Tag: Economic Crisis

  • Turkey’s Liberals Speaking Out as Reform Stalls

    Turkey’s Liberals Speaking Out as Reform Stalls


    Memo From Istanbul
    By SABRINA TAVERNISE

    ISTANBUL — When Recep Tayyip Erdogan was first elected prime minister of Turkey six years ago, his policy moves were brave and new, and this country’s liberals quickly lent him their support. He started accession talks with the European Union, stopped aggressive rhetoric on age-old disputes like the island of Cyprus, and told Turkey’s oppressed Kurdish minority, in a groundbreaking speech, that it existed.

    And while liberals had grown anxious in recent years, waiting for reforms that kept being deferred, in part because Mr. Erdogan’s party was tied up in legal battles for survival, they supported him, hoping he would return to his agenda.

    Now, that seems to be changing. Liberal columnists and intellectuals have begun criticizing Mr. Erdogan for what they say is a shift away from his reformist ways toward a more nationalist line, closer to Turkey’s powerful military.

    “Erdogan changed the whole discourse,” said Hasan Cemal, a columnist for the daily newspaper Milliyet. “This is the kind of disillusionment we have been having.”

    One of the most glaring example of the shift, liberals say, is a speech Mr. Erdogan gave this month in the predominantly Kurdish city of Hakkari in the southeast. His language there, liberals said, resembled the tone of Turkey’s nationalists, hard-line patriots whose message to Kurds, nearly a fifth of Turkey’s population, is accept Turkish identity or get out.

    “These were not the words of a reformer,” said Yasemin Congar, deputy editor in chief of Taraf, a liberal newspaper.

    Turkey’s dismal relationship with its Kurdish population has been at the heart of politics in this country ever since the state was founded in 1923, and liberals argue that Turkey will be never become a truly free democracy if it is not improved.

    An adviser to Mr. Erdogan said that the contents of the speech were not new, and that the liberals’ frustration came more from their high expectations for a solution to the Kurdish problem than from any change in direction by Mr. Erdogan. The problem has existed for decades, he argued, and untangling it will take time.

    “They want the government to create a miracle,” said the adviser, who was not authorized to speak publicly on the issue.

    But liberals use the argument in reverse, saying that the Turkish state has spent years dragging its feet on the issue, which led to a war in the 1980s between a separatist group, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or P.K.K., and the military.

    The violence quieted over the years, but Kurds’ basic demands — like recognition as an ethnic group — were never met. Liberals say they threw their support behind Mr. Erdogan because they believed that he would be the one with the courage to change that, but six years into his prime ministership, little has been done.

    “People expected him to come up with some major political promises,” said Altan Tan, a Kurdish intellectual from Diyarbakir, the largest city in the Kurdish southeast, “but his strengthened rhetoric was the straw that broke the camel’s back. People are still in shock.”

    The speech was particularly painful for liberals because they compared it to one he gave in August 2005, when he acknowledged that Turkey had a “Kurdish problem” and that the state was partly responsible, shattering many taboos.

    “This is a different Erdogan from the Erdogan of 2005,” said Yavuz Baydar, a columnist for the daily Today’s Zaman. “This one issues threats. This one does not sound conciliatory.”

    But his language needs to be seen in the context of what happened on the day he made it, Mr. Erdogan’s adviser argues. Local elections are scheduled for March, and the P.K.K. is applying pressure.

    Mr. Erdogan said in an interview this month that when he reached Hakkari on the day of the speech, “it was absolutely silent,” because P.K.K. supporters warned residents to turn off their car engines. Protesters had broken shop windows and set cars on fire before his arrival to give the appearance of chaos.

    “I have no problems with my citizens of Kurdish origin,” Mr. Erdogan said. “The thing to be questioned is violence.”

    Mr. Erdogan has promised work and better services in his speeches, Mr. Tan said, but has said nothing about ethnic rights, an approach that has given Kurds the impression that they must give up their cultural demands for economic ones.

    Though the majority of Kurds do not want a separate state, jobs alone will not be enough to make a real change, he said.

    “Kurds sincerely want to be a part of the country as equal citizens with democratic rights,” he said.

    Mr. Erdogan has not had it easy. For almost two years his Islamic-inspired party, Justice and Development, or AKP, has been tossed from one political crisis to another as Turkey’s entrenched secular establishment has fought it over power.

    After his party narrowly missed being abolished in the summer, many liberals believe that Mr. Erdogan struck a compromise with the military — a powerful institution that has pressed elected governments from behind the scenes for decades — making the calculation that to stay in power meant dropping reforms.

    “He probably thinks, ‘If they catch me again, they will ban me,’ ” Ms. Congar said. “He can’t lead with this fear. He has to be brave with reforms.”

    Mehmet Altan, a columnist for the daily Star, was more pessimistic about AKP, saying, “Now Ankara’s status quo has it by the neck, and a change is almost impossible.”

    The result, Mr. Baydar argued, is “a new, sort of confused, aimless, AKP.”

