Tag: Democracy

  • Is Israel Drifting Toward Civil War?

    Is Israel Drifting Toward Civil War?

    By Jim Sleeper

    jim sleeperIf it weren’t so despicable, it would be laughable: To the outside world, the government of Benyamin Netanyahu is doing a perfect imitation of North Korea in its murderous assault last night on flotilla of peace activists bringing humanitarian supplies to Gaza. The activists aren’t all pure, but Israel’s government has just purified them. If the government was bone-headed in barring Noam Chomsky from the West Bank at the Allenby Bridge last week, now it might as well be taking tips from Pyongyang.

    Inside the country, meanwhile, debate is rising toward a boiling point that could start the civil war that almost began with the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin by a right-wing orthodox Jew in 1995. But although Netanyahu squeaked in after the Gaza War with little more mandate than George W. Bush had in 2000, some undercurrents have been on his side.

    At the Tel Aviv University, scholars and students who embody the best of everything most of us once admired about Israel are wringing their hands about the high birth-rate of anti-Enlightenment orthodox Jews and the virtual takeover of their once-social-democratic country by hundreds of thousands of smart, cynical Russian Jews. (Israel still has one of the worlds’ best and most universal health-care systems.)

    The manipulative contempt with which these two powerful groups are gaming the just, ecumenical society that stronger, more noble people I know risked their lives to advance is heart-breaking.

    Netanyahu & Co. are rushing ahead of even the birthrates, but at least that could dispel progressive wishful thinking before it’s too late. The government has let the flotilla “drive Israel into a sea of stupidity,writes Gideon Levy, a senior columnist for Haaretz the country’s most prominent liberal daily.

    “We were determined to avoid an honest look at the first Gaza war. Now, in international waters and having opened fire on an international group of humanitarian aid workers and activists, we are fighting and losing the second,” writes Bradley Burston, a senior editor at Haaretz. “We are no longer defending Israel. We are now defending the siege. The siege itself is becoming Israel’s Vietnam.”

    Burston would know: A Los Angeles native and Berkeley graduate, he moved to Israel in the 1970s with some young Americans I knew who settled in Kibbutz Gezer, a progressive outpost between Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. If you can recall that in those Vietnam War/Nixon years Israel seemed a lot more noble to many of us than the U.S. did, you’ll understand why Burston served in the Israel Defense Forces as a combat medic and studied medicine in Be’er Sheva for two years.

    But Burston must also know that his scathing Vietnam analogy has limits: The U.S. could have walked away from Vietnam with no dangerous consequences. In Gaza, by contrast, the influence of Iran and other powers makes the Israeli situation a little more… existential. Israelis also don’t have Americans’ history of conquering a whole continent and not having to care about it. Their history, too, is more… existential.

    But precisely for those reasons, Haaretz reports, Israeli security forces are now on high alert, bracing for protests closer to home, maybe even for a third intifada if it turns out that one of the Palestinian activists on board the flotilla was killed. That only underscores the government’s stupidity.

    What kinds of resistance to all this should progressive Israelis contemplate? TPM’s Bernie Avishai has participated in and described here some non-violent tactics being honed by both Arabs and Jews in East Jerusalem and elsewhere.

    But what will unfold among contending factions of Israeli Jews I’ve mentioned? Here, again, it is useful to remember Israel’s differences from the United States. Precisely because there’s universal conscription in Israel, the military isn’t as militarizing as you might think. It’s an army where no one salutes anyone and civilian norms commingle with military ones.

    That prompted Bernhard Henri-Levi, speaking in support of J-Street and progressive Israeli counterparts at the French Embassy here in Tel Aviv yesterday, to observe, “I have never seen such a democratic army, which asks itself so many moral questions. There is something unusually vital about Israeli democracy.”

    What he’s noticing is that universal service gives Israelis a sense of entitlement to sound off, including in dissent, in ways that the American left lost when conservatives, in a master-stroke, converted to a volunteer army, thereby taking the edge off anti-war Americans’ solidarity and feelings of unimpeachable right as well as inclination to express outrage at government abuses.

    What will come of that sense of entitlement in Israel now, though?

    On the one hand, the country does have increasingly powerful — and, yes, despicable — enemies, some of whom care not a whit for Palestinians, whom they have oppressed and are using as pawns in a dance of moral posturing. That’s a caution for Americans haunted by Vietnam.

    On the other hand, there are Israelis like the many who contribute to Haaretz who are stirring deep feelings of misgiving and outraged dignity among others who sense, as many of us Americans did during the Vietnam and Bush years, that something in their republic was being stolen. This can’t go on without a fight. The question is, what kind?

    https://talkingpointsmemo.com/cafe, May 31, 2010

  • CLINTON: TURKEY AND ARMENIA’S PAST SHOULD BE STUDIED BY HISTORIANS’ COMMITTEE

    CLINTON: TURKEY AND ARMENIA’S PAST SHOULD BE STUDIED BY HISTORIANS’ COMMITTEE

    23 March 2010

    U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said that so called Armenian genocide is not forgotten but it is very important that Turkey and Armenia are making joint efforts to solve the problem. Stressing that establishment of a joint historians committee is the right thing to do, Clinton said that Turkey and Armenia are executing joint work for establishment of the commission.
    In an interview with Russian 1 channel, Clinton said, “I do not think the “genocide” is forgotton. But the important thing is that Turkey and Armenia are making joint efforts.”
    Reminding that she was present at the signing ceremony of Zurich protocols towards normalization of relations between Turkey and Armenia, Clinton said, “One of these protocols provides for the establishment of a committee of historians to deal with historical issues. I believe it is the right approach when Turkey and Armenia focus on all these. The committee is currently on the process of establishment. It is not possible to change the past but we can make efforts for a better future”.

    TARİH KOMİSYONUNUN LAFI BİLE ERMENİLERİ ÇILDIRTTI


    Hürriyet
    24 Mart 2010

    Türkiye ile Ermenistan arasındaki protokoller kapsamında 1915 olaylarını araştırmak üzere kurulacak tarih komisyonu için çalışmaların başladığı yönündeki açıklamaya Erivan çok sert tepki gösterdi.

