiatives in Turkish foreign policy toward once-shunned states in the Middle East seem to point to the same concerns of a Turkey turning her face from West to East.

    Although the genuine concerns of foreign observers and Western governments need to be addressed, predicting the future of Turkey from its changing foreign policy without an awareness of the domestic context results in problematic conclusions. A blinkered perspective explains why most foreign commentators have misread how and why the AKP came into power and how it maintained growing support from Turkish society, at least until 2009.

    The AKP generated broad support not because it claimed roots in an Islamist movement but because its pro-EU, pro-foreign investment, pro-democracy and pro-reform policies have attracted votes not only from its natural base of conservatives, but also from liberals, leftist groups, marginalized ethnic groups such as Kurds and even non-Muslims. All attempts by the Kemalist elites of the Turkish state and the armed forces to undermine the AKP’s coveted position through orchestrated social campaigns and politicized judicial efforts have led to wider support for AKP at home and abroad as a victim of anti-democratic power structures.

    However, the March 2009 local elections recorded only a 39 percent victory for the AKP, a significant drop from its 47 percent majority in the previous election in 2007. In retrospect, the AKP began losing its momentum in 2008 when it became perceived as a party that seeks to fill the pockets of its own supporters and punish anyone who stands in the way. In other words, the Turkish public was reacting to AKP in the same way it reacted to the other established parties that the AKP defeated in 2002.

    Efforts to regain AKP’s image of reform after the 2009 elections initially resulted in a burst of renewed excitement, particularly over promises to address the Kurdish issue and the problems faced by the Alevis, a religious and ethnic minority group of some 10 million, as well as proposed democratic changes to the current military-friendly Constitution.

    Yet, the AKP failed to implement any of these initiatives. Its silence over the closure of the Kurdish party, DTP, and subsequent arrests of Kurdish politicians lost it credibility as more and more voters realized that the AKP’s democratic vision lacked substance.

    Meanwhile, on the economic front, unemployment soared to a record high while the AKP publicly maintained the patently unsupportable argument that the global economic crisis had bypassed Turkey because its banks were soundly managed and capitalized. It is no surprise that currently AKP’s support hovers around 34 percent, a record low for the party.

    The rise and slippage of the AKP reveals much about the mood in Turkey that is often overlooked. Whenever the AKP achieved significant steps towards EU accession, economic growth, foreign investment, democracy and human rights, it gained broad popular support. When the AKP slowed down on reform and relapsed into power games and autocracy, it lost votes.

    The AKP’s volatile popularity reflects where Turkish society is today: Europe-looking, yearning for more democracy and economic liberty and, at the same time, trying to maintain a conservative culture and strong national identity. The greatest portion of the society wants a meaningful engagement with the world, not a return to an isolationist Islamist state. A study done by Sabancı University in 2009 found that the ratio of Turks who want Shariah Law in Turkey went down to 10 percent from 26 percent ten years earlier in 1999.

    The Kemalist elites have never been able to reflect the country’s reality outside of the golden triangle of Istanbul-Ankara-İzmir. By insisting on a peculiar type of secularism and national identity, they have alienated large sections of the Turkish society. That is why all of their attempts to treat Turkish society like a herd that will hand power back to them have not worked.

    Today, for the first time since the foundation of the Republic of Turkey, a military coup looks impossible. The armed forces and the old elites now know that they are not any longer a law unto themselves. Turkish society has discovered its voice and has become the primary engine behind reform and progress.

    If this reading of the deeper social and political tensions in Turkey is correct, then recent changes in Turkish foreign policy cannot be seen simply in terms of a religious re-orientation of the country or an aggressive Islamist policy. Turkey must be understood on its own terms as a country which is evolving towards a stronger democracy that wants to be a proactive and independent actor in the world.

    Where this will take Turkey and what this will mean for United States-European Union-Turkey relations and stability in the Caucasus and the Middle East are open questions. That is why Turkey needs close support from the U.S. and EU more than ever before to ensure a soft landing.

    Ziya Meral is a London-based Turkish analyst and a PhD candidate at the University of Cambridge. Jonathan Paris is a senior fellow with the Atlantic Council’s South Asia Center.  This essay was previously published in Hurriyet. Reuters Pictures.

