Tag: Barack Obama

  • Iran, Afghanistan to test Turkish-U.S. ties

    Iran, Afghanistan to test Turkish-U.S. ties

    ANKARA (Reuters) – Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan may face probing questions about whether NATO member Turkey is tilting away from the West and toward Iran when he meets U.S. President Barack Obama next week.

    Erdogan, whose party has Islamist roots, visits Washington at a time when Ankara’s efforts to cultivate stronger ties with Tehran have raised concerns among Western allies.

    The two leaders are expected to discuss Iran’s nuclear program and whether Turkey can send more troops to Afghanistan to support an increase in U.S. forces Obama announced this week.

    “Iran is going to be the key test in terms of Turkish-U.S. ties,” said Ian Lesser of the German Marshall Fund think-tank.

    In U.S. eyes, Turkey’s blossoming relations with Iran have eased Tehran’s isolation when Washington is trying to pressure the Islamic republic into a deal to satisfy the West that there was no covert program to become a nuclear weapons state.

    Last month, Erdogan visited Tehran to sign gas and trade deals and hosted “good friend” Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad at a summit of Islamic countries in Istanbul.

    The Turkish leader dismayed allies when he called sanctions imposed on Iran “arrogant” and said countries opposing its atomic work should give up their own nuclear arms.

    Obama, who visited Turkey in April, has said Ankara can play a positive role in easing the dispute with Iran.

    “The Obama administration will want to make sure Ankara uses its influence to deliver some tough messages to Iran,” Lesser said.

    Other examples of what a European diplomat in Ankara called Erdogan’s “worrying behavior” include the souring of ties between Turkey and Israel, and Erdogan’s support for Sudan’s indicted President Omar Hassan al-Bashir.

    AFGHANISTAN

    Analysts say that despite differences, Turkey remains an invaluable U.S. ally as Washington needs its help to confront challenges in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq and the Middle East.

    Turkey is a major transit route for U.S. troops and equipment destined for Iraq, and Incirlik air force base could play a key role as U.S. forces are drawn down.

    “The American side does not seem to have the intention of rocking the boat in relations with Turkey because Turkey is too important,” said Semih Idiz, a columnist for Milliyet newspaper.

    “The issues related to Iraq, Afghanistan and Caucasus all matter a great deal to the United States,” Idiz said.

    Obama announced on Tuesday he was sending 30,000 more U.S. soldiers to Afghanistan. Washington wants allies to follow suit.

    Turkey has some 1,750 troops in and around Kabul who are not engaged in combat operations and Ankara has long resisted pressure from Washington to offer more combat troops.

    U.S. ambassador to Turkey James Jeffrey said Obama and Erdogan would discuss the issue, adding: “We’re expecting flexibility on the definition of the mission Turkish troops will undertake. Every soldier in Afghanistan is a combat force.”

    Murat Yetkin, a columnist for Radikal newspaper, said that in return, Erdogan could seek U.S. help to push peace talks between Greek and Turkish Cypriots aimed at ending the division of the Mediterranean island of Cyprus. The dispute has dogged Turkey’s bid to join the European Union.

    Turkish and U.S. officials said the Armenian issue, which has poisoned ties in recent years, will also be discussed.

    Turkey and Armenia signed historic accords in October to end a century of hostility and open their border. But Turkish demands for progress in resolving a standoff between Armenia and its Muslim ally Azerbaijan over the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave could stall a final deal.

    Obama has avoided using the word genocide when referring to the killings of Armenians by Ottoman Turks in 1915 and has welcomed efforts by Turkey and Armenia to normalize relations.

    Turkey accepts that many Christian Armenians were killed by Ottoman Turks during World War One but strongly denies that up to 1.5 million died as a result of systematic genocide.