    Üstelik bu beklenmedik açıklama çok üst düzey bir yerden, ABD Dışişleri Bakanı Hillary Clinton’dan geldi. Clinton, bir Rus televizyonuna yaptığı açıklamada, Türkiye ile Ermenistan’ın komisyonu kurmak için çalıştıklarını söyledi.

    ABD Dışişleri Bakanlığı’nın internet sitesinde yer alan konuşma dökümüne göre, Clinton, bir soru üzerine, “(Türkiye-Ermenistan arasında imzalanan) bu protokollerde, iki ülke arasında geçmişin parçası olan bütün meseleleri inceleyecek bir tarih komisyonunun kurulması da yer alıyor” dedi.

    GAF MI YAPTI?

    Bu değerlendirmenin üzerine Clinton’a “Peki bu komisyon şu anda mevcut mu?” sorusu yöneltildi. Clinton’ın Ermenilerin sert tepkisini çeken açıklaması da bu soruya cevaben geldi:

    “Şu anda oluşturmak için üzerinde çalışıyorlar.”

    Bu beklenmedik açıklamanın üzerine söyleşiyi yapan Vladimir Pozner, “Üzerinde çalışıyorlar yani” diye yorum yapınca, Clinton da “Evet” yanıtını verdi.

    Clinton’ın bir gaf mı yaptığı yoksa perde arkasında tarih komisyonuyla ilgili çalışmaların başladığı konusu ise henüz netlik kazanmadı.

    ERMENİSTAN AYAKLANDI

    Ermenistan yönetimi, protokoller henüz yürürlüğe girmeden komisyonla ilgili çalışmaların yapıldığı yönündeki bu açıklamaya sert tepki gösterdi.

    Doğan Haber Ajansı’na göre, Ermenistan Dışişleri Sözcüsü Tigran Balayan, dün Clinton’ın sözleri üzerine bir açıklama yaptı.

    Balayan, “Protokoller Türk ve Ermenistan meclislerinde onaylanmadan böyle bir komisyon söz konusu değil” dedi.

    Balayan ayrıca, böyle bir komisyonda Ermenistan soykırımının tartışma konusu yapılmayacağını savunarak, “Ermenistan ne bunu ne de soykırımın gerçek olup olmadığını tartışma konusu yapmayacaktır” dedi.

    EN HASSAS KONU

    Tarih komisyonu, her iki taraf için de en hassas konuyu oluşturuyor. Komisyon önerisini gündeme getiren Türkiye, 1915 olaylarının araştırılmasını istiyor.

    Bu nedenle de komisyon konusunun protokollere girmesi Türkiye açısından önemli bir kazanım olarak görülüyor.

    Ancak Ermenistan için 1915 olaylarının ne olduğunun tartışılması bile söz konusu değil. Gerek Ermeni yönetimi gerekse de Ermeni halkı, 1915’in tartışma konusu bile yapılmayacağını, yaşananların “soykırım” olduğunu belirtiyor.

    Son olarak Ermenistan Anayasa Mahkemesi de protokollerin bağımsızlık deklarasyonuna aykırı bir şekilde uygulanamayacağına hükmetti.

    Deklarasyonda, Ermenistan devletinin “soykırım” iddialarının uluslararası alanda tanıtılması için çalışması gerektiği belirtiliyor.

  • Damon Wilson Discusses NATO, Turkey and Azerbaijan

    Damon Wilson Discusses NATO, Turkey and Azerbaijan

    Atlantic Council

    March 09, 2010

    Damon Wilson, vice president and director of the Atlantic Council Program on International Security, was interviewed by Leyla Tagiyeva of Azerbaijani news site News.Az about U.S.-Turkey relations in the context of NATO and its role in the Caucasus region.

    Click here for the article “NATO ‘open to closer partnership with Azerbaijan”

    The full text of the interview appears below

    The Armenian diaspora creates many problems in US-Turkey cooperation, which can be seen by the decision of the House of Representatives’ Foreign Relations Committee to recognize as ‘genocide’ the killings of Armenians in Ottoman Turkey. Is the US able to withstand this pressure in cooperation with strategic partners such as Turkey?

    US-Turkish cooperation is premised on common interests and shared values within the context of the NATO alliance. This means that while there can be ups and downs in the relationship, the strategic partnership is enduring and can withstand these political tensions.

    May Turkey withdraw permission for the Incirlik air base after the decision of the US House committee?

    Turkey is a sovereign nation and therefore has the right to determine whether and how US forces can operate on Turkish soil.  As Turkey’s democratic ally, the US respects its decision-making. It is important to point out that Turkey’s interests are also served by the US presence at Incirlik.

    May Turkey become closer to the Muslim world after the political problems with the US and Israel?

    Turkey’s population is predominantly Muslim and therefore it is only natural that Turkey should seek to develop strong ties to the Muslim world.  But this can be achieved without sacrificing its relations with the United States, or even Israel.

    Turkey is an active member of NATO and a strategic ally of Azerbaijan. The Turkish authorities always say that they would be happy to see Azerbaijan in NATO. Is this realistic in the near future?

    It is up to Baku to determine the nature of the relationship it seeks with NATO. The alliance remains open to closer partnership with Azerbaijan, and I encourage stronger ties.

    Turkey has been playing a very active role on the Karabakh settlement between Azerbaijan and Armenia. There is even a Turkish initiative to establish a Stability and Cooperation Platform in the Caucasus. What kind of role can NATO play in the region, if one is possible after the war between Russia and Georgia?

    NATO can be a stabilizing presence in the region through its members and its partners. Key to regional stability is the sovereignty of each nation in the region. Each state should be able to make decisions about its own future and the relations it seeks with other states and organizations. Stability will not result from recognizing a Russian sphere of privileged interests in the region.

  • Islam and democracy can – and do – coexist

    Islam and democracy can – and do – coexist

    logo_csmonitorJust look at successes in Indonesia and Turkey.

    Over the years American presidents have preached the power of freedom to the un-free nations of the world.

    In recent times, the focus has been on the Arab world, where democratic progress has been scant. President George W. Bush’s efforts – from candid speeches to Arab leaders to a costly war in Iraq – have yielded mixed results.