    Perhaps the bitterest disappointment has been over the accession talks with the European Union, which have drifted. Plans for rewriting the Constitution — a central requirement— were shelved this spring after a court struck down Parliament’s repeal of a headscarf ban in universities. Some liberals described Mr. Erdogan’s push to allow the headscarf as an early break, because it left the impression that he was putting religious freedoms over issues more important to liberals, like freedom of expression.

    When asked about plans for the Constitution in an interview in Today’s Zaman, Cemil Cicek, a top AKP official, said, “Desire is one thing and reality is another.”

    Mr. Cemal, of Milliyet, said: “The important thing is whether Erdogan is still sincere about Turkey’s membership accession to E.U. I started having doubts about that.”

    Mr. Tan said some still believed that the party would get back on the European Union track, “like a final jump from a dying man.”

    “He’s banking on the fact that there’s no alternative to him right now,” Ms. Congar said. “If he creates a vacuum, somebody is going to fill it.”

    Sebnem Arsu contributed reporting.

  • The ticking outflow time bomb for Turkey

    The ticking outflow time bomb for Turkey

    by Taylan Bilgiç

    Diminishing global risk appetite bodes ill for developing nations, which, in varying degrees, are dependent on foreign capital inflows to stay afloat. Turkey, like its peers, is also worried foreign investment might dry up, but the latest data and research suggest that might be the least of our problems.

    The Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development, or OECD, says the “outlook for foreign direct investment, or FDI, has darkened,” in its latest “Investment News” newsletter. Based on current trends, inflows will be down 13 percent and outflows by 6 percent in member countries.

    There are two reasons for this decline. First, the OECD says, “the freezing of credit markets … have forced companies to rely largely on cash reserves to finance investment. “Many firms are facing severe internal liquidity constraints,” says the Paris-based organization. “Second, with global growth forecast for 2009 at 2.2 percent … the need for companies to invest in new capacity is considerably reduced.”

    The data suggests Turkey might have much more to fear than just dried-up foreign inflows. In 1999, FDI inflows to developing countries constituted 87 percent of all foreign capital flows, World Bank data show. In contrast, portfolio flows – indirect investment that is relatively quicker to get in and out of countries – accounted for 5 percent. Total inflows that year stood at $204 billion, which means FDI flows stood at $177.5 billion, while portfolio flows were a mere $10.2 billion.

    Upturned balance
    The “golden years of globalization,” in which capital moved more freely than ever, deeply changed this balance. In 2007, portfolio flows rose to 14 percent while FDI flows shrunk to 46 percent. The overall figure, meanwhile, rose to a staggering $1,025 billion. This means developing countries received portfolio inflows of $143.5 billion last year.

    As the global crisis unfolds, most of this money is moving back, largely seeking sanctuary in the greenback or U.S. Treasury bonds. But, according to Royal Bank of Scotland estimates – outlined in a note to investors by RBS analyst Timothy Ash – Turkey still has “upwards of $70 billion in foreign portfolio funds invested, which could potentially add to the external financing gap if the situation deteriorates quickly.”

    And the situation does not seem bright. In the last three months to November, total foreign capital outflows from Turkey reached $16.5 billion, according to estimates by Fortis, outlined in the “Glokal Stratejist” newsletter. That amount includes $6.7 billion in “traditional investment instruments” such as bonds, equities or deposits, while short-term, “hot money” positions were unwound to the amount of $9.8 billion. The total amount of portfolio outflows stood at $5.4 billion just in October, and Fortis says this is “the biggest amount for one month in history.”

    To put it simply, the question for Turkey is not how much foreign capital it will receive over the next period, but how much foreign capital it will be able to hold. The reluctance of the Central Bank to reduce its overnight borrowing rate – at 16.75 percent – or the silent devaluation of the national currency, seem all tied to this central problem. Thus, ironically, the billions of dollars Turkey has managed to attract in the past six years have become time-bombs now.

    The possibility of a sudden outflow is why foreign analysts put he figure for Turkey’s external financing need at as high as $120 billion. In a worst-case scenario, such an amount may be barely enough to offset the outflow.

    In light of this, the ‘negative outlook’ given by S&P to Turkey last week might be a first step in “pricing the Turkish risk” for foreigners. Thus, the pressure on the government to make an extensive deal with the International Monetary Fund increases.

    20 Kasım 2008
     
  • 1 person out of 11 goes hungry in N.J.

    1 person out of 11 goes hungry in N.J.

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    continue

    U.S. figures include more than 764,000 here
    Thursday, November 20, 2008
    BY JUDY PEET
    Star-Ledger Staff
    Even in one of the wealthiest states in America, one of every 11 New
    Jerseyans goes to bed without enough to eat, according to a report
    released yesterday by the Food Research and Action Center in
    Washington, D.C.

    Nationwide, the number of Americans struggling against hunger rose to
    36.2 million in 2007, up by more than 3 million since 2000, according
    to the center’s State of the States report on poverty and food
    insecurity issues. The number of people in the worst-off category —
    the hungriest — rose by 40 percent since 2000, to nearly 12 million
    people.

