Tag: coups

Is Turkey’s “silent revolution” the end of military coups?

by Arzu Geybullayeva

Erdoğan shows a general to the door.

Furious over the arrests of senior Turkish military officers, and unable to find common ground with the Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the Chief of Turkish Armed Forces Isik Kosaner handed in his resignation, together with the heads of the navy, army, and air force on July 29th. Some have been calling it a “silent revolution”; for the first time in its modern history, Turkey’s military appears to be coming under civilian control, after decades as the government’s watchful overseer and the orchestrator of sudden coups. But at what cost?

Over the last two years, Turkey’s secular military power and the stridently Islamic, conservative ruling AKP (“Justice and Development Party”) have been engaged in a legal and verbal war over allegations that military personnel have been involved in plotting against the current leadership in an operation known as “Sledgehammer” (Balyoz in Turkish). Since February of 2010, over 200 officers, admirals, generals, and colonels have been arrested, detained, and charged with conspiracy. In fact, hours prior to Kosaner’s resignation, 22 suspects—all military officials—were charged with involvement in carrying out an alleged internet campaign to undermine the government. Over 400 academics, journalists, and other public figures have also been jailed and tried on account of another conspiracy, “Ergenekon”—an alleged group of secular nationalists plotting to bring down the current leadership.

While the government claims that the resignation was an early retirement decision, in his interview with the newspaper Hurriyet, the Chief of General Staff made it clear that his decision to leave his post came as a sign of protest against the arrests of military officers since 2010 and his inability to protect the rights of his personnel.

Here in Turkey, opinions vary as to what the resignations will mean. Turkey’s military overthrew four elected governments in a series of coups that began in the 1960s. The resignation clearly represents the end of the power that Turkey’s military once held over the country’s political system. And while some might argue that the rise of the ruling AKP over the past decade marked the beginning of truly civilian rule in the country, it is hard to say whether this particular change is a true sign of democracy. This collective resignation also means the disappearance of the last meaningful check on the power of AKP.

Moreover, it is going to take more than a forced “retirement” of top generals to achieve full civilian control over the army. Other officers could very well take matters into their own hands when they see how their values are being mercilessly crushed by a religions regime like the AKP under Erdogan. Turkey’s military still holds the right to intervene in the country’s political system if they perceive a threat to it, according to the military’s internal service code, which has yet to be officially altered. The curriculum taught at the military establishments hasn’t been changed to emphasize the supremacy of the civilian rule in the country.

The once-powerful military now feels demoralized and weakened in its capabilities, which could cause people within it to act rashly. According to military analyst Gareth Jenkins, “The officer corps is growing disillusioned. Military officers are very reluctant to communicate with one another as there is a fear that it will be intercepted, distorted and used against them.” Such conspiracies create an impression that Turkish soldiers are a bunch of criminals, a characterization they surely resent.

Meanwhile, the AKP’s grip on power grows. It has been introducing sweeping reforms, including plans for a new, nationwide internet filter system, which are changing the face of this promising and aggressively modernizing nation. It seems doubtful that the path to real democracy and justice will come from sudden “retirements” and other decisions made behind closed doors. This year, Turkey was rated as the country with highest number of imprisoned journalists, surpassing even China and Iran. One thing, at least, is clear: it is going to take a lot more than the retirement of few generals for the country to become an example of a healthy democracy in the Muslim world.

via Is Turkey’s “silent revolution” the end of military coups? / Waging Nonviolence – People-Powered News and Analysis.

August 30, 2011
Death takes one Turkish coup leader as court calls two others

One of the leaders of the 1980 military coup d’etat died in an Istanbul hospital Monday, hours before a prosecutor called the last two coup leaders still living to testify in court.

Nejat Tümer was one of the most important generals in the military coup staged on Sept. 12, 1980. AA photo

A prosecutor in Ankara sent invitations to Kenan Evren, the chief of General Staff at the time of the coup, and Tahsin Şahinkaya, then the Air Force commander, to testify in an investigation into the military coup and crimes of the post-coup era.

The two men are the last living members of the National Security Council, or MGK, formed after the army brass took over the control of the country.

Retired Gen. Nejat Tümer, who died Monday at the age of 87, was the Navy commander at the time of the Sept. 12, 1980, coup. He had been undergoing treatment for cancer at the Gülhane Military Academy Hospital, or GATA.

A ceremony will be held for Tümer at 11 a.m. Wednesday at the Navy War Academy and he will be buried at the Zincirlikuyu Cemetery following the noon prayer.

Evren and Şahinkaya were invited to testify by Deputy Chief Public Prosecutor Murat Demir, who was assigned in early April to launch an investigation into the 1980 coup. Such a probe became possible after a Sept. 12, 2010, referendum annulled the constitutional article that banned judicial action against the coup’s leaders. Hundreds of criminal complaints filed in prosecutors’ offices all over the country have been sent to Ankara, the site of the coup.

Evren’s lawyer came to the Ankara courthouse Monday, met the prosecutor and requested that his client be allowed to testify at his house in Ankara due to his age and health problems. The prosecutor’s office said it would assess the request and then make a decision. It will also decide where and how Şahinkaya, who lives in Istanbul, will give his testimony.

Evren, the country’s seventh president, had previously said he would never testify and claimed he would commit suicide before that would happen. “I promise in front of my nation that I will not let this matter be dealt with in the courts. I will commit suicide,” he said when the idea of a coup trial was discussed in 2009.