    President Obama is pursuing a different course, using a blend of personal charm abroad and efforts at home to burnish America’s image as a democratic example.

    Throughout all this, skeptics have argued that this is a lost cause, and that democracy and Islam are incompatible.

    So it is heartening to see the integration of democracy and Islam taking place in three huge countries whose Muslim populations make up somewhere between a quarter and a third of the world’s entire Muslim populace.

    Indonesia, which has the world’s largest Muslim population (205 million), is undergoing national elections that will strengthen its steady democratic progress. India, which has a minority population of some 150 million Muslims, is finishing up month-long elections for a nation of more than 1 billion people. Turkey, with a Muslim population of 77 million, is a working example of a secular democracy in a Muslim country.

    These examples may not offer a blueprint for the mostly undemocratic Arab world. But their success does offer welcome evidence that Islam and democracy can coexist, maybe even integrate.

    Indonesia’s emergence as a peaceful democracy is notable because its past has not always been free of violence or manipulation. When I worked as a correspondent in Indonesia in the 1960s, the Army put down a communist-triggered coup and wrought terrible vengeance across the Indonesian archipelago.

    Estimates of the death toll rose as high as 1 million people. My own estimate was about 200,000. An investigating commission reporting to President Sukarno listed 78,000 people dead – a dreadfully inaccurate figure that was offered up, a source told me, because “We gave Sukarno the figures we thought he wanted to hear.”

    Indonesia’s travail continued under the man who deposed him, General Suharto. Yet today, Indonesia has become a country of order and promise.

    India is currently conducting its 15th national election since achieving independence in 1947. Indians proudly proclaim the process to be the “world’s biggest exercise in democracy.” Though India is predominantly Hindu, the Muslims who live there tend not to vote as a religious bloc, but spread their votes across a multiplicity of parties with differing policies.

    Months ago, Mr. Obama said he wanted to make a major address in an Islamic capital early in his presidency. He hasn’t done that yet, but it is no surprise that he chose Turkey for his “the US is not at war with Islam” speech. Turkey has proved, as Steven Cook, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, once said, “that you can have a democracy in a Muslim-majority country.” In free elections, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has successfully maintained Turkey as a secular, free-market society since 2003.

    There have been spats between Turkey and the US. Turkey barred US forces from using its territory as a launching pad for the war against Saddam Hussein. Its prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, has been a blistering critic of Israel over Gaza. But Obama’s visit was well received, and the US considers Turkey a useful potential interlocutor in the various challenges of the Middle East – a role that Turkey appears ready to assume.

    Though Indonesia, India, and Turkey, each in their different ways, present welcome examples of compatibility between Islam and democracy, it is often democracy molded to accommodate local cultures and customs. It is freedom, but not necessarily democracy as defined in Washington or the capitals of western Europe.

    John Hughes, a former editor of the Monitor, won a Pulitzer Prize in 1967 for his coverage of Indonesia. He writes a biweekly column for the Monitor Weekly.