    “The nation’s economic crisis brings with it rising rates of hunger.
    However, we also have an excellent opportunity to resolutely address
    the hunger problem with a new president and a new Congress,” said Jim
    Weill, president of the FRAC, a national nonprofit policy
    organization.

    The report, based on United States Department of Agriculture figures,
    analyzed poverty, hunger and access to federal nutrition programs by
    state. Among its findings:

    * The 36.2 million hungry people in the U.S. include 23.8 million
    adults and 12.4 million children.

    * Black (22.2 percent) and Hispanic (20.1 percent) households
    experienced hunger at far higher rates than the national average.

    * The five states with the highest rates of hunger were Mississippi,
    New Mexico, Texas, Arkansas and Maine.

    New Jersey has one of the lowest poverty rates in the nation, and the
    hunger rate here is 8.8. percent, nearly half that of Mississippi.
    Yet even here, more than 764,000 people go hungry, and New Jersey has
    one of the lowest participation rates in both free school breakfast
    and food stamp programs of any state, the report said.

    The state ranked in the bottom 10 for food stamp participation, with
    less than 60 percent of those eligible actually receiving assistance.
    It ranked in the bottom six with a 65 percent participation rate for
    free and reduced-price school breakfasts.

    Discouraging as the figures are, they were based on 2007 federal
    statistics. Hunger experts in New Jersey, and across the country,
    predict that 2008 will be even more dismal.

    “Emergency pantries are reporting a 30 percent increase in the
    numbers of people seeking food assistance (this year), compared with
    2007 numbers,” said Meara Nigro at Community FoodBank in Hillside,
    the state’s largest food bank. “Clearly the level of hunger resulting
    from this economic crisis is bigger than charities alone can handle.”

  • Turkey in free-fall

    Turkey in free-fall

    By Robert M Cutler

    MONTREAL – Turkey’s stock markets, reflecting a stalling economy and doubts over International Monetary Fund loans in the run-up to polls next year, have intensified a year-long plunge, with a key benchmark tumbling more than 36% in barely 11 weeks.

    The ISE National 100 equities index has taken a 36.8% hit from its level at the end of August, the last time I reviewed the country’s economic and financial situation (See Turkey has a rough road ahead, Asia Times Online, August 28, 2008). At just above the 25,000 level, it is now down 56.8% from its all-time high of mid-October 2007.

    The ISE 100 is now in a short-term trading range between the low 24,300s and the mid 29,300s, but will sooner rather than later break out of this range on the downside. The next support level is in the 19,000-20,000 range, after which a medium-term recovery should kick into gear that could take it back as high as 30,000.

    However, it is more than likely that the recovery will be followed by another decline of indeterminate but substantial proportion. Any fall in the index significantly below 20,000 in the meantime will signify that that medium-term recovery is foregone and the further steep falls are to be expected.

    The domestic economic outlook justifies this pessimism. Declines in industrial production steepened in September to 5.5%, the biggest drop since 2002, from a 4.1% fall in August. With car manufacturers such as the local units of Ford and Toyota temporarily closing plants, and textiles manufacturing plunging 17.6% in September, the government’s 2009 spending plans based on 4% economic growth are now looking unrealistic, according to analysts.

    The economy expanded 1.9% year-on-year in the second quarter, down from 6.7% in the first quarter. Meanwhile, the central bank has kept its benchmark interest rate at 16.75%, more than four times the level in the euro zone, as it tries to bring down an inflation rate the central bank said this month could exceed 11% at the end of 2008.

    The government plans to increase key spending 17% next year as Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party prepares for municipal elections due to be held by March.

    Foreign confidence in the economy plays a disproportionate role in Turkey’s stock market. Morgan Stanley estimates that foreign investors hold 16.5% of domestic debt stock and 72% of the free float in the stock market itself.

    International financial players, as well as domestic business interests, accordingly, are strongly in favor of Turkey signing a new agreement with the IMF, which is considered an important lever in encouraging further economic reforms.

    Turkey’s last agreement with the IMF, involving US$10 billion, expired in May. It was the most recent in a series of stand-by agreements beginning in 1999 that have been nearly universally viewed as an “anchor” instilling the discipline necessary to implement successive reform agendas, many of which would bring the country further into line with European Union standards.

    The government has continually claimed that it is bringing its economic, legal and financial structure into line with EU norms only because this is to the benefit of Turkey itself. Negotiations for Turkey’s accession to the EU are stalled in a number of key fields and the trading bloc has as yet no power to impose conditionality on the country’s reforms. Turkish public opinion in favor of accession, meanwhile, has recently declined.

    Turkey’s business community has been calling for another loan deal to help to limit the fallout from the global financial crisis. There is also concern in the national and international banking sectors that only an IMF agreement can supply the incentive for further reform and greater fiscal discipline. The IMF, meanwhile, admits that Turkey is better able than in the past to deal with external shocks, thanks to more diverse export markets and a flexible exchange rate.

