Tag: DIPLOMACY

  • Iran working to avoid tougher sanctions

    Iran working to avoid tougher sanctions

    iran

    Iran seeks to persuade Security Council not to back tough nuclear sanctions

    By Thomas Erdbrink

    Washington Post Foreign Service
    Wednesday, April 21, 2010

    TEHRAN — Facing increasing momentum behind a U.S.-backed bid for new sanctions against it, Iran is launching a broad diplomatic offensive aimed at persuading as many U.N. Security Council members as possible to oppose tougher punishment for its nuclear program.

    Iran wants to focus on reviving stalled talks about a nuclear fuel swap to build trust on all sides, according to politicians and diplomats in Tehran. But leaders of Western nations say that unless Iran alters its conditions for the deal, they will refuse to discuss it again. Under the arrangement, aimed at breaking an impasse over Iran’s uranium-enrichment efforts, Tehran would exchange the bulk of its low-enriched uranium for more highly enriched fuel for a research reactor that produces medical isotopes.

    As Iranian diplomats fly around the world to discuss the swap, they are lobbying some of the Security Council’s rotating members to vote against a fourth round of sanctions proposed by the United States, officials said.

    The Obama administration is seeking unanimous support for further Security Council sanctions against Iran. Three previous rounds of sanctions were accepted by all members, except in 2008, when Indonesia abstained. This time, Iran is actively working to get more Security Council members to oppose the U.S. initiative.

    “In the coming 10 days, the Islamic republic’s delegations will travel to the capitals of Russia, China, Lebanon and Uganda to pursue talks,” Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki said. “Other countries will be visited in the near future.” He said that “nuclear issues” will be on the agenda.

    Iran also plans to try to rally support during an international conference to review the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). In Tehran’s view, the gathering, scheduled for May in New York, is shaping up as a confrontation between nuclear powers and developing nations.

    Iran’s official stance is that the U.N. sanctions are not effective. But unofficially, any vote against a new sanctions resolution would be welcomed as a great diplomatic victory.

    “The groups we are sending out will be focusing on the correct implementation of the NPT, the disarmament trend and fuel-swap issues,” said Kazem Jalali, a member of the Iranian parliament’s national security and foreign policy committee. “Naturally, our explanations during the trips will have a positive effect against the efforts by the United States in trying to impose new sanctions.”

    To start its diplomatic offensive, Iran held a nuclear disarmament conference last weekend that several Security Council members attended. The meeting, with its motto of “nuclear energy for all, nuclear weapons for none,” focused on what Iran and other developing nations call “double standards” and “discriminatory elements” in the Non-Proliferation Treaty.

    Participants in the Tehran conference shared complaints that world powers are using proliferation fears as a reason to prevent developing nations from establishing independent nuclear energy programs.

    Iran’s diplomatic effort seems especially aimed at developing nations such as Brazil, Nigeria and Turkey, which hold rotating seats on the 15-member Security Council. Iran is also betting that council members Lebanon — which has a government that includes members of Iran-backed Hezbollah — and Uganda might vote against new sanctions or abstain.

    As a part of the campaign, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad will begin a two-day state visit Friday to Uganda, where he is expected to promise help in building an oil refinery.

    Brazil and Turkey already have said they are wary of imposing additional punishment on Tehran. Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu, visiting Iran on Tuesday, announced that his country is ready to mediate on the uranium swap proposal and other nuclear issues.

    The U.N.-backed arrangement, proposed in October, was the subject of promising initial negotiations. But it was soon shelved after Iran repeatedly changed its conditions, saying the exchange should take place on Iranian soil and demanding more Western security guarantees.

    With Western nations insisting that the swap occur outside Iran, Turkey offered last year to act as a neutral location for the exchange, but Tehran was not interested, diplomats said.

    Asked Tuesday about the proposal, Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Ramin Mehmanparast told reporters, “The venue of any fuel swap will be in Iran.”

    Special correspondent Kay Armin Serjoie contributed to this report.