    Source:  www.csmonitor.com, May 8, 2009

  • TURKEY IN CIA FILES

    TURKEY IN CIA FILES

    This page was last updated on 24 February 2009
    Introduction Turkey
    Bac kground: Modern Turkey was founded in 1923 from the Anatolian remnants of the defeated Ottoman Empire by national hero Mustafa KEMAL, who was later honored with the title Ataturk or “Father of the Turks.” Under his authoritarian leadership, the country adopted wide-ranging social, legal, and political reforms. After a period of one-party rule, an experiment with multi-party politics led to the 1950 election victory of the opposition Democratic Party and the peaceful transfer of power. Since then, Turkish political parties have multiplied, but democracy has been fractured by periods of instability and intermittent military coups (1960, 1971, 1980), which in each case eventually resulted in a return of political power to civilians. In 1997, the military again helped engineer the ouster – popularly dubbed a “post-modern coup” – of the then Islamic-oriented government. Turkey intervened militarily on Cyprus in 1974 to prevent a Greek takeover of the island and has since acted as patron state to the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus,” which only Turkey recognizes. A separatist insurgency begun in 1984 by the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) – now known as the People’s Congress of Kurdistan or Kongra-Gel (KGK) – has dominated the Turkish military’s attention and claimed more than 30,000 lives. After the capture of the group’s leader in 1999, the insurgents largely withdrew from Turkey mainly to northern Iraq. In 2004, KGK announced an end to its ceasefire and attacks attributed to the KGK increased. Turkey joined the UN in 1945 and in 1952 it became a member of NATO; it holds a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council from 2009-2010. In 1964, Turkey became an associate member of the European Community. Over the past decade, it has undertaken many reforms to strengthen its democracy and economy; it began accession membership talks with the European Union in 2005.
    Geography Turkey
    Location: Southeastern Europe and Southwestern Asia (that portion of Turkey west of the Bosporus is geographically part of Europe), bordering the Black Sea, between Bulgaria and Georgia, and bordering the Aegean Sea and the Mediterranean Sea, between Greece and Syria
    Geographic coordinates: 39 00 N, 35 00 E
    Map references: Middle East
    Area: total: 780,580 sq km
    land: 770,760 sq km
    water: 9,820 sq km
    Area – comparative: slightly larger than Texas
    Land boundaries: total: 2,648 km
    border countries: Armenia 268 km, Azerbaijan 9 km, Bulgaria 240 km, Georgia 252 km, Greece 206 km, Iran 499 km, Iraq 352 km, Syria 822 km
    Coastline: 7,200 km
    Maritime claims: territorial sea: 6 nm in the Aegean Sea; 12 nm in Black Sea and in Mediterranean Sea
    exclusive economic zone: in Black Sea only: to the maritime boundary agreed upon with the former USSR
    Climate: temperate; hot, dry summers with mild, wet winters; harsher in interior
    Terrain: high central plateau (Anatolia); narrow coastal plain; several mountain ranges
    Elevation extremes: lowest point: Mediterranean Sea 0 m
    highest point: Mount Ararat 5,166 m
    Natural resources: coal, iron ore, copper, chromium, antimony, mercury, gold, barite, borate, celestite (strontium), emery, fel dspar, limestone, magnesite, marble, perlite, pumice, pyrites (sulfur), clay, arable land, hydropower
    Land use: arable land: 29.81%
    permanent crops: 3.39%
    other: 66.8% (2005)
    Irrigated land: 52,150 sq km (2003)
    Total renewable water resources: 234 cu km (2003)
    Freshwater withdrawal (domestic/industrial/agricultural): total: 39.78 cu km/yr (15%/11%/74%)
    per capita: 544 cu m/yr (2001)
    Natural hazards: severe earthquakes, especially in northern Turkey, along an arc extending from the Sea of Marmara to Lake Van
    Environment – current issues: water pollution from dumping of chemicals and detergents; air pollution, particularly in urban areas; deforestation; concern for oil spills from increasing Bosporus ship traffic
    Environment – international agreements: party to: Air Pollution, Antarctic Treaty, Biodiversity, Climate Change, Desertification, Endangered Species, Hazardous Wastes, Ozone Layer Protection, Ship Pollution, Wetlands
    signed, but not ratified: Environmental Modification
    Geography – note: strategic location controlling the Turkish Straits (Bosporus, Sea of Marmara, Dardanelles) that link Black and Aegean Seas; Mount Ararat, the legendary landing place of Noah’s ark, is in the far eastern portion of the country
    People Turkey
    Population: 71,892,808 (July 2008 est.)
    Age structure: 0-14 years: 24.4% (male 8,937,515/female 8,608,375)
    15-64 years: 68.6% (male 25,030,793/female 24,253,312)
    65 yea rs and over: 7% (male 2,307,236/female 2,755,576) (2008 est.)
    Median age: total: 29 years
    male: 28.8 years
    female: 29.2 years (2008 est.)
    Population growth rate: 1.013% (2008 est.)
    Birth rate: 16.15 births/1,000 population (2008 est.)
    Death rate: 6.02 deaths/1,000 population (2008 est.)
    Net migration rate: 0 migrant(s)/1,000 population (2008 est.)
    Sex ratio: at birth: 1.05 male(s)/female
    under 15 years: 1.04 male(s)/female
    15-64 years: 1.03 male(s)/female
    65 years and over: 0.84 male(s)/female
    total population: 1.02 male(s)/female (2008 est.)
    Infant mortality rate: total: 36.98 deaths/1,000 live births
    male: 40.44 deaths/1,000 live births
    female: 33.34 deaths/1,000 live births (2008 est.)
    Life expectancy at birth: total population: 73.14 years
    male: 70.67 years
    female: 75.73 years (2008 est.)
    Total fertility rate: 1.87 children born/woman (2008 est.)
    HIV/AIDS – adult prevalence rate: less than 0.1%; note – no country specific models provided (2001 est.)
    HIV/AIDS – people living with HIV/AIDS: NA
    HIV/AIDS – deaths: NA
    Nationality: noun: Turk(s)
    adjective: Turkish
    Ethnic groups: Turkish 80%, Kurdish 20% (estimated)
    Religions: Muslim 99.8% (mostly Sunni), other 0.2% (mostly Christians and Jews)
    Languages: Turkish (official), Kurdish, Dimli (or Zaza), Azeri, Kabardian
    note: there is also a substantial G agauz population in the European part of Turkey
    Literacy: definition: age 15 and over can read and write
    total population: 87.4%
    male: 95.3%
    female: 79.6% (2004 est.)
    School life expectancy (primary to tertiary education): total: 11 years