    Perhaps partly because the present domestic financial crisis is not of Turkey’s own making, the government has hesitated to explore possibilities for a precautionary stand-by agreement with the IMF, of the sort that Ukraine and Hungary have recently concluded.

    The absence of a precautionary agreement would not necessarily cut Turkey off entirely – it could conceivably receive up to US$8.8 billion under the Short-Term Liquidity Facility that is dedicated shoring up emerging markets. Still, Erdogan would prefer to put off any agreement until after the local elections in March so as to avoid giving his political opponents any additional momentum in their criticism of his policies.

    To increase government spending in the run-up to the local elections. Erdogan would like to take the state unemployment fund and label it as revenue, but an agreement with the IMF could tie his hands in this respect.

    As a result, he may request a currency swap agreement from the US Federal Reserve Bank, of the sort that it has extended to other countries lately. While these funds might be intended to ameliorate the current-account deficit, there would be nothing to prevent the government from using them, in the place of existing state revenues, for expenditures in view of the upcoming local elections.

    The IMF and Turkey are expected to hold further talks during this weekend’s summit of industrial and developing nations in Washington.

    Even so, “It is not very easy to say whether there will be an agreement with the IMF or not,” Deputy Prime Minister Nazim Ekren said last week, according to a Reuters report.

    Robert M Cutler (http://www.robertcutler.org) is Research Fellow, Institute of European, Russian and Eurasian Studies, Carleton University, Canada.

    (Copyright 2008 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)

  • AMERICA: The Economy Gets a Margin Call

    AMERICA: The Economy Gets a Margin Call

    Thoughts from the Frontline Weekly Newsletter

    The Economy Gets a Margin Call

    by John Mauldin
    November15, 2008

     

    As long-time readers know, my daughter Tiffani and I are interviewing millionaires for a book we will be writing called Eavesdropping on Millionaires. This has been one of the more personally impacting projects of my life, as the stories we hear are so very provocative. I hope we can transfer to readers of the book at least half of the impact we are personally experiencing. But at the end of each interview, we let the interviewee ask me questions. Often, they are along the line of “Do you really think we will Muddle Through?” Sometimes they ask in need of assurance and sometimes they simply think that my stance is somewhat naïve. It is something of an irony that I am called a perma-bear in some circles and a Pollyanna in others. The Muddle Through middle has been lonely of late. 

    So, this week I take another look at my Muddle Through stance. We look at some of the recent data on unemployment and retail sales, think about the implications of a falling trade deficit and a rising US government deficit, speculate about the potential for a serious stock market rally, and also comment on the potential for a GM bailout. There is a lot to cover, so let’s jump right in.

    Where Have All the Consumers Gone?

    Retail sales and prices of goods imported to the US dropped by the most on record, signaling the economy may be in its worst slump in decades. Purchases fell 2.8 % in October, the fourth straight decline, the Commerce Department said today in Washington. Labor Department figures showed import prices dropped 4.7%, pointing to a rising danger of deflation, and a private report said consumer confidence this month remained near the lowest level since 1980. (Bloomberg)

    Circuit City filed for bankruptcy and Best Buy said sales were down and gave even lower guidance for Christmas. Nordstrom’s cut its profit forecast for the third time this year.

    It is a perfect storm for retailers. Consumers are having a negative wealth effect as stock and housing prices have plunged, taking almost $20 trillion out of US consumer assets. Unemployment is rising and consumer confidence is at the lowest levels since the last major recession in 1980-82.

    The unemployment numbers which came out this week were particularly grim. Jobless claims on a seasonally adjusted basis were 516,000 newly unemployed. But that masked an even deeper actual number of 540,000. The largest previous number for this week was back in 2001 and was 420,000. Actual weekly numbers can be volatile, but such an increase is certainly disconcerting.

    I should point out that as of the end of September there were 3.3 million job openings, down slightly from August. It is not as if there are no jobs being created or available. But as pointed out last week, the number of people looking for work for over 8 months is high and rising fast, so there is a serious mismatch of the jobs available and the desire or ability of people to take them.

    Continuing claims are now at roughly 3.5 million individuals who are getting unemployment insurance. Let’s assume that each week we lose an average of 400,000 jobs. That is 20 million jobs a year. That means the US economy for the last year has created 16.5 million jobs (very roughly). So there is some robustness in the economy even as we slide deeper into recession.

    But what happens if we see the number of new unemployment claims start to rise to an average of 500,000 for a period of time? Without more job creation, that would mean an increase in unemployment of 1,000,000 people in just 10 weeks. This week we have seen an increase in continuing claims of 141,000 from just last week. That, gentle reader, is very grim if it were to continue. Unemployment is likely to continue to rise throughout most of 2009, closing in on 8%.

    This time of year should see some seasonal rise as retailers begin to hire for Christmas. But with retail sales down and facing the likely prospect of negative growth in Christmas sales for the first time ever, seasonal employment is evidently not responding. More comments on this below as I take up the Muddle Through economy.

    Why Is the Dollar Rising?

