Tag: Barzani

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  • Mula Mustafa Barzani was a KGB agent

    Mula Mustafa Barzani was a KGB agent

    By Dr.Kamal Said Qadir

    Vienna-Austria
    Mula Mustafa Barzani, the legendary Kurdish leader was a KGB-agent, codenamed “RAIS“,  and the Kurdish armed revolution started by Barzani Sep.11,1961 was in reality a KGB cover action to destabilize Western interests in the Middle East and put additional pressure on the Kassem government of Iraq.
    Whoever dares to mention these facts publicly in Kurdistan, his fate will be surely unknown. The least punishment he may receive would be enforced disappearance or even murder by sophisticated means, and the whole story of KGB-Barzani ties will be dismissed as a reckless defamation by the ruling Barzani family. Unfortunately for Barzani family, these facts are not a creation of some individuals, but contents of KGB-documents became recently accessible for scholars and public, or found their way to the West with defected KGB-officers after the collapse of the Soviet Union. There are two main documentary sources on KGB-Barzani ties, this paper relies on. The first are the archives of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which also contain the correspondence between KGB and the Central Committee. The most important documents mentioned here in this article goes back to 1961, the peak of the cold war.
    And the second sources are the so called “Mitrokhin archives“, which were smuggled to the West by the defected KGB-officer Mitrokhin after the collapse of the Soviet Union. In addition to the KGB-archives, this paper also relies on the memoirs written by former KGB-officers, where references also being made to Barzani and the Kurdish conflict. Here are the memoirs of the former KGB-general Sudoplatov, who was the head of the “SMERSH“, a special department within the Soviet Security Services, responsible for special
    operations broad, of great importance.
    There are also some scholars who conducted valuable research on KGB history using publicly accessible KGB-archives. The most important research paper I was able to find in this connection was the research paper delivered by Vladislav M. Zubok, a visiting scholar of the National Security Archives in Washington D.C. This paper is accessible online under HYPERLINK:
    The aim of the current paper on Barzani-KGB ties is simply the search for the truth in the public interest. The Barzani family has established a brutal and corrupt feudal political system in Iraqi-Kurdistan under the pretext that this family had led the Kurdish revolution. It is simply time to tell them the truth and remember them that the Kurds are freedom loving people and will never accept feudal rule. The Barzani family has misused the trust of Kurdish people and became increasingly an oligarchic family, the main aim of which is self-enrichment by illegal means and the monopoly of power by the members of this family. Murder, torture, abductions and intimidation are among the
    main methods of the family to silence the opponents by of the family. But apparently, such methods do not work well anymore in the new Iraq. My own abduction by the Parastin, the secret service of the Barzani family Oct. 26, 2005 in Erbil-Kurdistan for publishing some articles criticising the corrupt rule of the Barzani family and my subsequent release under international pressure is a further evidence that the arbitrary powers of the family are decreasing.
    The great international support for my case was based on the simple fact that the truth should not be silenced.
    And therefore I see it as my duty to continue searching for the truth.Barzani and KGB, Old Relations After the collapse of the Kurdish republic of Mahabad Dec.1946, Mustafa Barsani made his way to the Soviet borders with several hundred of his men. After arriving in the Soviet Union he received a great attention by the Soviet leadership and Soviet security services, who wanted to use the Kurds for their own ends. The first period of Barzani life in the Soviet Union and his political activities would have probably remained secret without the memoirs of the KGB-general Pavel Sudolatov, who later became the head of the “SMERSH“. Sudoplatov writes that he had met Barzani for