  • Contractors Tied to Effort to Track and Kill Militants

    Contractors Tied to Effort to Track and Kill Militants

    15contractors CA1 articleLarge

    From Left: United States Air Force; Robert Young Pelton; Mike Wintroath/Associated Press; Adam Berry/Bloomberg News

    From left: Michael D. Furlong, the official who was said to have hired private contractors to track militants in Afghanistan and Pakistan; Robert Young Pelton, a contractor; Duane Clarridge, a former C.I.A. official; and Eason Jordan, a former television news executive.

    By DEXTER FILKINS and MARK MAZZETTI
    Published: March 14, 2010

    KABUL, Afghanistan — Under the cover of a benign government information-gathering program, a Defense Department official set up a network of private contractors in Afghanistan and Pakistan to help track and kill suspected militants, according to military officials and businessmen in Afghanistan and the United States. The official, Michael D. Furlong, hired contractors from private security companies that employed former C.I.A. and Special Forces operatives. The contractors, in turn, gathered intelligence on the whereabouts of suspected militants and the location of insurgent camps, and the information was then sent to military units and intelligence officials for possible lethal action in Afghanistan and Pakistan, the officials said.

    While it has been widely reported that the C.I.A. and the military are attacking operatives of Al Qaeda and others through unmanned, remote-controlled drone strikes, some American officials say they became troubled that Mr. Furlong seemed to be running an off-the-books spy operation. The officials say they are not sure who condoned and supervised his work.

    It is generally considered illegal for the military to hire contractors to act as covert spies. Officials said Mr. Furlong’s secret network might have been improperly financed by diverting money from a program designed to merely gather information about the region.

    Moreover, in Pakistan, where Qaeda and Taliban leaders are believed to be hiding, the secret use of private contractors may be seen as an attempt to get around the Pakistani government’s prohibition of American military personnel’s operating in the country.

    Officials say Mr. Furlong’s operation seems to have been shut down, and he is now is the subject of a criminal investigation by the Defense Department for a number of possible offenses, including contract fraud.

    Even in a region of the world known for intrigue, Mr. Furlong’s story stands out. At times, his operation featured a mysterious American company run by retired Special Operations officers and an iconic C.I.A. figure who had a role in some of the agency’s most famous episodes, including the Iran-Contra affair.

    The allegations that he ran this network come as the American intelligence community confronts other instances in which private contractors may have been improperly used on delicate and questionable operations, including secret raids in Iraq and an assassinations program that was halted before it got off the ground.

    “While no legitimate intelligence operations got screwed up, it’s generally a bad idea to have freelancers running around a war zone pretending to be James Bond,” one American government official said. But it is still murky whether Mr. Furlong had approval from top commanders or whether he might have been running a rogue operation.

    This account of his activities is based on interviews with American military and intelligence officials and businessmen in the region. They insisted on anonymity in discussing a delicate case that is under investigation.

    Col. Kathleen Cook, a spokeswoman for United States Strategic Command, which oversees Mr. Furlong’s work, declined to make him available for an interview. Military officials said Mr. Furlong, a retired Air Force officer, is now a senior civilian employee in the military, a full-time Defense Department employee based at Lackland Air Force Base in San Antonio.

    Network of Informants

    Mr. Furlong has extensive experience in “psychological operations” — the military term for the use of information in warfare — and he plied his trade in a number of places, including Iraq and the Balkans. It is unclear exactly when Mr. Furlong’s operations began. But officials said they seemed to accelerate in the summer of 2009, and by the time they ended, he and his colleagues had established a network of informants in Afghanistan and Pakistan whose job it was to help locate people believed to be insurgents.

    Government officials said they believed that Mr. Furlong might have channeled money away from a program intended to provide American commanders with information about Afghanistan’s social and tribal landscape, and toward secret efforts to hunt militants on both sides of the country’s porous border with Pakistan.

    Some officials said it was unclear whether these operations actually resulted in the deaths of militants, though others involved in the operation said that they did.

    Military officials said that Mr. Furlong would often boast about his network of informants in Afghanistan and Pakistan to senior military officers, and in one instance said a group of suspected militants carrying rockets by mule over the border had been singled out and killed as a result of his efforts.

    In addition, at least one government contractor who worked with Mr. Furlong in Afghanistan last year maintains that he saw evidence that the information was used for attacking militants.