  • LETTER TO PRESIDENT OBAMA FROM AMERICAN TURKISH COUNCIL

    LETTER TO PRESIDENT OBAMA FROM AMERICAN TURKISH COUNCIL

    Dear ATC Members,

    ATC Chairman, Ambassador Richard Armitage, sent a letter today to President Obama urging him to avoid in his April 24 Armenian Remembrance Day Statement tagging the Ottoman Empire and its successor state, Turkey, with the crime of “genocide”.  This is an opportunity, Chairman Armitage writes, to promote Turkish and Armenian healing and to “encourage open borders and regional peace, and American security and commerce.”

    A copy of Chairman Armitage’s letter is attached.

    It is our intention, once we are past April 24, to embark immediately on several activities that demonstrate the health and vitality of Turkish – American relations, and not least of all, the potential for substantially increased bilateral commerce.

    Ambassador James H. Holmes
    President
    American-Turkish Council

    ================================================================

    AmericanTurkish Council

    – [ Bu sayfanın çevirisini yap ]ATC The leading business association in the US dedicated to the promotion of US-

    Turkish commercial, defense and cultural relations.
    www.americanturkishcouncil.org/ – ÖnbellekBenzer
  • Pro-Turkish US lawmaker Murtha dies at age of 77

    Pro-Turkish US lawmaker Murtha dies at age of 77

    John Murtha

    John Murtha, an influential Democratic member of the U.S. House of Representatives and a staunch supporter of the U.S.-Turkish cooperation, died Monday night at the age of 77.

    A former Marine officer, the Pennsylvania Democrat played a crucial role in 2007 in preventing passage of an Armenian “genocide” bill in the House of Representatives, which was a major threat to U.S.-Turkish ties at the time. He was also a prominent critic of former President George W. Bush’s Iraq policies. Murtha died at a hospital in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania after suffering complications from gallbladder surgery, wire services reported.

    The fall of 2007 was one of the toughest times in the history of the decades-long U.S.-Turkish relationship. On one front, militants from the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK, were attacking Turkish targets and killing dozens of soldiers. Ankara warned that it would send its army to neighboring northern Iraq to fight the PKK there unless the United States moved to radically increase anti-PKK cooperation.

    On the other front, an Armenian “genocide” resolution had passed the House Foreign Affairs Committee and come very close to a House floor vote. Ankara warned that the bill’s passage would lead to a major and lasting deterioration of ties, including a move to cut Turkish cooperation in Iraq.

    Bush’s Republican administration already had urged Republican representatives to keep away from backing the “genocide” bill, and the effort was largely successful. But a vast majority of Democrats, who were in control of the House, supported the resolution.

    Game changing remarks

    On Oct. 17, 2007, when backers of the “genocide” resolution seemed to have more than enough votes for the bill’s passage, Murtha appeared for a news conference at the House press gallery together with a handful of other Democratic lawmakers. The event was a game changer.

    “What happened nearly 100 years ago was terrible. I don’t know whether it was a massacre or a genocide, but that is beside the point. The point is we have to deal with today’s world. Until we can stop the war in Iraq, I believe it is imperative to ensure continued access to military installations in Turkey, which serve U.S. operations in both Iraq and Afghanistan,” Murtha said.

    “I met with Turkish President Abdullah Gül and foreign policy experts, and they all impressed upon me that a U.S. resolution will further fuel anti-Americanism among the Turkish population and will in turn pressure the Turkish government to distance itself from the United States in the region,” he said.

    “I am also concerned about the recent developments regarding possible Turkish military action against the PKK in northern Iraq. This resolution could very well increase political pressure in Turkey and force the government to take such military action,” Murtha said.

    Then he predicted that the floor vote on the genocide bill would fail, with some 55 to 60 Democrats in the 435-member House opposing the measure.