    (Additonal reporting by Zerin Elci; Editing by Simon Cameron-Moore and Paul Taylor)

  • Patrik Bartholomeos, Let’s Turn the Hatred Door into Friendship Door

    Patrik Bartholomeos, Let’s Turn the Hatred Door into Friendship Door

    Sibel Keskin [[email protected]]

    In the recent years, the Fener Greek Patriarchate has been trying to make its name known and gain sympathy with dialogue attempts and peaceful statements in many fields. On the contrary, despite all the efforts, it is known that the Patriarchate is a church which follows its customs as strictly as to reject any negotiation and criticism on issues which are directly related with it.

    Even Patriarch Patrik Bartholomeos, who conveys Turkey that he is a loyal citizen and pays attention to create an image as such, is not able to eliminate certain practices which are regarded as evil attitudes in the public opinion.

    The Fener Greek Patriarchate demands lots from Turkey, and does not refrain from taking its problems to the courts and even complaining to other countries and the ECHR.  However, it stubbornly rejects the proposals to open the “Hatred Door” which has been cited both by the official channels and the non-governmental organizations since the foundation of the Republic and has caused serious suspicion and unrest in the public opinion.

    This strict attitude leads to a widespread approval by the public opinion of the view that the “Patriarchate is a seedbed of trouble and betrayal that has been involved in any kind of activity against Turkey including the Morean rebellion in 1821, the War of Independence, the Lausanne Treaty and the Paris Accord of 1947”.

    The “Hatred Door” which creates serious unrest in the Turkish public opinion has been closed since 1821. In the years between 1820-1821, Greeks massacred thousands of Turks in the Morea; as a result of the investigations, it was found out that the mentioned massacre against the Turks in the Morea was organized by the then Fener Greek Patriarch Gregorius, and the Patriarchate was acting as a “command-control center”. After plans and documents related to the Morean rebellion and the massacre were found in the Patriarchate, Gregorius was tried and executed in front of the main door of the church for having “betrayed his country”.

    The then Patriarchate administration decided “to keep the door closed until the revenge of Gregorius was taken, a Turkish statesman was hung at the same place, and Istanbul was taken over by Greece”. The main door is still closed and the door for the servants is used for entrance. The Hatred Door which has been closed for 188 years cannot avoid causing such a description that “the Patriarchate is the Trojan horse of Greece”.

    Thus, it would be regarded as “an indication of goodwill and sincerity” if the Fener Greek Patriarchate, which nowadays keeps making lists of demands to Turkey, opens and turns the “Hatred Door” into “Friendship Door”.

    Sibel Keskin

    [email protected]

  • Why Obama Will Praise Erdogan

    Why Obama Will Praise Erdogan

    The Good Rapprochement: Why Obama Will Praise Erdogan
    Soner Cagaptay
    Hurriyet Daily News
    November 25, 2009

    What will U.S. President Barack Obama and Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan discuss when they meet in the White House on Dec. 7? There is going to be some give and take on a variety of issues, including Iran. But both leaders will agree on Iraq.

    Ever since coming to power in 2002, the Justice and Development Party, or AKP, government in Ankara has come under fire for pursuing rapprochement with the wrong international partners. The AKP has faced criticism for warming up to Sudan and Iran, whose authoritarian and anti-Western regimes contrast with Turkey’s political system. Yet, another rapprochement the AKP has pursued deserves praise: The party has painstakingly built ties between Ankara and Baghdad, and improved relations with the Iraqi Kurdistan Regional Government, or KRG. Mr. Erdogan should expect praise from President Obama for holding Iraq’s and the KRG’s hands, and for helping the Iraqis emerge from the trauma of the war and rebuild. What is more, in a region wrought by win-lose thinking, the improvements in Turkish-Iraqi ties nurtured by the AKP serve as a sign that at least part of the Middle East is open to win-win politics.

    The most symbolic sign of Turkish-Iraqi rapprochement is the opening of two Turkish diplomatic missions in Iraq, respectively in Basra and Arbil. A Turkish consulate was opened in Basra recently, and another mission is scheduled to be opened in Arbil soon.