    the first time in Baku, shortly after the arrival of Barzani in the Soviet Union in 1947, with the aim to study the opportunities to use him to destabilize Western interests in the Middle East. Barzani and his men were to receive arms and military training in order to be sent back to Iraq for this purpose, writes Sudoplatov. Mula Mustafa Barzani must have been of extra ordinary importance for the Soviet leadership and Soviet security services, as he was cultivated by P. Sudoplatov, one of the most important figures within
    the Soviet Secret Services. Sudoplatov mentions in his memoirs that he has been responsible for assassination of Trotsky on Stalin’s order and for Soviet atomic espionage, which led to the building of the Soviet atom bomb.
    Charging Sudoplatov with negotiations with Mustafa Barzani is an evidence of the great expectation the Soviet leadership had from Barzani. But Sudoplatov was apparently not the only Soviet secret service officer to deal with Barzani. Sudoplatov mentions other officers, who succeeded him in dealing with Barzani. Sudoplatov meets Barzani for the second time in 1952 to negotiate with him on military training without mentioning any agreement reached among them. But Sudoplatov meets Barzani in 1953 in a military academy
    in Moscow, where both of them, Sudopatov and Barzani undergo military training. Barzani was apparently being prepared for a special task abroad. Sudoplatov reveals in his memoirs that Barzani told him then that the ties between his family and Russia are hundred years old and that his family had appealed to Russia for help before and received arms and ammunition from Russia sixty times. There are indeed other confidential reports on a visit to Russia made by the Sheikh Abdul Salam, the Sheikh of Barzan before the First World War There are no further reports available to me about the Barzani Russian ties before the WWI.
    The nature of relations between Mustafa Barzani and Soviet secret services during the period of 1947-1958 remains till now widely secret with the exception of the Sudoplatov memoirs. Also Mitrokhin archives and the publicly accessible KGB-archives make no mention of this period, but do deliver essential inform on the Barzani-KGB ties after 1958. From Mitrokhin archives we learn that the KGB has given Barzani the codename “RAIS“,
    and both of the archives, the Mitrokhin archives and the KGB-archives of the Central Committee of the CPSU reveal the big secret behind the Kurdish September revolution of 1961 led by Mustafa Barsani. According to these archives, this revolution was in reality not a real revolution but one of cover actions of KGB to destabilize Western interests in the Middle East.
    Shelepin, the KGB-chief in the 1960s, sent in 1961 a memorandum to Khrushchev containing plans “to cause uncertainty in government circles of the USA, England, Turkey, and Iran about the stability of their positions in the Middle and Near East.”  He offered to use old KGB connections with the chairman of Democratic party of Kurdistan, Mulla Mustafa Barzani, “to activate the movement of the Kurdish population of Iraq, Iran, and Turkey
    for creation of an independent Kurdistan that would include the provinces of
    aforementioned countries.”  Barzani was to be provided with necessary aid in arms and money.  “Given propitious developments,” noted Shelepin with foresight, “it would become advisable to express the solidarity of Soviet people with this movement of the Kurds.”
    “The movement for the creation of Kurdistan,” he predicted, “will evoke serious concern among Western powers and first of all in England regarding [their access to] oil in Iraq and Iran, and in the United States regarding its military bases in Turkey.  All that will create also difficulties for [Iraqi Prime Minister Gen. Abdul Karim] KASSIM who has begun to conduct a pro-Western policy, especially in recent time.” Shelepin also proposed an initiative to entice Egyptian President Gamal Abdul Nasser, a Third World leader avidly courted by both East and West, into throwing his support behind the Kurds.
    Shelepin suggested informing Nasser “through unofficial channels” that, in the event of a Kurdish victory, Moscow “might take a benign look at the integration of the non-Kurdish part of Iraqi territory with the UAR”–the United Arab Republic, a short-lived union of Egypt and Syria reflecting Nasser’s pan-Arab nationalism–“on the condition of NASSER’s support for the creation of an independent Kurdistan.” ( Shelepin to Khrushchev, 29 July