    The contractor, Robert Young Pelton, an author who writes extensively about war zones, said that the government hired him to gather information about Afghanistan and that Mr. Furlong improperly used his work. “We were providing information so they could better understand the situation in Afghanistan, and it was being used to kill people,” Mr. Pelton said.

    He said that he and Eason Jordan, a former television news executive, had been hired by the military to run a public Web site to help the government gain a better understanding of a region that bedeviled them. Recently, the top military intelligence official in Afghanistan publicly said that intelligence collection was skewed too heavily toward hunting terrorists, at the expense of gaining a deeper understanding of the country.

    Instead, Mr. Pelton said, millions of dollars that were supposed to go to the Web site were redirected by Mr. Furlong toward intelligence gathering for the purpose of attacking militants.

    In one example, Mr. Pelton said he had been told by Afghan colleagues that video images that he posted on the Web site had been used for an American strike in the South Waziristan region of Pakistan.

    Among the contractors Mr. Furlong appears to have used to conduct intelligence gathering was International Media Ventures, a private “strategic communication” firm run by several former Special Operations officers. Another was American International Security Corporation, a Boston-based company run by Mike Taylor, a former Green Beret. In a phone interview, Mr. Taylor said that at one point he had employed Duane Clarridge, known as Dewey, a former top C.I.A. official who has been linked to a generation of C.I.A. adventures, including the Iran-Contra scandal.

    In an interview, Mr. Clarridge denied that he had worked with Mr. Furlong in any operation in Afghanistan or Pakistan. “I don’t know anything about that,” he said.

    Mr. Taylor, who is chief executive of A.I.S.C., said his company gathered information on both sides of the border to give military officials information about possible threats to American forces. He said his company was not specifically hired to provide information to kill insurgents.

    Some American officials contend that Mr. Furlong’s efforts amounted to little. Nevertheless, they provoked the ire of the C.I.A.

    Last fall, the spy agency’s station chief in Kabul, Afghanistan’s capital, wrote a memorandum to the Defense Department’s top intelligence official detailing what officials said were serious offenses by Mr. Furlong. The officials would not specify the offenses, but the officer’s cable helped set off the Pentagon investigation.

    Afghan Intelligence

    In mid-2008, the military put Mr. Furlong in charge of a program to use private companies to gather information about the political and tribal culture of Afghanistan. Some of the approximately $22 million in government money allotted to this effort went to International Media Ventures, with offices in St. Petersburg, Fla., San Antonio and elsewhere. On its Web site, the company describes itself as a public relations company, “an industry leader in creating potent messaging content and interactive communications.”

    The Web site also shows that several of its senior executives are former members of the military’s Special Operations forces, including former commandos from Delta Force, which has been used extensively since the Sept. 11 attacks to track and kill suspected terrorists.

    Until recently, one of the members of International Media’s board of directors was Gen. Dell L. Dailey, former head of Joint Special Operations Command, which oversees the military’s covert units.

    In an e-mail message, General Dailey said that he had resigned his post on the company’s board, but he did not say when. He did not give details about the company’s work with the American military, and other company executives declined to comment.

    In an interview, Rear Adm. Gregory Smith, the top military spokesman in Afghanistan, said that the United States military was currently employing nine International Media Ventures civilian employees on routine jobs in guard work and information processing and analysis. Whatever else other International Media employees might be doing in Afghanistan, he said, he did not know and had no responsibility for their actions.

    By Mr. Pelton’s account, Mr. Furlong, in conversations with him and his colleagues, referred to his stable of contractors as “my Jason Bournes,” a reference to the fictional American assassin created by the novelist Robert Ludlum and played in movies by Matt Damon.

    Military officials said that Mr. Furlong would occasionally brag to his superiors about having Mr. Clarridge’s services at his disposal. Last summer, Mr. Furlong told colleagues that he was working with Mr. Clarridge to secure the release of Pfc. Bowe Bergdahl, a kidnapped soldier who American officials believe is being held by militants in Pakistan.

    From December 2008 to mid-June 2009, both Mr. Taylor and Mr. Clarridge were hired to assist The New York Times in the case of David Rohde, the Times reporter who was kidnapped by militants in Afghanistan and held for seven months in Pakistan’s tribal areas. The reporter ultimately escaped on his own.