    The trade deficit is dropping slowly, from over $60 billion in July to $56 billion in September. Import prices fell and imports were down by 5.6%. On a less positive note, exports, which had been one of the bright spots in the economy, fell by 6%. The trade deficit would have been another $3 billion less if Boeing had not been on strike.

    Oil prices were an average of $104 a barrel in September. For November prices will be closer to $65, down at least one third. That means the possible trade deficit for November could be a lot closer to $40 billion, the lowest since 2003 and well off the highs of almost $68 billion a few years ago.

    Why is this important? Two reasons. First, it means that a lot fewer dollars are now going into the world economy. And demand for dollars is rising as the world seeks a safe haven in the current global recession, so it should not be a surprise that the dollar is rising.

    The surprise is the violence, the amazing rapidity of the rise. We are seeing movements in currency prices in a week that would normally be a year’s worth of volatility. It is a sign of the severity of the crisis, of the wariness of traders, that prices are so volatile.

    Second, it also means fewer dollars will be coming back into the US to finance the rising government deficits. As Woody Brock (one of my favorite economists) in a recent essay points out, this is counter-intuitive, but it is nonetheless true. Dollars which go abroad must eventually find a home, and that home is going to be in US assets of some kind, usually government bonds.

    Some worry about China or another large country might stop buying US bonds with their dollars. They worry that they might want to increase their holdings of euros, for example. But what that means is they take the dollars and sell them to someone who has euros. Then that country has dollars that they must then do something with. It is not as if the dollars disappear.

    The only way for China (and/or the world) to really reduce their dollar balances is to stop selling products to the US consumer or to buy US assets like stocks or real estate or wheat, thus bringing the dollars back to the US.

    But what in practice happens is that China and most Mideast countries on a net basis buy US government-backed debt. But if there are fewer dollars going abroad, that means there are fewer dollars to buy newly issued debt. And our government is issuing new debt at a rather startling rate.

    The estimates for the deficit next year are close to $1 trillion. But if the trade deficit is “only” $500 billion, that means that the appetite of foreigners for US debt will be less than half what is needed to finance the deficit. Where does the difference come from? US citizens and corporations, primarily banks, are going to have to buy the difference or the Fed will have to monetize a portion. Or rates on longer-term debt could go high enough to entice foreigners to buy US debt.

    Higher rates would be a drag on the US economy and especially the housing markets and would also cost the taxpayer a lot in additional interest-rate expenses. Total government debt is now $10.5 trillion, with the public (including non-US holdings) having $6.3 trillion. The average interest rate paid on that debt is 4.009%, and for fiscal year 2008, which ended October 31, the interest expense was $451 billion. Add another trillion and the interest paid would soon rise to $500 billion.

    The US will face a serious problem in 2009. Tax revenues are going to take a very serious fall. Remember when capital gains taxes would produce a few hundred billion? Not in 2009. And income taxes will drop as unemployment expenses rise. The perceived need for government stimulus will be offset by the problem of funding the deficit. Resorting to monetizing the debt is a nuclear option. Expect even more volatility in the currency and interest-rate markets next year.

    Can We Actually Muddle Through?

    In addition to the above, let me list a few problems I have highlighted in the past few months. Roughly 3% of GDP growth for 2002-2007 was from Mortgage Equity Withdrawals and other debt. That stimulus is gone. Consumers are going to start saving once again, taking money from a consumer-spending-driven economy. Taxes are likely to rise, not only at the federal but at the state and local levels, as governments of all sizes are faced with growing deficits and needs. Financial institutions are deleveraging at a very fast pace. It is, as one friend told me, as if the economy at large is facing a massive margin call.

    Given all of the above problems, how is it possible that we can Muddle Through?

    In January of 2007 I forecast a mild recession beginning in late 2007. I was early. In January of this year, I still thought the recession would be more like that of 1990-91. Clearly, I was an optimist. It is now likely that we will see a recession as deep as 1974. This quarter is likely to see a negative growth number of 4% or more. That is deep by any standard. And I do not think that the economy will begin to actually grow before the third quarter at the earliest. It is quite likely that 2009 will be negative for the entire year, and possibly for all four quarters.

    We are, as I have said, hitting the reset button on consumer spending. We are going to some lower level of consumer spending, and corporations and government are going to have to adjust their budgets. Corporate earnings will be under pressure for some time to come.

    But, and this is a big but, this too shall pass. At some point we will hit a bottom. Just as irrational exuberance led us into foolish actions, we are now becoming too pessimistic. The pendulum will swing. Minsky taught us that stability breeds instability. The more stable things are, the more comfortable we are with taking risk, which ultimately creates the conditions for a normal business-cycle recession. This time, we took on a whole lot more risk than usual and are facing a deeper recession.

    But the opposite is true as well. Instability will breed stability. It is, as Paul McCulley calls it, a reverse Minsky moment. We will adjust to the new environment by becoming more conservative. And that new conservative environment will bring about a new stability, albeit at lower levels. But it will be a level from which we can begin to grow once again. It has been this way since the Medes were trading with the Persians.