    These two missions serve as a sign that Turkish-Iraqi and Turkish-KRG ties have come around. Only two years ago, I was getting calls from frantic journalists asking whether the Turkish military was going to invade Iraq. Today, it is Turkish diplomats and businessmen who are doing the invading.

    One reason driving this change has been the shift in Iraqi Kurds’ evaluation of their strategic environment. Between 2003 and 2006, when a majority of Sunni Arabs and Shiite Arabs fought against the United States, the Iraqi Kurds were a significant ally for Washington in Iraq. This equation earned the Kurds American backing in Baghdad. In due course, the Kurds achieved many gains, such as recognition of the KRG as a federal entity.

    That situation, however, changed after 2006. First, the United States co-opted the Sunni Arabs through the Awakening Councils. Then, Washington made peace with the Shiite Arabs. The new relationship with both Arab groups allowed the United States to zoom out from Baghdad and see the big picture in Iraq. Washington realized that if the Iraqi state is to function, its modus operandi must continue to satisfy the Arabs, who constitute the vast majority of Iraq’s population.

    Hence, the United States started to back the Arabs over the Kurds on several crucial issues. In February 2007, Washington pressured the Kurds until they agreed to a hydrocarbon law favorable to the Iraqi Arabs and the central government. The United States dealt a second blow to the Kurds on the Kirkuk issue. Washington pressured the Kurds to drop their insistence on carrying out a referendum in Kirkuk by the constitutionally mandated deadline of Dec. 31, 2007. The referendum would have annexed oil-rich Kirkuk to the KRG, fulfilling a Kurdish dream.

    These U.S. actions convinced the Kurds, perhaps somewhat prematurely, that America had abandoned them in favor of the Iraqi Arabs. This rationale forced the Iraqi Kurds, already fearful of Iran’s influence in Iraq, to turn to their remaining neighbor: Turkey.

    The KRG’s turn towards Ankara brought the Iraqi Kurds into closer cooperation with Turkey against the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK. In the 1990s, the Iraqi Kurds helped Ankara against the PKK when Turkey helped them. At this time, Ankara provided the Iraqi Kurds with access to U.S. military protection against Saddam. After Saddam was removed in 2003, the Iraqi Kurds shortsightedly concluded that they did not need Turkey anymore. This calculus precipitated four years of KRG foot dragging on the PKK issue. That ended in 2007. Within the background of their new security environment, the Iraqi Kurds decided that they still needed Turkey and that they were better served by building a long-term relationship with Ankara.

    Enter the AKP. The party utilized this strategic opening, building ties with Iraqi Kurds. At the same time, the AKP was smart enough to also cultivate good ties with non-Kurdish Iraqi factions. In due course, Turkey emerged as an honest broker inside Iraq, enjoying good ties with Kurds and Arabs, Sunnis and Shiites alike.

    Subsequently, the KRG and Turkey have built strong ties, extending from Iraqi Kurdish commercial contracts awarded to Turkish companies, to likely pipeline and energy deals between Turkey and the KRG, to close contact between Turkish and KRG intelligence officials. Meanwhile, Turkey has become a force to reckon with inside Iraq, from Arbil in the north to Basra in the south.

    Turkey’s rapprochement with Iraq and the KRG has been quite smart. Iraq is more stable today thanks to Turkey. Ankara enjoys unprecedented political and economic power inside Iraq, and moreover, it has managed to align the Iraqi Kurds along its policy of countering the PKK.

    Furthermore, the AKP’s rapprochement with Iraq has earned it brownie points with the Obama administration. Since the administration wants to wrap up the Iraq war while ensuring the nation’s future stability, Turkey’s constructive involvement in Iraq has made Ankara an asset for President Obama ahead of Erdogan’s Dec. 7 Washington visit. The Turkish-Iraqi-KRG rapprochement is indeed a win-win case. That is rare indeed in the Middle East, and this is one reason why Erdogan should expect some praise from President Obama.