    The idea for the government information program was thought up sometime in 2008 by Mr. Jordan, a former CNN news chief, and his partner Mr. Pelton, whose books include “The World’s Most Dangerous Places” and “Licensed to Kill: Hired Guns in the War on Terror.”

    Top General Approached

    They approached Gen. David D. McKiernan, soon to become the top American commander in Afghanistan. Their proposal was to set up a reporting and research network in Afghanistan and Pakistan for the American military and private clients who were trying to understand a complex region that had become vital to Western interests. They already had a similar operation in Iraq — called “Iraq Slogger,” which employed local Iraqis to report and write news stories for their Web site. Mr. Jordan proposed setting up a similar Web site in Afghanistan and Pakistan — except that the operation would be largely financed by the American military. The name of the Web site was Afpax.

    Mr. Jordan said that he had gone to the United States military because the business in Iraq was not profitable relying solely on private clients. He described his proposal as essentially a news gathering operation, involving only unclassified materials gathered openly by his employees. “It was all open-source,” he said.

    When Mr. Jordan made the pitch to General McKiernan, Mr. Furlong was also present, according to Mr. Jordan. General McKiernan endorsed the proposal, and Mr. Furlong said that he could find financing for Afpax, both Mr. Jordan and Mr. Pelton said. “On that day, they told us to get to work,” Mr. Pelton said.

    But Mr. Jordan said that the help from Mr. Furlong ended up being extremely limited. He said he was paid twice — once to help the company with start-up costs and another time for a report his group had written. Mr. Jordan declined to talk about exact figures, but said the amount of money was a “small fraction” of what he had proposed — and what it took to run his news gathering operation.

    Whenever he asked for financing, Mr. Jordan said, Mr. Furlong told him that the money was being used for other things, and that the appetite for Mr. Jordan’s services was diminishing.

    “He told us that there was less and less money for what we were doing, and less of an appreciation for what we were doing,” he said.

    Admiral Smith, the military’s director for strategic communications in Afghanistan, said that when he arrived in Kabul a year later, in June 2009, he opposed financing Afpax. He said that he did not need what Mr. Pelton and Mr. Jordan were offering and that the service seemed uncomfortably close to crossing into intelligence gathering — which could have meant making targets of individuals.

    “I took the air out of the balloon,” he said.

    Admiral Smith said that the C.I.A. was against the proposal for the same reasons. Mr. Furlong persisted in pushing the project, he said.

    “I finally had to tell him, ‘Read my lips,’ we’re not interested,’ ” Admiral Smith said.

    What happened next is unclear.

    Admiral Smith said that when he turned down the Afpax proposal, Mr. Furlong wanted to spend the leftover money elsewhere. That is when Mr. Furlong agreed to provide some of International Media Ventures’ employees to Admiral Smith’s strategic communications office.

    But that still left roughly $15 million unaccounted for, he said.

    “I have no idea where the rest of the money is going,” Admiral Smith said.

    Dexter Filkins reported from Kabul, and Mark Mazzetti from Washington.

  • BEN MEHR, REASSESSING THE GENOCIDE RESOLUTION

    BEN MEHR, REASSESSING THE GENOCIDE RESOLUTION

    BEN MEHR, REASSESSING THE GENOCIDE RESOLUTION, KAHIRE BASININDA IKTIBASEN YAYINLANDI     Pulat Tacar [tacarps@gmail.com]

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    Alon Ben-Meir

    Senior Fellow at NYU’s Center for Global Affairs

    Posted: March 9, 2010 05:09 PM

    Tam boyutlu görseli göster

    Reassessing the Genocide Resolution

    Once again, as has happened every spring for years running, the debate over whether the ethnic clashes against the Armenians in the break up of the Ottoman Empire amounted to genocide has made it into the US political arena for Congress to weigh in. The recent resolution adopted by the House Committee on Foreign Affairs-to officially recognize actions against the Armenians in 1915 as genocide committed by the Ottoman Turks-has less to do with the US government’s pursuit of historical accuracy, than political theater that has come at a strikingly inopportune time.

    Genocide is a serious label, and requires not only moral authority from those who use it but a deep comprehension of the historical context in which these events occurred. Armenians have every right to demand official inquiries about the terms and conditions in which hundreds of thousands of their ancestors were killed, but this is not the task of US Congress, who has neither the moral standing to codify armed clashes of a century ago without proper inquiry nor the right to be selective about human rights offenses for political points. Every effort should be made by President Obama and the remaining House Representatives to prevent the resolution from reaching the House floor.