    And here is where I may not have been clear, as the conversations mentioned at the beginning of the letter have called to my attention. My thought is that Muddle Through is the period after we are finished with the recession. I think that the future recovery when it comes will be a lot slower and longer in getting back to trend growth than normal. It will be a Muddle Through, slow-growth economy. I expect that period to now last through at least 2010. The credit crisis and the housing bubble are not problems that can be quickly or easily fixed. It will take time.

    The Potential for a Large Stock Market Rally

    Everyone knows that there are large amounts of hedge fund redemptions being processed. Some blame the current vicious sell-off on forced hedge fund sales as they have to meet these redemptions at the end of the quarter.

    This brings up an interesting possibility. My guess is that the large bulk of that money is going back to institutions that will need to put the money to work. Where will they deploy it? If they are projecting 7-8% total portfolio returns, they cannot put that money in bonds. My guess is that it will go back to other hedge funds or into long-only managers. This money will start to go to work in mid- to late January. We could see a very large rally the first quarter of next year. For traders, this will be a chance to make some money. I think it will be a bear market rally, as the recession will still be in full swing, and we could see a pullback when that money gets fully deployed. But it will be fun while it lasts.

    As traders begin to sense that possibility, we could see a serious year-end rally as well. Would I bet the farm? No, but I offer up the idea as a possibility. And I know a lot of people have large short positions that have made them a lot of money this year. Maybe it is time to think about taking profits.

    And now a few thoughts on the possibility of bailing out GM.

    Is GM too Big to Let Fail?

    (Let me say at the outset I am truly sorry for those who have lost their jobs or are facing the possibility of a job loss, whether at GM or any other firm. I have been there, as have most people at one time or another.)

    I wrote in 2004 that GM was essentially bankrupt. They owed more in pension obligations than it seemed likely they would be able to pay, without major restructuring of the union contracts. I was not alone in such an assessment, although there were not many of us. Now that assessment is common wisdom.

    Bloomberg today cites sources that claim a collapse of GM would cost taxpayers $200 billion if the company were forced to liquidate. The projections also called for the loss of “millions” of auto-related jobs. GM, Ford, and Chrysler employ 240,000. They provide healthcare to 2 million, pension benefits to 775,000. Another 5 million jobs are directly related to the three auto companies. GM has 6,000 dealerships which employ 344,000 people. According to a recent study by the Center for Automotive Research (CAR), if the domestic automakers cut output and employment by 50 percent, nearly 2.5 million jobs would be lost and governments would lose $108 billion in revenue over three years. (Edd Snyder at Roadtrip blog)

    How did we get to a place where the market cap of GM is a mere $1.8 billion and its stock price has dropped from $87 in early 1999 to $3.10 today? (See chart below.) Where Rod Lache of Deutsche Bank has a “price target” of zero for GM? “Even if GM succeeds in averting a bankruptcy, we believe that the company’s future path is likely to be bankruptcy-like,” Lache wrote.

    The litany of reasons is long. At the top of the list are union contracts which mandate high costs and pension plans which cannot be met. Then there is the problem of many years of poorly designed cars, although they are now getting their act together. We can also discuss poor management and bloated costs, like paying multiple thousands of workers who are not actually working. GM is structured for the 50% market share they used to command, whereas now they only have 20%.

    Wilbur Ross, a well-known multi-billionaire investor, was on CNBC saying that allowing GM to go bankrupt would throw the country into what sounded like a depression. Of course, he does have an auto parts company which supplies GM; so he, as my Dad would say, does have a dog in that hunt.

    Ross said that we as a nation are to blame for GM’s problems (I am not making this up) because we do not have a national industrial policy. The US allowed other automotive companies to build plants in states that had lower labor costs, and that is the reason GM is uncompetitive. GM pays an average of $33 an hour, and those selfish other companies pay a mere $19 plus a host of benefits.

    Ross evidently believes that because some states have lower taxes and right to work laws, that it is the responsibility of the taxpayer to give GM a certain type of immortality rather than suggest GM deal with its problems directly. I assume that Ross also sides with the French when they suggest that Ireland should raise taxes so they will not have to compete with Ireland for business. Such thinking is nonsense and is also unconstitutional.

    Let’s all acknowledge that having GM go bankrupt would not be a good thing. But it is not the end of the US automotive industry, nor even of GM. Let’s think about what a GM bankruptcy might look like. In a bankruptcy, the debt holders line up to come up with a restructuring plan so that they can maximize the return of their loans or obligations. The shareholders get wiped out, but with GM down over 95%, that has largely been accomplished. That process has happened with airlines, steel companies, and tens of thousand of other companies. It is called creative destruction.

    First, let’s understand that the real owners of GM are the pension plans, as I wrote in 2004. They are the entities with the largest obligations and the most to lose. They are the biggest stakeholders in a successful GM. Giving them the responsibility for making a new, leaner, meaner GM with realistic union contracts would be rational; otherwise they would lose most of what they have.