    Soner Cagaptay is a senior fellow and director of the Turkish Research Program at The Washington Institute.

  • Slipping in Turkey

    Slipping in Turkey


    An Islamist government’s commitment to democratic principles is looking shaky.

    Monday, November 23, 2009
    WallStreet Journal

    RECEP TAYYIP ERDOGAN has been the protagonist of an epic liberalization of politics in Turkey. The victory of his mildly Islamist AK Party in a 2002 general election was itself a breakthrough; even more so was his government’s defeat of repeated attempts by the military and courts to remove it from power. Mr. Erdogan is pushing through historic reforms of Turkey’s treatment of its Kurdish minority and recently took a major step toward opening the country’s border with Armenia.
    Yet, as his tenure lengthens, it is becoming evident that Mr. Erdogan’s commitment to democratic principles and Western values is far from complete. As Turkey’s prospects of joining the European Union have dimmed, the government’s foreign policy has taken a nasty turn: Shrill denunciations of Israel have been accompanied by increasing coziness with the criminal rulers of Iran, Syria and Sudan. Mr. Erdogan recently declared that Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir, who has been indicted for war crimes in Darfur, was welcome in Turkey because “a Muslim can never commit genocide.”

    Even more concerning is Mr. Erdogan’s treatment of the Turkish media. Frustrated by hostility toward his government by media conglomerates that formed part of Turkey’s traditional secular establishment, the prime minister and his allies have resorted to increasingly heavy-handed measures. Two years ago a forced sale of the country’s second-biggest newspaper placed it in the hands of a company headed by Mr. Erdogan’s son-in-law. Once critical, it is now predictably pro-government.

    Now the government is threatening to destroy Turkey’s largest media company, Dogan Yayin. The conglomerate, which controls seven newspapers, 28 magazines and three television channels — including Turkey’s version of CNN — has been hit with an escalating series of tax bills based on questionable audits of past filings. The latest one, delivered in September, now stands at some $3.3 billion — a sum greater than the value of Dogan Yayin and its parent company.

    Faced with sharp criticism by the European Union, Mr. Erdogan and his foreign minister have insisted that the tax bills are a “technical matter”; in one interview the prime minister compared them to the tax case brought against gangster Al Capone. The parallel was unintentionally revealing. Mr. Erdogan’s real problem is not with the company’s supposed tax evasion but with its tough reporting on his government — beginning with reports about an Islamic charity that may have illegally funneled money to his party.
    Turkish journalists say that a pall of fear has fallen across their business. Editors practice self-censorship. Many journalists are believed to be among the more than 100,000 people whose phones have been tapped by the government in recent years. Some, including the chief executive of Dogan Yayin, have been swept up in a murky investigation of alleged coup plotting.
    Mr. Erdogan and his party were once seen by many in Washington as a model for how pious Muslims could practice democratic politics. That image is rapidly darkening. If it is not to be extinguished, Mr. Erdogan must stop coddling Muslim dictators — and stop following their practice of silencing domestic opposition.

  • A Call to Mobilize the Diaspora,

    A Call to Mobilize the Diaspora,

    Delivered at ANC Banquet

    SASSUN-2

    Publisher, The California Courier

    At its annual banquet on November 8, the Armenian National Committee (Western U.S.), honored California Attorney General Jerry Brown, former governor and current gubernatorial candidate, with the Freedom Award; California State Senator Mark Wyland, and California State Assembly Assistant Majority Leader and candidate for L.A. City Council Paul Krekorian as Legislators of the Year; and Harut Sassounian, Publisher of the California Courier, with the Legacy Award. California State Assemblyman Anthony Protantino was master of ceremonies. More than 700 guests attended the event held at the Pasadena Convention Center.

    The honorees received special commendations from members of Congress, State Senators and the L.A. City Council. Cong. Brad Sherman presented Harut Sassounian with a flag flown over the U.S. Capitol. Among the many congratulatory letters received by ANC was a message from Mr. Kirk Kerkorian: “I have known Harut for many years, and I am proud of the good work he has done for Armenia and on behalf of the Armenian community worldwide. I congratulate the ANC for honoring him.”