    male: 12 years
    female: 11 years (2006)
    Education expenditures: 4% of GDP (2004)
    Government Turkey
    Country name: conventional long form: Republic of Turkey
    conventional short form: Turkey
    local long form: Turkiye Cumhuriyeti
    local short form: Turkiye
    Government type: republican parliamentary democracy
    Capital: name: Ankara
    geographic coordinates: 39 56 N, 32 52 E
    time difference: UTC+2 (7 hours ahead of Washington, DC during Standard Time)
    daylight saving time: +1hr, begins last Sunday in March; ends last Sunday in October
    Administrative divisions: 81 provinces (iller, singular – ili); Adana, Adiyaman, Afyonkarahisar, Agri, Aksaray, Amasya, Ankara, Antalya, Ardahan, Artvin, Aydin, Balikesir, Bartin, Batman, Bayburt, Bilecik, Bingol, Bitlis, Bolu, Burdur, Bursa, Canakkale, Cankiri, Corum, Denizli, Diyarbakir, Duzce, Edirne, Elazig, Erzincan, Erzurum, Eskisehir, Gaziantep, Giresun, Gumushane, Hakkari, Hatay, Icel (Mersin), Igdir, Isparta, Istanbul, Izmir (Smyrna), Kahramanmaras, Karabuk, Karaman, Kars, Kastamonu, Kayseri, Kilis, Kirikkale, Kirklareli, Kirsehir, Kocaeli, Konya, Kutahya, Malatya, Manisa, Mardin, Mugla, Mus, Nevsehir, Nigde, Ordu, Osmaniye, Rize, Sakarya, Samsun, Sanliurfa, Siirt, Sinop,=2 0Sirnak, Sivas, Tekirdag, Tokat, Trabzon (Trebizond), Tunceli, Usak, Van, Yalova, Yozgat, Zonguldak
    Independence: 29 October 1923 (successor state to the Ottoman Empire)
    National holiday: Republic Day, 29 October (1923)
    Constitution: 7 November 1982; amended 17 May 1987; note – amendment passed by referendum concerning presidential elections on 21 October 2007
    Legal system: civil law system derived from various European continental legal systems; note – member of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), although Turkey claims limited derogations on the ratified European Convention on Human Rights; has not accepted compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
    Suffrage: Definiti
    18 years of age; universal
    Executive branch: chief of state: President Abdullah GUL (since 28 August 2007)
    head of government: Prime Minister Recep Tayyip ERDOGAN (since 14 March 2003); Deputy Prime Minister Cemil CICEK (since 29 August 2007); Deputy Prime Minister Hayati YAZICI (since 29 August 2007); Deputy Prime Minister Nazim EKREN (since 29 August 2007)
    cabinet: Council of Ministers appointed by the president on the nomination of the prime minister
    elections: president elected directly for a five-year term (eligible for a second term); prime minister appointed by the president from among members of parliament
    election results: on 28 August 2007 the National Assembly elected Abdullah GUL president on the third ballot; National Assembly vote – 339
    note: in October 2007 Turkish voters approved a referendum package of constitutional amendments including a provision for direct presidential elections
    Legislative branch: unicameral Grand National Assembly of Turkey or Turkiye Buyuk Millet Meclisi (550 seats; members are elected by popular vote to serve five-year terms)
    elections: last held on 22 July 2007 (next to be held on November 2012)
    election results: percent of vote by party – AKP 46.7%, CHP 20.8%, MHP 14.3%, independents 5.2%, and other 13.0%; seats by party – AKP 341, CHP 112, MHP 71, independents 26; note – seats by party as of 31 January 2009 – AKP 340, CHP 97, MHP 70, DTP 21, DSP 13, ODP 1, BBP 1, independents 5, vacant 2 (DTP entered parliament as independents; DSP entered parliament on CHP’s party list); only parties surpassing the 10% threshold are entitled to parliamenta ry seats
    Judicial branch: Constitutional Court; High Court of Appeals (Yargitay); Council of State (Danistay); Court of Accounts (Sayistay); Military High Court of Appeals; Military High Administrative Court
    Political parties and leaders: Anavatan Partisi (Motherland Party) or Anavatan [Erkan MUMCU]; note – True Path Party or DYP has merged with the Motherland Party; Democratic Left Party or DSP [Zeki SEZER]; Democratic Society Party or DTP [Ahmet TUR K]; Felicity Party or SP [Numan KURTULMUS] (sometimes translated as Contentment Party); Freedom and Solidarity Party or ODP [Hayri KOZANOGLU]; Grand Unity Party or BBP [Mushin YAZICIOGLU]; Justice and Development Party or AKP [Recep Tayyip ERDOGAN]; Nationalist Movement Party or MHP [Devlet BAHCELI] (sometimes translated as Nationalist Action Party); People’s Rise Party (Halkin Yukselisi Partisi) or HYP [Yasar Nuri OZTURK]; Republican People’s Party or CHP [Deniz BAYKAL]; Social Democratic People’s Party or SHP [Ugur CILASUN (acting)]; Young Party or GP [Cem Cengiz UZAN]
    note: the parties listed above are some of the more significant of the 49 parties that Turkey had as of 31 January 2009
    Political pressure groups and leaders: Confederation of Public Sector Unions or KESK [Sami EVREN]; Confederation of Revolutionary Workers Unions or DISK [Suleyman CELEBI]; Independent Industrialists’ and Businessmen’s Association or MUSIAD [Omer Cihad VARDAN]; Moral Rights Workers Union or Hak-Is [Salim USLU];=2 0Turkish Confederation of Employers’ Unions or TISK [Tugurl KUDATGOBILIK]; Turkish Confederation of Labor or Turk-Is [Mustafa KUMLU]; Turkish Confederation of Tradesmen and Craftsmen or TESK [Dervis GUNDAY]; Turkish Industrialists’ and Businessmen’s Association or TUSIAD [Arzuhan Dogan YALCINDAG]; Turkish Union of Chambers of Commerce and Commodity Exchanges or TOBB [M. Rifat HISARCIKLIOGLU]
    International organization participation: ADB (nonregional members), Australia Group, BIS, BSEC, CE, CERN (observer), EAPC, EBRD, ECO, EU (applicant), FAO, G-20, IAEA, IBRD, ICAO, ICC, ICRM, IDA, IDB, IEA, IFAD, IFC, IFRCS, IHO, ILO, IMF, IMO, IMSO, Interpol, IOC, IOM, IPU, ISO, ITSO, ITU, ITUC, MIGA, NATO, NEA, NSG, OAS (observer), OECD, OIC, OPCW, OSCE, PCA, SECI, UN, UN Security Council (temporary), UNCTAD, UNESCO, UNHCR, UNIDO, UNIFIL, UNMIS, UNOCI, UNOMIG, UNRWA, UNWTO, UPU, WCO, WEU (associate), WFTU, WHO, WIPO, WMO, WTO, ZC
    Dipl omatic representation in the US: chief of mission: Ambassador Nabi SENSOY
    chancery: 2525 Massachusetts Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20008
    telephone: [1] (202) 612-6700
    FAX: [1] (202) 612-6744
    consulate(s) general: Chicago, Houston, Los Angeles, New York
    Diplomatic representation from the US: chief of mission: Ambassador James F. JEFFREY
    embassy: 110 Ataturk Boulevard, Kavaklidere, 06100 Ankara
    mailing address: PSC 93, Box 5000, APO AE 09823