    Murtha’s speech had a domino effect on Democratic lawmakers with dozens of representatives withdrawing their support from the resolution. As a result, Democratic House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, a staunch supporter of the “genocide” bill, had to shelve a floor vote indefinitely. And a collapse in U.S.-Turkish ties was narrowly averted.

    “Murtha was a great statesman fully aware of the importance of the Turkish-U.S. alliance,” said one senior Turkish diplomat. “We will miss him dearly.”

    Changing course in Iraq

    Murtha’s Iraq war views also eventually prompted Washington to change course in the war, eventually forcing a decision to withdraw forces in 2011.

    Murtha originally voted in 2002 to authorize Bush to use military force in Iraq, but his growing frustration over the administration’s handling of the war prompted him in November 2005 to call for an immediate withdrawal of troops. “The war in Iraq is not going as advertised,” he said. “It is a flawed policy wrapped in illusion.”

    Murtha’s opposition to the Iraq war rattled Washington, where he enjoyed bipartisan respect for his work on military issues. On Capitol Hill, he was seen as speaking for those in uniform when it came to military matters.

    ————————————————

    The New Republic: Will Murtha’s Town Die With Him?

    by Jason Zengerle

    Pennsylvania Congressman John Murtha has died. Is his district next?

    text sizeAAA

    February 9, 2010

    By last summer, it was obvious that John Murtha did not have much time left in Congress. This was partly due to the efforts of Washington ethics cops and Western Pennsylvania Republicans, both of whom had spent the past few years working feverishly, through either judicial or electoral means, to remove him from office. But more than that, there was the simple matter of Murtha’s health. At 77 years old, he’d begun to show obvious signs of deterioration—from increasingly frequent verbal gaffes (like calling his part of Pennsylvania “a racist area”) to physical ones, such as the spill he took while visiting injured troops at Walter Reed. When Murtha died Monday at the age of 77, due to complications stemming from gallbladder surgery, it was sad, but hardly shocking, news.

    Unless, that is, you lived in Murtha’s hometown of Johnstown, Pennsylvania. When I visited there last summer, I found that the only thing deeper than the floodwaters that had thrice destroyed the rust belt city was the denial of its residents that Murtha’s 36 years on Capitol Hill were nearing an end. They expressed unswerving confidence that their congressman could not only defy the laws of man—by forever frustrating the efforts of those trying to unseat him—but the laws of nature, as well. The notion that he might have to retire due to poor health was greeted with a snort: Murtha had been a Marine who, as a father of three, had volunteered for Vietnam; he was too tough to retire. “He would like to die in the House,” one of his friends and supporters told me, certain that such an event was a long way off. Murtha’s great aunt, more than one person in Johnstown mentioned to me, had lived into her 90s; and his clean living—“he doesn’t drink, except for coffee”—meant he could count on reaching a similarly ripe old age.

    Now that Murtha has confounded the expectations of his constituents, his obituary writers will invariably describe him as “The King of Pork.” While the term is not meant as a compliment — and, in fact, Murtha’s political and legal troubles over the last few years stemmed from that well-deserved reputation — it’s worth remembering that, to the recipients of that pork, Murtha was a hero. For the last 15 years, he steered a steady stream of federal money — by some accounts as much as $2 billion — to Johnstown and, in the process, allowed the city to escape the fate of other once-booming steel towns that were unable to survive the collapse of that industry. Indeed, to visit Johnstown today is to encounter an oasis of relative prosperity — a city that boasts glass-and-steel office buildings, a Wine Spectator-award winning restaurant, even a symphony orchestra — in a desert of economic despair.

    When any politician dies, especially one as long-serving as Murtha, his passing will be treated as the passing of more than an individual. And this is already being described as the end of various eras — from the end of the era of Democratic rule in Pennsylvania’s Twelfth Congressional District (which John McCain carried in 2008) to the end of the era of the “old bull” way of doing business on Capitol Hill. But Murtha’s death also signals something more than the death of a man or the death of an era: It likely spells the death of the city he represented.