    1961, in St.-191/75gc, 1 August 1961, TsKhSD, fond 4, opis 13, delo 81, ll. 131-32) (see Zubok, 21).
    When a Kurdish rebellion indeed broke out in Iraqi Kurdistan in September 1961, the KGB quickly responded with additional proposals to exploit the situation.  KGB Deputy Chairman Peter Ivashutin proposed–“In accord with the decision of the CC CPSU…of 1 August 1961 on the implementation of measures favouring the distraction of the attention and forces of the USA and her allies from West Berlin, and in view of the armed uprisings of the Kurdish tribes that have begun in the North of Iraq”–to: 1) use the KGB to organize pro-Kurdish and anti-Kassim protests in India, Indonesia, Afghanistan, Guinea, and other countries; 2) have the KGB meet with Barzani to urge him to “seize the leadership of the Kurdish movements in his hands and to lead it along the democratic road,” and to advise him to “keep a low profile in the course of this activity so that the West did not have a pretext to blame the USSR in meddling into the internal affairs of Iraq”; and 3) assign the KGB to recruit and train a “special armed detachment (500-700 men)” drawn from Kurds living in the USSR in the event that Moscow might need to send Barzani “various military experts (Artillerymen, radio operators, demolition
    squads, etc.)” to support the Kurdish uprising. ( P. Ivashutin to CC CPSU, 27 September 1961, St.-199/10c, 3 October 1961, TsKhSD, fond 4, opis 13, delo 85, ll. 1-4). (see Zubok,21)What Ivashutin did not know, was the fact that the West already had information on Barzani special ties with the Soviet Union. The U.S. officials had noted with concern the possibility “that Barzani might be useful to Moscow.
    In an October 1958 cable to the State Department three months after a military coup brought Kassim to power, the U.S. ambassador to Iraq, Waldemar J. Gallman, stated that “Communists also have potential for attack [on Iraqi Prime Minister Kassim-ed.] on another point through returned Kurdish leader Mulla Mustafa Barzani.  He spent last eleven years in exile in Soviet Union.  His appeal to majority of Iraqi Kurds is strong and his ability [to] disrupt stability almost endless.  Thus we believe that today greatest potential threat to stability and even existence of Qassim’s [Kassim’s]
    regime lies in hands of Communists.”  See Gallman to Department of State, 14 October 1958, in U.S. Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960, Vol. XII (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1993), 344-46 (see Zubok, 21). So became the Kurdish conflict an instrument in the hands of Moscow to exercise pressure on successive Iraqi regimes.
    According to Mitrokhin archives, the KGB sent Yevgeni Primakov, codenamed “MAKS“ to Iraq in the 1960s under the cover of a journalist. Yevgeni Primakov was to play later a leading role in the Kurdish question, especially in the conclusion of the autonomy agreement between the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Iraqi regime March 1970. The
    Baath regime has to accept the Soviet conditions in return for the mediation, since the Iraqi army was completely exhausted by fighting with the Kurds. Iraqi regime has to ease pressure on the Iraqi Communist Party and establish close ties with the Soviet Union.After the March agreement the Iraqi regime gained strength with Soviet support and began to obstruct the implementation of the March agreement. And the Soviet Union, having successfully used the Kurdish card to influence the Iraqi foreign policy, turned its back to the Kurds. Barzani in return moved closer to CIA, Mossad and Savakis. The Iraqi-Soviet honey moon lasted till the collapse of the Kurdish uprising after it was betrayed by the Western allies and Iran in 1975. After this date, the Iraqi regime resumed its oppressive politics towards the Iraqi Communist Party and began to come closer to the West. And the Soviet Union resumed its use for the Kurdish card.
    Since that time the history has repeated itself several times and the Barzani family has often changed the fronts between, KGB, CIA and Mossad. The drama is continuing.
    , August 23, 2006
  • Kurdish mag sparks wrath by urging Jews to return