    Factories need to be closed. Auto sales are down to 11 million cars a year, the lowest since 1982, which was the last major recession. Automotive companies sold cars at such low prices in the last few years that sales went to 16 million a year. But the cars that have been sold will last for a long time. Few people are going to buy a new car when the old one is working fine, especially in a recession and a Muddle Through economy. Further, does GM really need eight automotive lines, some of which have been losing money for years?

    A restructured GM with realistic costs could be quite competitive. They have some great cars. I drive one. It is four years old and so good I am likely to drive it for at least another four.

    At some point after the restructuring, the pension plans could float the stock on the market and get some real value. If actual pensions need to be adjusted, then so be it. While that is sad for the GM pensioners, is it any sadder than for Delta or United Airlines or steel company pensioners who saw their benefits go down? For the vast majority of Americans, no one guarantees their full retirement. Why should auto trade unions be any different?

    Taxpayers in one form or another are going to have to pay something. Unemployment costs, increased contributions to the Pension Benefit Guarantee Corporation, job training, relocation, and other costs will be borne. So, it is in our interest to get involved so as to minimize our costs, as well as help preserve as many jobs as possible.

    Sadly, I think it is likely that a Democratic majority next year will quickly pass a bailout that will not solve any of the longer-term problems. Obama evidently wants to appoint an “automotive czar;” and the name being floated is the very liberal Michigan former Representative David Bonior, whose anti-trade and pro-union positions are well known. This is appointing the fox to guard the hen house. It is not a recipe for the restructuring that is needed.

    The bailout for GM is a bailout for the trade unions and management (who not coincidentally both made large contributions to the Democratic Party and candidates). US consumers are simply going to buy fewer cars in the future. That is a fact. Spending $50 billion does not address that reality. That $50 billion can be better spent by helping workers who lose their jobs. Without serious reforms a bailout will simply postpone the problem, and there will be a need for more money in a few years. And do we think that the management which got GM into the current mess is the group to bring them out?

    And as to the argument that “We bailed out Wall Street, so why not GM?” it doesn’t hold water. What we did and are doing is to try and keep the financial system functioning, so we don’t see the world economy simply shut down. But don’t tell the 125,000 people who have lost jobs on Wall Street that it was a bailout. That number is likely to go to 200,000. No one thinks that a restructured GM would see anywhere close to half that number of job losses.

    Do we protect Circuit City? Sun just announced plans to lay off 6,000 workers. Where is their bailout? Citibank announced 10,000 further job cuts today. This is a recession. And sadly that means a lot of jobs are going to be lost. GM workers should have no more right to their jobs than a Sun or Citibank or Circuit City worker.

    Now, would I be opposed to a bridge loan to help in the transition? No, because a viable Detroit is good for the country and will cost the taxpayer less in the long run than if we have to pick up their pension benefits. But any money must come with realistic reforms that put in charge new management and a realistic cost structure so GM can compete.

    New York, Moving, and Another One Leaves the Nest

    Today, while I am writing this letter, my #2 son Chad is moving out, to an apartment not far from me, but still no longer in the house. He is 20 and eager to be on his own. He has recently taken a job at Best Buy, while trying to decide what to do next. I am happy for him, as you can clearly see the anticipation on his face. Six down and one left. Trey, the youngest, is 14, and I suppose the day will come when he too decides it is time to be on his own. That is what we as parents hope for. But there is a part of me that will miss Chad being under my roof.

    Thanksgiving is coming up and I am making plans, not just for the usual big dinner but also for moving that weekend to another home not too far away. I will move my office into the same house in mid-December. The savings will be substantial, but the savings in commute time will be even more valuable. I will miss this Ballpark office, though.

    I will be in New York next month (December 4) for Festivus, a holiday fundraiser sponsored by my friends at Minyanville.com. If you are there, be sure and look me up. It will be a fun weekend, as there will be dinners with friends, and Barry Habib (of the Mortgage Market Guide and one of the show’s producers) has arranged for tickets to the musical Rock of Ages.

    It is quite late. For some reason, this letter was harder to write than usual, but even letter writing comes to an eventual end. Have a great week.

    Your ready already for recovery analyst,

    John Mauldin
    John@FrontLineThoughts.com

    Copyright 2008 John Mauldin. All Rights Reserved

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  • Summit of G20 nations is unlikely to produce quick solutions

    Summit of G20 nations is unlikely to produce quick solutions

    Gerald Herbert / Associated Press
    Speaking at the Manhattan Institute in New York, President Bush disputed that deregulation was to blame for the financial crisis.
    Leaders of the developed and developing nations are to meet this weekend in Washington to discuss a response to the economic crisis, but a plan of action may be months down the road.
    By Maura Reynolds
    November 14, 2008
    Reporting from Washington — Considering how rapidly the global economic crisis has escalated, leaders converging in Washington for a weekend financial summit might be accused of taking a lackadaisical approach to developing a strategy to solve it.

    After all, they’re saying this will be just the first of several such summits. And agreeing on a joint plan of action lies months down the road at best.

    President Bush called the summit on short notice several weeks ago as the financial markets plunged and demands rose for a coordinated, global response to stem the crisis and prevent future ones.