    Beyond the very serious damage that such a resolution could inflict on US-Turkish relations, should it pass the full House, congressional interference at this juncture could severely erode the very moral argument used justify the resolution. Turkey and Armenia have only recently concluded two protocols calling for closer ties, open borders, and most importantly, the creation of a commission to examine the historical evidence of the tragic events. Not only will this vote undermine the reconciliation process between Turkey and Armenia, but it threatens the US-Turkish relationship at a time when Turkey is playing a critical role aiding the US and the Middle East peace process.

    Sadly, this resolution was politicized at the outset, thereby diminishing much of its moral tenet. Had the purpose been for the US to champion human rights and officially condemn any large scale atrocities in times of war, then why was there no debate about massacres in Sudan, Rwanda, Algeria or the Balkans? The fact that it was supported by a powerful lobby and sponsored by many members of Congress, including House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, the Committee Chairman Howard Berman from California, and Donald Payne and Albio Sires from New Jersey, each of whom represent relatively large Armenian constituencies, takes this debate out of the moral realm and into the political one. Beyond this matter, Howard Berman and the Foreign Relations Committee failed to address the pressing issues behind what such a resolution would invite forth, mainly the land disputes between Armenia and Azerbaijan and the issue of reparations for descendants of the victims, none of which can be treated in isolation. However large the political benefit these members of Congress may garner this election year by pushing this resolution, it is not in US interests, as the end result will hurt the Turkish-Armenian reconciliation process and severely undercut Turkish-US cooperation should it come to fruition. Such a serious resolution requires the application of the highest moral review and investigation, not a politically convenient act which is considered an insult to Turkish identity. If genocide was in fact committed, it should be left to an international investigative tribunal, not politicians who need to be reelected every two years.

    Turkey has been a loyal friend of the United States for more than a half century, and continues to support American efforts in Iraq, Afghanistan and the Arab-Israeli peace process. It is a modern secular democracy, and has made great strides in remaining open and progressive. Why then should the United States Congress hold the descendants of the Ottomans responsible for the deeds of their fathers perpetrated a century ago? Since Turkey vehemently rejects the term genocide, what judgment should then be passed, and by whom, that will not tarnish the present generation of Turks? This generation had nothing to do with past events and, in fact, condemns the atrocities committed during that heinous war, regardless of who the perpetrators were. What then gives the United States’ House of Representatives the moral authority to pass judgment, when domestic political interest shamelessly dominates their motives? The argument against the resolution by the full House should be based on moral grounds, and the members must not act as judges and jurors when Turkey and Armenia have agreed to establish their own joint committee to unravel what in fact happened.

    At a time when America still suffers from a lagging global image after years of hawkish foreign policy and two ongoing wars, the United States Congress must support what Turkey and Armenia have agreed to do to resolve their conflict and help facilitate a resolution to the Nagorno-Karabakh territorial dispute. Even the Jewish lobby, in the wake of a series of diplomatic rifts between Turkey and Israel, acted quietly in favor of the Turks, resulting in a close margin in the vote. As much as Prime Minister Erdogan’s recent statements have not fared well with the Israeli public, the Israeli diaspora is keen on maintaining the strategic nature of its relationship with Turkey as well as Turkey’s relationship with the West.

    But more importantly, the Turkish government, who acted out fervently against the US government following the resolution, must come to grips with the separation of power in the United States. Both President Obama and Secretary Clinton have come out strongly against the resolution — albeit last minute — yet they cannot control the votes or the agenda of Congress. Under no circumstance should Prime Minister Erdogan cancel his upcoming visit to the US, as he should use this opportunity to present his case and prove that Turkey is capable of handling the disputes with Armenia without US congressional intervention.

    It is by no means certain that this misguided resolution taken by Pelosi and Berman will pass in the full House should it come to a vote. Furthermore, it is unlikely these sponsors will even bring the resolution to the floor unless they are certain it has a substantial chance to pass. This represents a keen opportunity for Democrats and Republicans alike to find a common area of interest and work in unison for the best interests of the US, Turkey, and the future of Turkish-Armenian relations.