    When Murtha was alive, Johnstown raised myriad monuments to him — placing his name on everything from a technology park to an airport. But the city never prepared itself for the day when its honors to Murtha would have to come in the form of memorials. Johnstown’s success was not a façade, but its prosperity was as dependent on one congressman as it had once been on one industry. It was almost as if Johnstown could not bring itself to imagine — and thus prepare for — what would happen once Murtha, like steel before him, was no longer there to sustain it. And now it will face the consequences of that failure.

    To be sure, Johnstown will not cease to exist tomorrow. Or next week. Or even next year. After all, it took decades for Bethlehem Steel to dismantle its Johnstown operations once it decided to leave the city. But, over time, the economic forces that Murtha managed to stave off will begin to take their toll. Lacking a politician with Murtha’s seniority and powerful committee assignments — not to mention, perhaps, a politician with Murtha’s tolerance for the appearance (and perhaps the reality) of ethical impropriety — Johnstown will watch as the river of federal largesse slows to a trickle. And it will watch as the defense contractors that followed those federal dollars by locating their offices in Johnstown and underwriting its civic activities turn their attentions to the hometowns of other congressmen. And slowly, but ineluctably, Johnstown will meet the same fate as the politician who did so much — maybe too much — to keep it alive.

    Partner content from:

  • Armenia and Turkey: The truce in need of a rescue

    Armenia and Turkey: The truce in need of a rescue

    Opinion


    They have a chance to make peace over their troubled past and move forward — or balk and leave themselves, and their region, worse off than before.

    By Henri J. Barkey and Thomas de Waal
    February 5, 2010

    For a while, it looked like the start of a great reconciliation. Armenia and Turkey have lived beneath the vast shadow of the mass murder of Armenians in eastern Turkey during World War I, and to this day they maintain no diplomatic ties. But in October, the Armenian and Turkish foreign ministers met in Switzerland and signed two protocols to set up relations, open their common border — closed since 1993 — and begin addressing the painful disputes that divide them. Each nation’s governments must still ratify the agreements. The United States, with its large Armenian American community and strategic alliance with Turkey, threw its weight behind the deal.

    But this great truce is already in need of a rescue, and if it breaks down, we will end up in a worse place than where we started. In January, Turkey showed signs of having cold feet. Its foreign ministry objected to a judgment by the Armenian constitutional court supporting the protocols on the grounds that they are consistent with the founding principles of the state, which commit it to pursuing recognition of the 1915 killings as genocide.

    The endorsement of the court, which the U.S. government welcomed, actually opens the way for the Armenian parliament to ratify the protocols. Turkey’s move was a fairly transparent device to put the brakes on the process.

    Why is Turkey trying to backtrack? Its government agreed to the protocols, in part because it wanted to prevent the U.S. administration and Congress from passing a resolution describing the Armenian massacres as genocide. But Ankara was surprised by the vehemence of the opposition the deal generated both at home and in its ally, Azerbaijan, which lost a conflict with the Armenians over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh in the early 1990s.

    The text of the protocols does not explicitly mention Nagorno-Karabakh, but the dispute looms large in the background. Turkey originally shut the border with Armenia in 1993; the Armenians captured an Azerbaijani province during the Nagorno-Karabakh war. When the accord was signed last year, the Turks hoped that there would be a breakthrough in the peace talks over the conflict, but that hope is fading. Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has boxed himself in by proclaiming that the protocols will not be implemented until Armenia withdraws from occupied Azerbaijani territory.

    A rapprochement would be good news for Armenia, which would see its main border to the West opened and an end to years of regional isolation. Yet Armenian President Serge Sarkisian also faces unexpectedly strong opposition. In the diaspora, there are loud complaints that the provisions to confirm the existing Armenian-Turkish border and set up a joint historians’ commission on the massacres relieve pressure on Ankara to own up to the Armenian genocide.