    Kurdish mag sparks wrath by urging Jews to return

    AFP/File – Dawood Baghestani, Iraqi Kurdish editor-in-chief of "Israel-Kurd", holds a copy of the magazine …
    Dawood Baghestani, Iraqi Kurdish editor-in-chief of "Israel-Kurd", holds a copy of the magazine in Arbil, the capital of Iraq's autonomous Kurdish region. The newly launched monthly magazine has caused a stir in northern Iraq after calling on Jewish Kurds to return to the region. (AFP/File/Safin Hamed)

    by Abdel Hamid Zebari

    ARBIL, Iraq (AFP) – A new magazine in Iraq’s Kurdistan region has caused furore among conservative Muslims with a rousing call for Jews to leave Israel — and come back to Iraq.

    The magazine, “Israel-Kurd”, is the brainchild of Dawood Baghestani, the 62-year-old former chief of the autonomous northern region’s human rights commission.

    The glossy, full-colour monthly in Kurdish and English has a lofty mission: to help solve the intractable Israeli-Palestinian conflict by convincing more than 150,000 Kurdish Jews living in Israel to return to Iraqi Kurdistan, Baghestani told AFP.

    “The biggest reason behind the complexity of the Palestinian problem is the unjust practices of Arab regimes against the Jews — there are more than 1.5 million Jews originally from Arab countries in Israel,” Baghestani said.

    “If the Jews had not been subject to an exodus, the Palestinians wouldn’t have been either,” he said, referring to the flight of 700,000 Palestinians from the newly created Jewish state in 1948 during the first Arab-Israeli war.

    “If the situation in our new federal and democratic Iraq, and particularly in Kurdistan, becomes stable, then many Jews would want to return and reduce the number of Jewish settlements in Palestine.”

    The latest edition of the 52-page magazine, which has a circulation of around 1,500 copies, features a woman draped in an Israeli flag on the cover.

    Inside are stories about Kurdish Jewish traditions and photographs from the first half of the twentieth century, as well as arguments on how a return of Jews would help to build a wealthy and strong Kurdistan.

    But many people in Iraq are not buying the argument.

    “I’m suspicious. I don’t see the point of this kind of publication,” said Zana Rustayi, a representative of the Islamist Jamaa Islamiya party in the regional assembly.

    “The Kurds are part of the Muslim nation, and Kurdistan is part of Iraq.”

    Iraq has no relations with Israel, and the country was an implacable foe of the Jewish state under the regime of former dictator Saddam Hussein, who was overthrown by the US-led invasion in 2003.

    A Sunni member of parliament in Baghdad, Mithal Alusi, was suspended from parliament and threatened with charges last year after visiting Israel for a conference. The decision was later overturned by the constitutional court.

    Dawood Baghestani, Iraqi Kurdish editor-in-chief of 'Israel-Kurd', reads a copy of the magazine in Arbil, the capital of Iraq's autonomous Kurdish region. The newly launched monthly magazine has caused a stir in northern Iraq after calling on Jewish Kurds to return to the region. Photo:Safin Hamed/AFP
    Dawood Baghestani, Iraqi Kurdish editor-in-chief of 'Israel-Kurd', reads a copy of the magazine in Arbil, the capital of Iraq's autonomous Kurdish region. The newly launched monthly magazine has caused a stir in northern Iraq after calling on Jewish Kurds to return to the region. Photo:Safin Hamed/AFP

    Kurdistan does have a warmer history with the Jewish state, however. Many of the current crop of Kurdish leaders have visited Israel in past decades.

    Jews lived in Kurdistan for centuries, working as traders, farmers and artisans.

    But the creation of Israel and the rise of Arab nationalism in the mid-twentieth century dramatically altered the situation, spurring most of Kurdistan’s Jews to leave.

    Baghestani — who has been to Israel four times, including on a clandestine trip in 1967 — denies that he works for the Israelis.

    “What I am asking for is enshrined in the constitution: every Iraqi has the right to return to one’s homeland. Jews who were Iraqi citizens were subject to injustice,” he said.

    “If every Arab country allowed the Jews to return, ensured their safety and gave them back their land,Palestinian refugees would be able to return to their territory because Israel would not need so much land.”

    Mahmud Othman, a Kurdish Coalition MP in Baghdad, disputes this. He says that while relations with Israel may be a nice idea, such a move would not be pragmatic for a region ringed by other Muslim states.

    “Kurdistan needs the Arabs. We are living in an Arab country and we are federal region within Iraq. We don’t need a relationship with (Israel), we need a relationship with Arabs, we need a relationship with Iran, we need to be close to Turkey,” Othman said.

    “I haven’t heard of any Jews in Israel trying to return to Kurdistan. I think they’re better off there.”

    Source:  news.yahoo.com, Aug 12, 2009

    Southern commander Zvika Zamir teaching a Kurdish fighter how to assemble a Galil rifle (1969)
    Southern commander Zvika Zamir teaching a Kurdish fighter how to assemble a Galil rifle (1969)

    Source:  www.nrg.co.il, ג’קי חוגי | 10/8/2009

  • Kurdish leaders are drunk with power

    Kurdish leaders are drunk with power

    by Michael Rubin
    Daily Star (Beirut)
    July 1, 2009

    On June 12, Iranians voted for a president. While the Islamic Republic may not be a democracy, its leadership has always looked to the polls to bestow popular legitimacy. Ayatollah Ahmad Janati, chairman of the Guardian Council, for example, said just two days before the election: “The enemies have always tried to question the legitimacy of the regime by trying to reduce public participation in elections … The people must blind the eyes of the enemies by vast participation in elections.” Iran’s desire for elections, however, does not extend to accepting their results. Outraged, millions took to the streets across the country, some chanting “Death to the Dictator.”

    Iranians, however, may not be the only ones to take to the streets to protest election fraud this summer. On July 25, Iraqi Kurds will vote in long-delayed regional elections. For the first time, the major political figures – Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) leader Massoud Barzani and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) leader, and Iraqi president, Jalal Talabani – face serious local opposition.

    In the wake of Kuwait’s liberation in 1991, Iraqi Kurds rose up against Saddam Hussein’s tyrannical rule. Rather than allow Saddam’s helicopter gunships to massacre the civilian population, the United States, France, Turkey and Great Britain created a safe-haven in northern Iraq. The following winter, Saddam withdrew Iraqi officials from what would become Iraqi Kurdistan, believing he could starve the Kurds into submission. It did not work. The Kurds organized elections. Almost a million people voted. Barzani edged out Talabani, 45 to 44 percent, with smaller parties splitting the remainder. Power sharing was not always smooth: Both leaders like to command; both became addicted to power. So long as Saddam remained a threat, Kurds tolerated abuses. Since Saddam’s fall, however, impatience at the failure to reform has grown.

    While the Kurdistan Regional Government could once describe itself as a democratic beacon in the region, today such depictions lack credibility. Seventeen years after its first election, Iraqi Kurdistan is at best as democratic as Egypt or Iran, and worst akin to Syria or Tunisia. Corruption is rife. Barzani uses the government budget as a family slush fund, for example donating hundreds of millions of dollars from public coffers to allow a relative to win a 2007 bid to operate an Iraq-wide cell phone company. Few profitable businesses – oil, finance, industry or trade – can operate without either silent partnership with or outright payment to the Barzani or Talabani families.

    Nepotism is also rife. Barzani, for example, appointed his son to head the region’s intelligence service, the dreaded Parastin, which Amnesty International has accused of torture. While free media have become an engine for democracy in the rest of Iraq, the Kurdish security services threaten, harass, and in some cases even kill independent journalists.

    The people of Iraqi Kurdistan say they have had enough. Noshirwan Mustafa, Talabani’s one-time deputy, has joined the former KDP secretary general to form a rival election list. Two prominent Islamic parties have joined with secular counterparts to create an additional reform list. Both challenging lists are polling well.

    Barzani and Talabani are worried. Rather than allow open election lists as in the rest of Iraq, the Kurdish leaders insist that party lists be closed, a way of preventing voter repulsion at examples of nepotism or those known to be abusive of power. As the rival lists, the Change List and the Service and Reform List, have gained traction, the Kurdish security forces have threatened and roughed up opposition candidates. Party officials have told apolitical bureaucrats that they will lose their jobs if they do not support Barzani and Talabani. There is widespread belief that KDP and PUK officials have compromised the Independent Higher Election Commission’s regional offices after KDP security forces visited and, in some cases, arrested opposition candidates within hours of their filing theoretically confidential candidacy papers.

    As has the Islamic Republic’s leaders, Iraqi Kurdistan’s leaders speak of democracy, but have become drunk with power, and disdainful of public accountability. As in Iran, Kurdistan Regional Government officials have amassed vast fortunes inconsistent with salaries. Today, ordinary Kurds refer to Barzani, his nephew, and his sons, as “little Saddams.” Actually, “little Rafsanjanis” might be as accurate. As in Iran, Iraqi Kurdish officials have also worked to constrain independent monitoring which might report on intimidation and interference before election day.

    As a consequence of all this, it appears that the Iraqi Kurdish people seek change. What remains to be seen, however, is if Iraqi Kurds will stand up for freedom and liberty as have the Iranian protestors, and if the Iraqi Kurdish security forces will, like their Iranian counterparts, use the point of a gun and midnight roundups to disenfranchise a deserving people.

    Michael Rubin, a senior editor of the Middle East Quarterly, is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and a senior lecturer at the Naval Postgraduate School.

  • Abbas visits Iraq’s Kurdish region

    Abbas visits Iraq’s Kurdish region

    Mahmud Abbas (L) shakes hands with Massud Barzani
    Mahmud Abbas (L) shakes hands with Massud Barzani

    ARBIL, Iraq (AFP) — Palestinian president Mahmud Abbas on Monday met Kurdish regional government leader Massud Barzani in a visit aimed at cementing ties between the two largest stateless peoples in the Middle East. (!!)

    “We did not need any invitation to visit this brotherly nation and we have felt for a long time that the doors were always open to us without even needing to make an appointment,” Abbas said at a joint news conference.

    “The honourable president Barzani was not even told of our visit until 24 hours beforehand and he said ‘Ahlan wa Sahlan,’” Abbas said, using the common Arabic form of greeting.

    Barzani for his part praised Abbas for being the first “president” to visit the autonomous region in northern Iraq.

    “We are used to our Palestinian brothers always being in the forefront of aiding our people in the past and present,” he said. “This visit will cement the relationship between our two peoples with their similar suffering.

    “Just as he is the first president to visit the region we expect and we hope that the Palestinian consulate will be the first consulate to open in Arbil.”

    Abbas is the president of the Palestinian Authority, an entity created by the 1993 Oslo autonomy accords that governs parts of the Israeli-occupied West Bank.

    Abbas’s forces were driven out of the Gaza Strip by the Islamist Hamas movement in June 2007.

    Barzani is the president of the autonomous Kurdish region of northern Iraq. The Kurds, numbering between 25 and 35 million people, are concentrated in a region overlapping Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria and have never had a state.

    Abbas’s trip came one week after he held talks with Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, a Kurd, in Baghdad, in what was the first visit to Iraq by a Palestinian leader since the 2003-US led invasion that ousted Saddam Hussein.

    Saddam was a vocal patron of the Palestinians under Abbas’s predecessor Yasser Arafat but ruled the Kurds with an iron fist, brutally crushing Kurdish rebellions in the 1980s and killing an estimated 182,000 people.

    Copyright © 2009 AFP. All rights reserved

    Source:  www.google.com/hostednews/afp, 13 April 2009

  • Greater Israel

    Greater Israel

    By Wayne Madsen
    Online Journal Contributing Writer

    Jan 30, 2009, 00:20

    WMR) — Israeli expansionists, their intentions to take full control of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip and permanently keep the Golan Heights of Syria and expand into southern Lebanon already well known, also have their eyes on parts of Iraq considered part of a biblical “Greater Israel.”

    Israel reportedly has plans to relocate thousands of Kurdish Jews from Israel, including expatriates from Kurdish Iran, to the Iraqi cities of Mosul and Nineveh under the guise of religious pilgrimages to ancient Jewish religious shrines. According to Kurdish sources, the Israelis are secretly working with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) to carry out the integration of Kurdish and other Jews into areas of Iraq under control of the KRG.

    Kurdish, Iraqi Sunni Muslims, and Turkmen have noted that Kurdish Israelis began to buy land in Iraqi Kurdistan, after the U.S. invasion in 2003, that is considered historical Jewish “property.”

    The Israelis are particularly interested in the shrine of the Jewish prophet Nahum in al Qush, the prophet Jonah in Mosul, and the tomb of the prophet Daniel in Kirkuk. Israelis are also trying to claim Jewish “properties” outside of the Kurdish region, including the shrine of Ezekiel in the village of al-Kifl in Babel Province near Najaf and the tomb of Ezra in al-Uzayr in Misan Province, near Basra, both in southern Iraq’s Shi’a-dominated territory. Israeli expansionists consider these shrines and tombs as much a part of “Greater Israel” as Jerusalem and the West Bank, which they call “Judea and Samaria.”

    Kurdish and Iraqi sources report that Israel’s Mossad is working hand-in-hand with Israeli companies and “tourists” to stake a claim to the Jewish “properties” of Israel in Iraq. The Mossad has already been heavily involved in training the Kurdish Pesha Merga military forces.

    Reportedly assisting the Israelis are foreign mercenaries paid for by U.S. Christian evangelical circles that support the concept of “Christian Zionism.”

    Iraqi nationalists charge that the Israeli expansion into Iraq is supported by both major Kurdish factions, including the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan headed by Iraq’s nominal President Jalal Talabani. Talabani’s son, Qubad Talabani, serves as the KRG’s representative in Washington, where he lives with his wife Sherri Kraham, who is Jewish.

    Also supporting the Israeli land acquisition activities is the Kurdistan Democratic Party, headed by Massoud Barzani, the president of the KRG. One of Barzani’s five sons, Binjirfan Barzani, is reportedly heavily involved with the Israelis.

    The Israelis and their Christian Zionist supporters enter Iraq not through Baghdad but through Turkey. In order to depopulate residents of lands the Israelis claim, Mossad operatives and Christian Zionist mercenaries are staging terrorist attacks against Chaldean Christians, particularly in Nineveh, Irbil, al-Hamdaniya, Bartalah, Talasqaf, Batnayah, Bashiqah, Elkosheven, Uqrah, and Mosul.

    These attacks by the Israelis and their allies are usually reported as being the responsibility of “Al Qaeda” and other Islamic “jihadists.”

    The ultimate aim of the Israelis is to depopulate the Christian population in and around Mosul and claim the land as biblical Jewish land that is part of “Greater Israel.” The Israeli/Christian Zionist operation is a replay of the depopulation of the Palestinians in the British mandate of Palestine after World War II.

    In June 2003, a delegation of Israelis visited Mosul and said that it was Israel’s intentions, with the assistance of Barzani, to establish Israeli control of the shrine of Jonah in Mosul and the shrine of Nahum in the Mosul plains. The Israelis said Israeli and Iranian Jewish pilgrims would travel via Turkey to the area of Mosul and take over lands where Iraqi Christians lived.

    Previously published in the Wayne Madsen Report.

    Copyright © 2008 WayneMadenReport.com

    Wayne Madsen is a Washington, DC-based investigative journalist and nationally-distributed columnist. He is the editor and publisher of the Wayne Madsen Report (subscription required).

    Copyright © 1998-2007 Online Journal

    Source:  Online Journal, Jan 30, 2009