    But Bush says now that though delegates may agree on principles this weekend, big decisions will come later.

    “The issues are too complex, the problem is too significant to try to solve, or to come with reasonable recommendations in just one meeting,” Bush said in a speech Thursday at a Manhattan Institute event at Federal Hall in New York. “So this summit will be the first of a series of meetings.”

    There are several other reasons leaders plan to kick the can down the road on the hard decisions. First and foremost is that the United States has a president-in-waiting, Barack Obama, and any agreement without his participation probably would be ineffective.

    Also, developed nations continue to have differences over the specifics of a common strategy. And the fissures are even more pronounced when the views of developing and underdeveloped nations are added to the equation.

    Under the circumstances, the risk that the summit could go badly is much greater than the likelihood that it could go well, said Charles Freeman, a scholar at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

    “If you’re Obama, you want your fingerprints nowhere near this thing,” Freeman said. “You’ll take up the process when it’s launched and more stable down the road. But he said there’s only one president, and he’s pretty glad it ain’t him right now.”

    Still, Obama has named two representatives to meet with foreign officials on the sidelines of the summit, former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and former Republican Rep. Jim Leach of Iowa, a former House banking committee chairman.

    Obama aides emphasize, however, that the advisors will not attend summit gatherings or play any formal role in the discussions.

    “There is one president at a time in the United States, so the president-elect has asked Secretary Albright and Congressman Leach, an experienced and bipartisan team, to be available to meet with and listen to our friends and allies on his behalf,” Obama senior foreign policy advisor Denis McDonough said in a news release.

    The summit will be the first meeting of the heads of state and government of the G20 — a group of developed and emerging countries that coalesced in the wake of the Asian and Russian financial crises of 1998. Until now, it was the finance ministers and state central bankers who met.

    Last week, G20 finance ministers met in Sao Paulo, Brazil, to complete plans for this weekend’s meeting, including drafting a list of five principles their leaders are expected to approve Saturday in Washington.

    The principles are: increasing transparency and accountability of financial institutions; increasing government spending on economic stimulus efforts; providing more cash to banks that need it; avoiding trade restrictions; and shoring up the reserves of the International Monetary Fund and other international organizations.

    That agenda is far less ambitious than the one initially envisioned by French President Nicolas Sarkozy, who called for a “second Bretton Woods” conference to remake international financial organizations.

    The Bretton Woods conference, held in 1944 at a rambling resort hotel in New Hampshire as World War II raged, was convened to lay out a financial system for the postwar world. It led to the founding of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, among other institutions.

    This weekend, with so many presidents and prime ministers at the table, the crucial message of the G20 gathering will be political, not financial. The leaders will be trying to send the message that they are willing and able to do whatever it takes to end the crisis — and then set up working groups of financial officials to work out the details.

    “It is essential that the G20 meeting signals an unmistakable common resolve to overcome the crisis, to act together, to act with urgency and to show solidarity toward the neediest,” United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, who will be attending the conference, said in a letter to other leaders.

    The G20 nations, which account for almost 90% of global gross domestic product, or total value of goods and services, are: Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, South Korea, Spain, Turkey, Britain and the United States.

    Tensions between the more developed and developing countries has been growing because many of the emerging economies are far more robust than the more established ones. The IMF estimates that economies in the developed world, including the United States and Europe, will go into recession for the next year, while emerging economies will continue to grow, but at a slower rate.

    Some experts are looking to countries with stronger economies and large central bank reserves — primarily China and Brazil, but also Russia and India — to help tide over the rest of the nations by, for instance, helping to fund an expanded IMF.

    But those countries are hesitant to rush into the breach. They have their own domestic economies to take care of; they also are a bit irked that they are being roped in to be the saviors in a crisis that began elsewhere.

    U.S. officials are anxious to avoid finger-pointing. Bush even referred to that fear in his remarks Thursday.

    “Some blame the crisis on insufficient regulation of the American mortgage market,” the president said in New York, but insisted that “the crisis was not a failure of the free market system.”

    “History has shown that the greater threat to economic prosperity is not too little government involvement in the market, it is too much government involvement in the market,” he said.

    But tougher regulation of the financial markets and closer international supervision appear to be high on the priority list for several other countries at the summit and beyond.

    “Everyone is talking about improving transparency of major financial sector players,” said Arkady Dvorkovich, economic advisor to Russian President Dmitry Medvedev. “Everyone, including Russia, is saying that accounting standards should be harmonized around the world . . . to make sure investors understand financial risks clearly.”

    But even in its waning days, that may be a hard sell to the Bush administration. In his remarks Thursday, the president heralded the robust economies of Japan and South Korea as examples of the triumph of the free market, while criticizing the “devastating results” of other economic models in the Soviet Union, Cuba and Iran.

    “The record is unmistakable: If you seek economic growth, if you seek opportunity, if you seek social justice and human dignity, the free market system is the way to go,” Bush said. “And it would be a terrible mistake to allow a few months of crisis to undermine 60 years of success.”

    Reynolds is a Times staff writer.

    maura.reynolds@latimes.com