    Yet the world would never tolerate a redrawing of Turkey’s borders — even Josef Stalin failed to accomplish that in the flush of victory over the Nazis in 1945 — and the Turkish government is unlikely to recognize the Armenian genocide with a gun pressed to its head. Turkey’s own growing internal debate about the crimes of 1915 is a much surer road to their eventual acknowledgment than political lobbying from abroad.

    On the Armenian side, it would be political suicide for Sarkisian to make a major concession over Nagorno-Karabakh — such as a unilateral withdrawal from occupied Azerbaijani land. Yet it is not unreasonable for the Turks to expect some progress. After all, they closed the Armenian border in solidarity with their Azerbaijani brethren, who would be furious if it were reopened without any move forward on the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute. At the very least, Azerbaijan could retaliate by charging the Turks higher gas prices and favoring Russian export routes over the Nabucco gas pipeline projected to traverse Turkey en route to Europe.

    Allowing these protocols to fail would unleash a destructive chain of events. An aggrieved U.S. Congress might press ahead with a genocide resolution, a move that would provoke a strong anti-American backlash in Turkey. The already faltering peace process over the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict — the major issue impeding peaceful development in the South Caucasus — would be hit hard, and calls for war could resume in Azerbaijan.

    But Armenia can take smaller steps to break the deadlock. Owing to the geography of this region, everyone suffers. Azerbaijan also has an isolated territory that suffers economically — the exclave of Nakhichevan, separated from the rest of Azerbaijan by an unfriendly Armenia, its road and rail links severed. As a gesture of goodwill, the Yerevan government could take steps to ease the blockade of Nakhichevan in parallel with the opening of the Armenian-Turkish border. The Armenians could also begin work on rehabilitating the long-defunct railway line that once connected Azerbaijan, Armenia, Nakhichevan and Turkey. It is a sad symbol of the closed borders and suspicions that cripple this region, but one day it could be a major east-west transport route. The Turks would be wise to hail such an initiative as a success and move on with ratifying the protocols.

    More broadly, better relations with Armenia offer Turkey a chance to lift the burden of history from its shoulders. Turkey’s ambitious foreign policy, with its goal of “zero problems with its neighbors” and becoming the central power in its region, will come to nothing if its enmity with Armenia endures. Tiny Armenia may be dwarfed by Turkey’s size and clout, but it can lay claim to a moral imperative.

    Henri J. Barkey is a professor of international relations at Lehigh University and a visiting senior scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, where Thomas de Waal is a senior associate on the Caucasus.

    Copyright © 2010, The Los Angeles Times

  • 2015 – Year for commemoration of common tragedy: Turkish party leader

    2015 – Year for commemoration of common tragedy: Turkish party leader

    Why wait until 2015? Why not now? But first, all those western countries and Russia who created the “Eastern Question and the Armenian Issue” should admit their roles in the common tragedy and tell the world that they will not continue with their never ending goals in putting road blocks for the development of Turkey and the re-establisment of friendship between the Armenians and the Turks everywhere. Everyone should heed the words of Mustafa Kemal Pasa who made the following statement on 7 March, 1920:

    “Civilisation and the humanity should once more enlightened regarding the alleged Armenian massacres and the purpose of the propaganda created to mislead the world. These are the results of resentment and anger from detestable and vicious accusations.”

    Yuksel Oktay

    28 November 2009


    From: CEM TOKER <ctoker@yahoo.com>

    http://news. am/en/news/ 9524.html www.ldp.org. tr

    12:53 / 11/27/2009

    Cem Toker, Liberal Democrat Party (LDP) leader who recently visited Armenia “asked for the recognition of 2015 as a year for the commemoration of the common tragedy of 1915,” Turkish Sunday’s Zaman writes.

    The source quotes Toker as saying: “Both sides suffered from great pain a century ago. We can initiate such a process to share our common and mutual anguish without blaming each other and referencing the notion of Genocide. I hope that the 2015 Year for the Commemoration of our Common Tragedy will make a contribution to the peace process at a time when protocols have been signed for the normalization of diplomatic relations and the opening of border gates. People’s stories of family tragedies are often followed by remarks of gratitude; they say, for instance: ‘Our Turkish neighbors gave us food; they protected us. They saved our lives; they told us they could look after our babies for us, implying that we would come back anyway.’ These stories point to the humane part of the whole story. This is a great potential to look forward.”