    telephone: [90]=2 0(312) 455-5555
    FAX: [90] (312) 467-0019
    consulate(s) general: Istanbul
    consulate(s): Adana; note – there is a Consular Agent in Izmir
    Flag description: red with a vertical white crescent (the closed portion is toward the hoist side) and white five-pointed star centered just outside the crescent opening
    Economy Turkey
    Economy – overview: Turkey’s dynamic economy is a complex mix of modern industry and commerce along with a traditional agriculture sector that still accounts for more than 35% of employment. It has a strong and rapidly growing private sector, yet the state still plays a major role in basic industry, banking, transport, and communication. The largest industrial sector is textiles and clothing, which accounts for one-third of industrial employment; it faces stiff competition in international markets with the end of the global quota system. However, other sectors, notably the automotive and electronics industries, are rising in importance within Turkey’s export mix. Real GNP growth has exceeded 6% in many years, but this strong expansion has been interrupted by sharp declines in output in 1994, 1999, and 2001. The economy turned around with the implementation of economic reforms, and 2004 GDP growth reached 9%, followed by roughly 5% annual growth from 2005-07. Due to global contractions, annual growth is estimated to have fallen to 3.5% in 2008. Inflatio n fell to 7.7% in 2005 – a 30-year low – but climbed back to 8.5% in 2007. Despite the strong economic gains from 2002-07, which were largely due to renewed investor interest in emerging markets, IMF backing, and tighter fiscal policy, the economy is still burdened by a high current account deficit and high external debt. Further economic and judicial reforms and prospective EU membership are expected to boost foreign direct investment. The stock value of FDI currently stands at about $85 billion. Privatization sales are currently approaching $21 billion. Oil began to flow through the Baku-Tblisi-Ceyhan pipeline in May 2006, marking a major milestone that will bring up to 1 million barrels per day from the Caspian to market. In 2007 and 2008, Turkish financial markets weathered significant domestic political turmoil, including turbulence sparked by controversy over the selection of former Foreign Minister Abdullah GUL as Turkey’s 11th president and the possible closure of the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Economic fundamentals are sound, marked by moderate economic growth and foreign direct investment. Nevertheless, the Turkish economy may be faced with more negative economic indicators in 2009 as a result of the global economic slowdown. In addition, Turkey’s high current account deficit leaves the economy vulnerable to destabilizing shifts in investor confidence.
    GDP (purchasing power parity): $930.9 billion (2008 est.)
    GDP (official exchange rate): $798.9 billion (2008 est.)
    GDP – real growth rate: 4.5% (2008 est.)
    GDP – per capita (PPP): $12,900 (2008 est.)
    GDP – composition by sector: agriculture: 8.5%
    industry: 28.6%
    services: 62..9% (2008 est.)
    Labor force: 23.21 million
    note: about 1.2 million Turks work abroad (2008 est.)
    Labor force – by occupation: agriculture: 29.5%
    industry: 24.7%
    services: 45.8% (2005)
    Unemployment rate: 7.9% plus underemployment of 4% (2008 est.)
    Household income or consumption by percentage share: lowest 10%: 2%
    highest 10%: 34.1% (2003)
    Distribution of family income – Gini index: 43.6 (2003)
    Investment (gross fixed): 21% of GDP (2008 est.)
    Budget: revenues: $164.6 billion
    expenditures: $176.3 billion (2008 est.)
    Public debt: 37.1% of GDP (2008 est.)
    Inflation rate (consumer prices): 10.2% (2008 est.)
    Central bank discount rate: 25% (31 December 2007)
    Stock of money:
    $64.43 billion (31 December 2007)
    Stock of quasi money:
    $254.3 billion (31 December 2007)
    Stock of domestic credit: $358.1 billion (31 December 2007)
    Market value of publicly traded shares: $286.6 billion (31 December 2007)
    Agriculture – products: tobacco, cotton, grain, olives, sugar beets, hazelnuts, pulse, citrus; livestock
    Industries: textiles, food processing, autos, electronics, mining (coal, chromite, copper, boron), steel, petroleum, construction, lumber, paper
    Electricity – production:
    181.6 billion kWh (2007 est.)
    Electricity – consumption:
    141.5 billion kWh (2006 est.)
    Electricity – exports: 2.576 billion kWh (2007 est.)
    Electricity – imports: 863 million kWh (2007 est.)
    Oil – production:
    42,800 bbl/day (2007 est.)
    Oil – consumption:
    676,600 bbl/day (2007 est.)
    Oil – exports:
    114,600 bbl/day (2005)
    Oil – imports:
    714,100 bbl/day (2005)
    Oil – proved reserves:
    300 million bbl (1 January 2008 est.)
    Natural gas – production:
    893 million cu m (2007 est.)
    Natural gas – consumption:
    36.6 billion cu m (2007 est.)
    Natural gas – exports: 31 million cu m (2007 est.)
    Natural gas – imports:
    35.83 billion cu m (2007 est.)
    Natural gas – proved reserves:
    8.495 billion cu m (1 January 2008 est.)
    Current account balance: -$51.68 billion (2008 est.)
    Exports: $141.8 billion f.o.b. (2008 est.)
    Exports – commodities: apparel, foodstuffs, textiles, metal manufactures, transport equipment
    Exports – partners: Field info displayed for all countries in alpha order
    Germany 11.2%, UK 8.1%, Italy 7%, France 5.6%, Russia 4.4%, Spain 4.3% (2007)
    Imports: $204.8 billion f.o.b. (2008 est.)
    Imports – commodities: machinery, chemical s, semi-finished goods, fuels, transport equipment
    Imports – partners: Russia 13.8%, Germany 10.3%, China 7.8%, Italy 5.9%, US 4.8%, France 4.6% (2007)
    Reserves of foreign exchange and gold: $82.82 billion (31 December 2008 est.)
    Debt – external: $294.3 billion (31 December 2008 est.)
    Stock of direct foreign investment – at home: $124.8 billion (2008 est.)
    Stock of direct foreign investment – abroad: $13.97 billion (2008 est.)
    Exchange rates: Turkish liras (TRY) per US dollar – 1.3179 (20 08 est.), 1.319 (2007), 1.4286 (2006), 1.3436 (2005), 1.4255 (2004)
    note: on 1 January 2005 the old Turkish lira (TRL) was converted to new Turkish lira (TRY) at a rate of 1,000,000 old to 1 new Turkish lira; on 1 January 2009 the Turkish government dropped the word “new” and the currency is now called simply the Turkish lira
    Communications Turkey