The investigation could result in a case being opened against Evren and Şahinkaya; alternatively, the prosecutors could decide not to pursue the case.

‘A very important development’

Parliament Speaker Mehmet Ali Şahin called the invitation to testify a “very important development.”

“Just three days ago, on the anniversary of the May 27, 1960, coup, we talked about how useless military interventions are and what such interventions made this country lose,” Şahin told reporters in Parliament.

He noted that debate was still continuing on whether the coup leaders could be put on trial, as some experts argue that the statue of limitations should apply to the crimes, which would make it too late to charge the generals.

“We will wait and see what the prosecutors and the court decide to do,” Şahin said.

Many experts argue that even a very liberal interpretation of the statute of limitations would not allow crimes – except for crimes against humanity – to be prosecuted more than 30 years after the fact. Others say the statute of limitations did not actually start until the law banning prosecution of the coup leaders was canceled.

Evren and Şahinkaya are the only top generals from the 1980 coup who are still alive. Then-Land Forces Commander Nurettin Ersin died Nov. 3, 2005, and Gendarmerie Commander Sedat Celasun died July 16, 1998.

The 1980 military coup was launched “to bring peace to a polarized society where thousands of people were being killed on the streets,” according to the coup generals and their supporters. The results, however, were devastating: 650,000 people were taken into custody and 230,000 were put on trial. Military prosecutors demanded the death penalty for 7,000 people; 517 of them received the death penalty and 50 were hanged.

The military rule revoked the citizenships of more than 14,000 Turks and another 30,000 left the country to seek refugee abroad.

In prisons, 299 inmates died of “indeterminate” reasons and 14 died while on hunger strikes. Torture by security forces reportedly claimed 171 lives.

Corruption charges for Şahinkaya

In addition to the coup-era killings, torture and mistrials, Şahinkaya has also been accused of corruption. Turkey selected the F-16 as its Air Force’s main fighter jet and more than 230 F-16s were jointly produced with the United States at a plant near Ankara between the late 1980s and 1999. Şahinkaya is accused of accepting bribes to promote F-16 over F-18 jets.

In a televised interview last September, the retired general flatly denied the allegations against him and said he had made a major contribution to the establishment of the aircraft industry in Turkey.

“In fact, I thought that Turkey should buy the two-engine F-18s, but other generals decided to go with the F-16s,” he said in the interview.

via Death takes one Turkish coup leader as court calls two others – Hurriyet Daily News and Economic Review.

May 31, 2011
Veteran journalist: secularists provoked coups in Turkey

The journalist’s remarks are a continuation of a series of confessions he has made since last week.

Veteran secular journalist Mehmet Ali Birand has said the Republic of Turkey, which Mustafa Kemal Atatürk established and entrusted to the military, has had two big enemies over the years: pious Muslims and Kurds.

The journalist’s remarks were published in a column titled “Why did we support coups?” published by the Posta daily on Tuesday.

According to the journalist, the military was traditionally provoked by secularist circles to stage coups in Turkey.

“It has always been secular circles in society that pushed and forced the military for coups. The breakdown of secular circles is as follows: The Republican People’s Party [CHP], which is made up of social democrat politicians. Among them are people who know that they cannot reach any good position [in politics] through elections and therefore seek to be appointed to high positions thanks to the military. Mid-sized and large capital groups. Retired and employed judicial bureaucrats. Academics. Retired and active duty members of the military. The media. We all had a common goal: not to share our self-built system,” Birand stated.

The journalist’s remarks are a continuation of a series of confessions he has made since last week.

In a column dated May 19, Birand said pro-coup thoughts penetrated the genes of a majority of members of the secular mainstream media. For him, the mainstream media considered the General Staff as superior to democracy and Parliament until the recent past. “We tolerated all coups. And we supported them. Our genes got confused in the past few years, and we started to look at things from a different perspective. The order between democracy and Parliament and the General Staff changed for the first time. Democracy moved one step forward.”

So far Turkey has witnessed three direct military coups — in 1960, 1971 and 1980 — and an unarmed military intervention in 1997, which is called a postmodern coup. The coups were not, however, acts a junta nested within the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) staged on its own. Some media groups displayed a “contributive” role, which came either as a covert or open support for the military to seize control of the country. Each coup was bloody and inflicted deep sufferings on Turkey.

In Tuesday’s column Birand also wrote about the perception of pious Muslims and Kurds in Turkey by secular circles.

“The Republic of Turkey, established by [Mustafa Kemal] Atatürk and entrusted to the military [for protection], has had two big enemies over the years: reactionaryism and the Kurdish question.”

According to Birand, reactionaryism has been the most talked-about and dealt-with enemy.

“Newspapers would publish the photos of bearded men, and stories would read that ‘two more reactionaries have been captured.’ Black chador-wearing women would be called ‘black cockroaches.’ For us, there was no distinction between pious Muslims and reactionaries. They would be considered the biggest enemy of our self-built system. We had no tolerance to see them among us. We did not try to understand them.”

With regard to Kurds, the journalist said the “Kurdish question” was another most-feared enemy for secular circles that was not ever mentioned. “Each uprising of Kurds was defined as ‘insurgence’ and a ‘path to independence.’ The actual reasons [leading to uprisings] were never examined. We did not ever think that they could have stemmed from poverty, the feudal system or conditions in the region. When the Kurdish question was mentioned, we all thought about the division of Turkey. We continuously maintained a policy of assimilation and denial of the Kurdish identity,” Birand said.

Cihan news agency

May 26, 2011