    In introducing this columnist, ANC Board Member Pattyl Aposhian-Kasparian stated:

    “What is it about Harut Sassounian that draws such a large number of admirers from all walks of life to follow the stroke of his pen? The word activist or visionary hardly explains it. Tireless leader and devoted teacher to generations of Armenian-Americans start to scratch the surface. The attraction to Harut lies in his passion with a direct magnetic draw to his courage, exuberance and resolve.

    “Harut is a highly respected name in many circles. He has helped define the political fabric of our time, championed free speech and fought on local, national and international grounds for justice. His persistence has received national media attention and has gently pushed open the gates of reform.

    “His first major activism proved successful at the U.N. in the 1970’s. From that day forward, Harut has served as a timeless moral voice — an author, publisher, speaker, community activist and leader.

    “Through his columns, Harut is one of the first to diagnose a problem and write a prescription. Countless examples come to mind: The campaign against the L.A. Times and its Managing Editor Douglas Frantz; lobbying against Time magazine for inserting a Turkish denialist DVD; blocking the nomination of Amb. Hoagland after the dismissal of Amb. Evans; initiating a letter writing campaign to counter the denial of the Armenian Genocide by the British Ambassador to Armenia; and opposing plans by PBS stations to air a panel discussion with denialists of the Armenian Genocide. And the list goes on to cover more than 30 years of activism.”

    In accepting the award, I made the following remarks:

    “Our collective efforts on behalf of the Armenian Cause stem from the tragic fact that a terrible injustice was committed against our people more than 90 years ago.

    “The Genocide and the loss of our homeland went unnoticed by the international community for many decades, until our people, led by our political organizations, rose from the ashes of decimation and defeat, and struggled to regain their rights. As a result, the Armenian Genocide is universally recognized, and is no longer a forgotten episode.

    “Nevertheless, today’s Turkish Government, the successor of the regime that committed the Genocide, continues to deny this massive crime, benefiting to this day from our looted assets and properties.

    “This injustice cannot and must not go on! We need to do everything in our power to restore justice! We demand the return of the stolen properties and occupied territories to their proper owners — the Armenian nation!

    “To accomplish this monumental task, we need the participation of every Armenian, as well as the support of all those who side with truth and justice.

    “As we have seen in recent months, Armenia’s leaders are under tremendous international pressure to make major concessions to both Turkey and Azerbaijan. Armenia is too small and too weak to be able to withstand such powerful pressures all by itself! Diaspora-Armenians on the other hand, are under no such constraints.

    “It is incumbent on all of us to lend a helping hand to reduce the pressures on Armenia. Armenians in all countries, particularly those in the United States, Russia and Europe, should lobby their respective governments to counter their unjust and one-sided support for Turkey and Azerbaijan.

    “We should make this effort, regardless of whether our help is requested or even appreciated by the Armenian government.

    “Of course, our lobbying efforts would be much more effective, if carried out in a cooperative and coordinated manner both within the Diaspora and between the Diaspora and Armenia.

    “We should also not hold back any political, economic or humanitarian assistance from our people in the homeland, because of disagreements with Armenia’s leadership.

    “Regimes and leaders come and go, but the nation is eternal!

    “Let us remain vigilant, engaged and united in our purpose. Let us carry on the torch of our Cause, until justice is restored to our long-suffering nation.”