    Telephones – main lines in use: 18.413 million (2007)
    Telephones – mobile cellular: 61.976 million (2007)
    Telephone system: general assessment: comprehensive telecommunications network undergoing rapid modernization and expansion especially in mobile-cellular services
    domestic: additional digital exchanges are permitting a rapid increase in subscribers; the construction of a network of technologically advanced intercity trunk lines, using both fiber-optic cable and digital microwave radio relay, is facilitating communication between urban centers; remote areas are reached by a domestic satellite system; the number of subscribers to mobile-cellular telephone service is growing rapidly
    international: country code – 90; international service is provided by the SEA-ME-WE-3 submarine cable and by submarine fiber-optic cables in the Mediterranean and Black Seas that link Turkey with Italy, Greece, Israel, Bulgaria, Romania, and Russia; satellite earth stations – 12 Intelsat; mobile satellite terminals – 328 in the Inmarsat and Eutelsat systems (2002)
    Radio broadcast stations: AM 16, FM 107, shor twave 6 (2001)
    Television broadcast stations: 635 (plus 2,934 repeaters) (1995)
    Internet country code: ..tr
    Internet hosts: =2 0
    2.667 million (2008)
    Internet users: 13.15 million (2006)
    Transportation Turkey
    Airports: 117 (2007)
    Airports – with paved runways: total: 90
    over 3,047 m: 15
    2,438 to 3,047 m: 33
    1,524 to 2,437 m: 19
    914 to 1,523 m: 19
    under 914 m: 4 (2007)
    Airports – with unpaved runways: total: 27
    over 3,047 m: 1
    1,524 to 2,437 m: 2
    914 to 1,523 m: 7
    under 914 m: 17 (2007)
    Heliports: 18 (2007)
    Pipelines: gas 7,511 km; oil 3,636 km (2007)
    Railways: total: 8,697 km
    standard gauge: 8,697 km 1.435-m gauge (1,920 km electrified) (2006)
    Roadways: total: 426,951 km (includes 1,987 km of expressways) (2006)
    Waterways: 1,200 km (2008)
    Merchant marine: total: 612
    by type: bulk carrier 101, cargo 281, chemical tanker 70, combination ore/oil 1, container 35, liquefied gas 7, passenger 4, passenger/cargo 51, petroleum tanker 31, refrigerated cargo 1, roll on/roll off 28, specialized tanker 2
    foreign-owned: 8 (Cyprus 2, Germany 1, Greece 1, Italy 3, UAE 1)
    registered in other countries: 595 (Albania 1, Antigua and Barbuda 6, Bahamas 8, Belize 15, Cambodia 26, Comoros 8, Dominica 5, Georgia 14, Greece 1, Isle of Man 2, Italy 1, Kiribati 1, Liberia 7, Malta 176, Marshall Islands 50, Moldova 3, Netherlands 1, Netherlands Antilles 10, Panama 94, Russia 80, Saint Kitts and Nevis 35, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines 20, Sierra Leone 15,=2 0Slovakia 10, Tuvalu 2, UK 2, unknown 2) (2008)
    Ports and terminals: Aliaga, Diliskelesi, Izmir, Kocaeli (Izmit), Mercin Limani, Nemrut Limani
    Military Turkey
    Military branches: Turkish Armed Forces (TSK): Turkish Land Forces (Turk Kara Kuvvetleri, TKK), Turkish Naval Forces (Turk Deniz Kuvvetleri, TDK; includes naval air and naval infantry), Turkish Air Force (Turk Hava Kuvvetleri, THK) (2008)
    Military service age and obligation: 20 years of age (2004)
    Manpower available for military service: males age 16-49: 20,213,205
    females age 16-49: 19,432,688 (2008 est.)
    Manpower fit for military service: males age 16-49: 17,011,635
    females age 16-49: 16,433,364 (2008 est.)
    Manpower reaching militarily significant age annually: male: /I> 660,452
    female: 638,527 (2008 est.)
    Military expenditures: 5.3% of GDP (2005 est.)
    Military – note: a “National Security Policy Document” adopted in October 2005 increases the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) role in internal se curity, augmenting the General Directorate of Security and Gendarmerie General Command (Jandarma); the TSK leadership continues to play a key role in politics and considers itself guardian of Turkey’s secular state; in April 2007, it warned the ruling party about any pro-Islamic appointments; despite on-going negotiations on EU accession since October 2005, progress has been limited in establishing required civilian supremacy over the military; primary domestic threats are listed as fundamentalism (with the definition in some dispute with the civilian government), separatism (the Kurdish problem), and the extreme left wing; Ankara strongly opposed establishment of an autonomous Kurdish region; an overhaul of the Turkish Land Forces Command (TLFC) taking place under the “Force 2014” program is to produce 20-30% smaller, more highly trained forces characterized by greater mobility and firepower and capable of joint and combined operations; the TLFC has taken on increasing international peacekeeping responsibilities, and took charge of a NATO International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) command in Afghanistan in April 2007; the Turkish Navy is a regional naval power that wants to develop the capability to project power beyond Turkey’s coastal waters; the Navy is heavily involved in NATO, multinational, and UN operations; its roles include control of territorial waters and security for sea lines of communications; the Turkish Air Force adopted an “Aerospace and Missile Defense Concept” in 2002 and has initiated project work on an integrated missile defense sy stem; Air Force priorities include attaining a modern deployable, survivable, and sustainable force structure, and establishing a sustainable command and control system (2008)
    Transnational Issues Turkey
    Disputes – international: complex maritime, air, and territorial disputes with Greece in the Aegean Sea; status of north Cyprus question remains; Syria and Iraq protest Turkish hydrological projects to control upper Euphrates20waters; Turkey has expressed concern over the status of Kurds in Iraq; border with Armenia remains closed over Nagorno-Karabakh
    Refugees and internally displaced persons: IDPs: 1-1.2 million (fighting 1984-99 between Kurdish PKK and Turkish military; most IDPs in southeastern provinces) (2007)
    Illicit drugs: key transit route for Southwest Asian heroin to Western Europe and, to a lesser extent, the US – via air, land, and sea routes; major20Turkish and other international trafficking organizations operate out of Istanbul; laboratories to convert imported morphine base into heroin exist in remote regions of Turkey and near Istanbul; government maintains strict controls over areas of legal opium poppy cultivation and over output of poppy straw concentrate; lax enforcement of money-laundering controls