    According to Toker, Turkey is the key topic of daily discussions in Armenia, “If you want to survive politically there, you have to be against Turkey; this is the dominant belief in the country. Turkey is the only issue that people talk about when they get together. It does not matter whether they hold positive views or not on Turkey. Turkish people’s reaction to the Dink murder shocked the Armenian people. Eager to prevent the emergence of positive feelings on Turkey, nationalists strove to present this as an organization of the state; however, this propaganda was not very influential. People have changed their views on Turkey because of the slogans chanted at the funeral ‘We all are Hrant; we all are Armenians’,” Toker says, adding that Armenian people were surprised when hearing there are 50,000 Armenians in Istanbul working without feeling that they live in a hostile country.

    Asked about the reactions he got in Armenia, LDP leader replied: “Ordinary people also started changing their views on the Diaspora. They now criticize Diaspora actors, noting that it is easy to make recommendations from remote parts of the world. There are two kinds of people: The moderates say, “Well, I am ready to erase the map in my mind; but it will stay alive in my heart.” The same also applies to 1915. They say, “I will take the Genocide out of my brain; but I will keep the anguish alive in my heart.” The others, however, say: “I will never forget this map; it will always remain alive in my brain and heart. I will never erase the Genocide and the Armenian cities. These are what make me an Armenian.”

    Touching upon Azeris’ reaction on the Armenia-Turkey reconciliation, Toker told Zaman: “I have difficulty understanding why the Azeri people show such an excessive reaction to the normalization of Turkish-Armenian relations. It is really interesting to observe that they are so critical of the moves Turkey has taken to address thorny issues including Nagorno-Karabakh, the recognition of borders and the Genocide allegations while remaining silent towards Iran’s eagerness to keep its borders with Armenia open. I do not say Iran should close its gates; quite the contrary, why did we close while Iran did not? They do not object to Iran, but they criticize Turkey because we seek a resolution. This is not acceptable.”

    News from Armenia – NEWS.am

  • AAA welcomes John MacCain’s support

    AAA welcomes John MacCain’s support

    of Armenia’s approach to normalize relations with Turkey
    13.11.2009 10:51 GMT+04:00

    /PanARMENIAN.Net/ In a letter sent today, the Armenian Assembly of America (Assembly) thanked Senator John McCain for affirming the historical truth regarding the Armenian Genocide and for his support of a new chapter in Armenia-Turkey relations.

    During Senator McCain’s interview with Voice of America’s Georgian service, Senator McCain acknowledged the Armenian Genocide and also expressed his support for the Armenia-Turkish rapprochement.

    “We strongly believe that U.S. affirmation of the Armenian Genocide should not be held hostage to the normalization process and as such welcome Senator McCain’s remarks,” stated Assembly Executive Director Bryan Ardouny. “The Assembly has also consistently expressed its support for normalization of relations between Armenia and Turkey without preconditions,” added Ardouny.

    In the Assembly’s letter to Senator McCain, Ardouny highlighted the need to redouble America’s efforts to reaffirm the Armenian Genocide in the face of continued campaign to deny its very occurrence and quoted Archbishop Desmond Tutu who has stated: “It is sadly true what a cynic has said, that we learn from history that we do not learn from history. And yet it is possible that if the world had been conscious of the genocide that was committed by the Ottoman Turks against the Armenians, the first genocide of the twentieth century, then perhaps humanity might have been more alert to the warning signs that were being given before Hitler’s madness was unleashed on an unbelieving world.”

    The Assembly letter also urged McCain to cosponsor S. Res. 316, the Armenian Genocide Resolution introduced by Senators Robert Menendez and John Ensign.