  • ARMENIANS OF TURKEY PRAY FOR THE SAKE OF ‘ARMENIA OPENING’

    ARMENIANS OF TURKEY PRAY FOR THE SAKE OF ‘ARMENIA OPENING’

    )
    ARMENIANS OF TURKEY PRAY FOR THE SAKE OF ‘ARMENIA OPENING’
    Tuesday, 03 November 2009
    Armenians of Turkey will bless the protocols that Turkey and Armenia signed on October 11 in the homeland of President Abdullah Gul, Kayseri. Religious ceremony will be held in the Surp Krikor Lusavoric Armenian Church in Kayseri.
    Turkish-Armenians will pray for the sake of Turkey-Armenia protocols in an Armenian church in Kayseri. Armenian community will hold the first Sunday prayer in the church which is newly restored. The prayer will be leaded by Deputy Patriarch Aram Ateshian.
    TURKEY’S SECOND CHURCH GESTURE
    After restoring Armenian Akdamar church spending $1,5 million, Turkey makes another gesture and restores Surp Krikor Lusarevic Armenian Church in Kayseri, which is known as the first Armenian Church in Anatolia.
    The restoration work will be completed next week. Surp Krikor Armenian Church Foundation Chairman Zadik Toker invited people of Kayseri to the opening ceremony of the Church next week. Toker said, “Our church is very important as it is the first church of Armenian people in Anatolia. The Church was partially restored in 1996. Icons and themes in the church is restored in accordance with theiroriginals.”
    2)

    US Armenians hope for failure of Ankara-Yerevan deal

    Tuesday, November 3, 2009
    ÜMİT ENGİNSOY
    ANKARA – Hürriyet Daily News
    American-Armenians and their congressional backers are keen on the ‘genocide’ recognition, not the creation of normalized ties between Turkey and Armenia, diplomats and experts say. Armenians will try to persuade the world that it’s the Turks that stopped the process, an expert argue Armenian-Americans and their backers in Congress are hoping for the collapse of a normalization deal between Turkey and Armenia so they can continue to lobby for U.S. recognition of what they term the “Armenian genocide,” diplomats and analysts said.
    The Turkish and Armenian foreign ministers signed historic protocols on Oct. 10 that called for the creation of normal diplomatic relations between the two neighbors and the reopening of their shared land border. Their parliaments must first ratify the deal before the provisions go into effect.
    Before reopening the land border, which has remained closed for 16 years, Turkey wants to see some progress toward the resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh problem between Armenia and Azerbaijan, Ankara’s close ally.
    Nagorno-Karabakh, a mainly Armenian-populated enclave inside Azerbaijan’s borders, has been under Armenian occupation since a war in the early 1990s.

    Reopening border key matter

    Yerevan, however, seeks to keep the normalization deal with Turkey and the Nagorno-Karabakh issue as completely separate processes, urging Turkey to reopen the border as soon as possible. Diaspora Armenians, meanwhile, also staunchly oppose any concessions on Karabakh.
    But without progress on the Karabakh matter, it will be extremely difficult for Ankara to move to reopen the border. “If there’s no progress on Karabakh, Turkey simply can’t reopen the border with Armenia, which will effectively mean that the reconciliation process will have failed,” one Washington-based analyst said. “If this happens, it will be important to see which side will be blamed for the derailed process. The Armenians will try to persuade the world that it’s the Turks that stopped the process.”
    In that case, U.S. Armenians and their backers in Congress will seek to punish Turkey in Congress, the analyst said.

    Armenian efforts in Congress

    A resolution urging the United States to recognize the World War I-era killings of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire as genocide has been pending in the House of Representatives, Congress’ lower chamber, since February.
    Democratic Senator Robert Menendez and Republican Senator John Ensign introduced a similar resolution in the Senate, Congress’ upper chamber, last month.
    “Pro-Armenian lawmakers in both sides of Congress will step up efforts for genocide recognition in the event of the collapse of the Ankara-Yerevan deal,” said the analyst.
    “Any formal U.S. genocide recognition would kill the normalization process,” one Turkish diplomat said.
    But U.S. Armenians and their congressional backers are keen on genocide recognition, not the creation of normalized Ankara-Yerevan ties,” said the analyst.
    “So there’s a major trap jeopardizing the reconciliation process, and that trap can be prevented only if there’s progress on the solution of the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute,” the analyst said.