    This page was last updated on 24 February 2009

  • Democracy, Islam, and Secularism

    Democracy, Islam, and Secularism

    Turkey, as a Muslim-majority country, is the only member of NATO and on
    candidate member of the European Union. Assertive secularism, multiparty
    democracy, and military interventions are other puzzling aspects of
    Turkish politics. With its rising activism in the Middle East, Caucasus,
    and Central Asia, Turkey has also become an influential actor in world
    politics. This conference aims to present an integrated picture of Turkey
    by bringing together comparative perspectives on its past, present, and
    future, and delving into such issues as the legacy of the Ottoman Empire,
    secularism, religion, democracy, civil-military relations, and the
    European Union membership.

    Contact: Ahmet Kuru
    E-mail: ak2840@columbia.edu

    Date: March 6-7, 2009
    Time: 9:00 am to 5:30 pm
    Location: International Affairs Building 1501, Columbia University

    Co-sponsored by Center for the Study of Democracy, Toleration, and
    Religion; Institute for Religion, Culture, and Public Life; and Middle
    East Institute of Columbia University; and Institute for Turkish Studies

    Friday, March 6

    9.00 – 9.30: Coffee and rolls
    9.30 – 9.45: Welcome: Alfred Stepan
    9.45 – 12.45: From the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic
    Chair: Rashid Khalidi (invited)
    Discussant: Richard Bulliet
    Karen Barkey, “Empire and Religious Diversity: The Ottoman Model in
    Contemporary Perspective”
    Sükrü Hanioglu, “The Historical Roots of Kemalism”
    Nur Yalman, “‘The Three Ways of Politics’ Revisited: Whither the People of
    the ‘Sublime State’?”
    12.45 – 2.30: Lunch
    2.30 – 5.30: Religion, Religious Parties, and Democracy
    Chair: David Cuthell
    Discussant: Mirjam Kunkler
    Alfred Stepan, “Variations of Laïcité: Comparing Turkey, France, and Senegal”
    Stathis Kalyvas, “Does Christian Democratic Experience Travel in the
    non-Christian World?”
    5.30: Reception

    Saturday, March 7

    9.00 – 9.30: Coffee and rolls
    9.30 – 12.30: The AKP Government and the Military
    Chair and discussant: Alfred Stepan
    Ümit Cizre, “Society as the Battleground for Hegemony: Secular Military
    and the AKP”
    Ahmet Kuru, “Politicized Military and the Consolidation of Democracy in
    Turkey”
    12.30 – 2.30: Lunch
    2.30 – 5.30: Politics of the Future: European Union, Constitution, and
    Democratization
    Chair and discussant: Joan Scott
    Joost Lagendijk, “Turkey’s Membership to the European Union: Perceptions
    and Processes”
    Andrew Arato, “Legality and Legitimacy in the Making of a New Turkish
    Constitution”
    Ergun Özbudun, “Turkish Democracy in Constitutional Crisis”

    Short Bios

    Andrew Arato is Dorothy Hirshon Professor of Political and Social Theory
    at the New School for Social Research. He is the author of Civil Society,
    Constitution, and Legitimacy and Constitution Making under Occupation: The
    Politics of Imposed Revolution in Iraq, and co-author of Civil Society and
    Political Theory.

    Karen Barkey is Professor of Sociology at Columbia University. She is the
    author of Empire of Difference: The Ottomans in Comparative Perspective
    and co-editor of After Empire: Multiethnic Societies and Nation-Building,
    the Soviet Union and the Russian, Ottoman, and Habsburg Empires.

    Richard Bulliet is Professor of History at Columbia University. He is the
    author of The Case for Islamo-Christian Civilization, the editor The
    Columbia History of the Twentieth Century, and the co-editor of The
    Encyclopedia of the Modern Middle East.

    Ümit Cizre is Professor of Political Science at Bilkent University,
    Turkey. She is the author of The Politics of the Powerful (in Turkish) and
    the editor of Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey: The Making of the
    Justice and Development Party and Almanac Turkey 2005: Security Sector and
    Democratic Oversight.

    David Cuthell is the Executive Director of the Institute of Turkish
    Studies in Washington D.C. He also teaches Turkish politics as Visiting
    Adjunct Professor at Columbia University and Georgetown University.

    Nilüfer Göle is Professor of Sociology at Ecoles des Hautes Etudes en
    Sciences Sociales, France. She is the author of The Forbidden Modern:
    Civilization and Veiling and Interpenetrations: Islam and Europe (in
    French).

    Sükrü Hanioglu is Professor and the Chair of Near Eastern Studies at
    Princeton University. He is the author of Brief History of the Late
    Ottoman Empire, Preparation for a Revolution: The Young Turks, 1902-1908,
    and Young Turks in Opposition.

    Stathis Kalyvas is Arnold Wolfers Professor of Political Science and
    Director of the Program on Order, Conflict, and Violence at Yale
    University. He is the author of The Logic of Violence in Civil War and The
    Rise of Christian Democracy in Europe.

    Rashid Khalidi is Edward Said Professor of Arab Studies at Columbia
    University. He is the author of The Iron Cage: The Story of the
    Palestinian Struggle for Statehood and Resurrecting Empire: Western
    Footprints and America’s Perilous Path in the Middle East.

    Mirjam Künkler is Assistant Professor of Near Eastern Studies at Princeton
    University. She is the co-editor of Comparative Study of the Role of
    Religious Institutions in Democratic Transition and Consolidation
    Processes (in German)

    Ahmet Kuru is Postdoctoral Fellow at the Center for the Study of
    Democracy, Toleration, and Religion at Columbia University and Assistant
    Professor of Political Science at San Diego State University. He is the
    author of Secularism and State Policies toward Religion: The United
    States, France, and Turkey.

    Joost Lagendijk is a Dutch politician from Green Left. He is a Member of
    the European Parliament and its Committee on Foreign Affairs. He is also
    the Chairman of the Delegation to the European Union – Turkey Joint
    Parliamentary Committee.

    Ergun Özbudun is Professor of Law at Bilkent University, Turkey. He is the
    author of Contemporary Turkish Politics: Challenges to Democratic
    Consolidation and the co-editor of Atatürk: Founder of a Modern State. He
    recently chaired the academic committee to draft a new constitution for
    Turkey.

    Joan Scott is Harold F. Linder Professor at the School of Social Science
    in the Institute for Advanced Study. She is the author of Only Paradoxes
    to Offer: French Feminists and the Rights of Man, Parité: Sexual Equality
    and the Crisis of French Universalism, and The Politics of the Veil.

    Alfred Stepan, Wallace Sayre Professor of Government, director of Center
    for the Study of Democracy, Toleration, and Religion, and co-director of
    the Institute for Religion, Culture, and Public Life at Columbia
    University. He is the author of Arguing Comparative Politics and the
    co-author of Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation.

    Nur Yalman is Professor of Anthropology at Harvard University. He is the
    author of Under the Bo Tree and “Some Observations on Secularism in Islam:
    The Cultural Revolution in Turkey,” Daedalus, and co-author of A Passage
    to Peace: Global Solutions from East and West.

    Link: