Turkish Forum

Tag: Bagis

  • Conference: The European Union and Turkey: The Accession Negotiations and Beyond | Stephen Spillane

    Conference: The European Union and Turkey: The Accession Negotiations and Beyond | Stephen Spillane

    By Stephen

    EU Turkey flag1I meant to post this during the week. I received this via email from the Centre for the Study of Wider Europe in NUI Maynooth, during the week and some readers may find this interesting.

    To coincide with the visit to Dublin of Mr Egemen Bağiş, Turkey’s Chief Negotiator with the European Union, The Centre for the Study of Wider Europe (www.widereurope.ie ) at the National University of Ireland Maynooth is to host a one day conference on 18 November 2010 on Turkey’s relationship with the EU.

    Amongst the papers tabled for delivery are contributions on Turkey’s historic relationship with Europe; recent patterns of democratization and Europeanization; minority rights in Turkey; civil-society relations, and new directions in Turkish foreign policy. The event will be addressed by Mr. Egemen Bagis, Turkey’s chief negotiator with the European Union. The keynote address will be delivered by Professor Ilter Turan, one of Turkey’s most renowned public intellectuals and Professor of Political Science at Istanbul Bilgi University. Other speakers confirmed include:

    Dr. Bill Park of King’s College, London;

    Dr. John O’Brennan of NUI Maynooth,

    Dr. Edel Hughes of UL

    Professor Eddie Moxon-Browne of UL

    Dr. Neophytos Loizides of Queen’s University, Belfast.

    The event will be chaired by Mary Fitzgerald of the Irish Times. The conference is sponsored by the Department of Foreign Affairs ‘Communicating Europe’ programme and the Turkish embassy in Dublin.

    The full timetable is here. Contact John(dot)obrennan(AT)nuim(dot)ie for more information.

    via Conference: The European Union and Turkey: The Accession Negotiations and Beyond | Stephen Spillane.

  • Istanbul 2010 ‘great opportunity’ for EU to understand Turkey

    Istanbul 2010 ‘great opportunity’ for EU to understand Turkey

    Wed, 2010-02-03 10:43

    Awarding Istanbul the title of ‘European Capital of Culture’ is a great opportunity for Europe to understand Turkey and for Turkey to better understand the EU, Egemen Bağış, Turkey’s EU chief negotiator, told the European Parliament on 2 February.

    Bağış, who is also a member of parliament for Istanbul and a promoter of the city as European cultural capital for 2010, told MEPs that he “cannot imagine Europe without Istanbul,” a metropolis which was once the capital of the Roman and Byzantine Empires.

    Tapping into the fascination surrounding the unique historic heritage of the city formerly known as Constantinople, Bağış quickly waded into arguments about the EU’s interest in taking on board his nation of 72 million people.

    “Europe is the problem, Turkey is the solution,” said Bağış, explaining that ageing European societies could benefit from the accession of a country where the average age of the population is 28, compared to 42 in the European Union.

    “We have the fourth largest workforce […] The famous French automaker Renault had all facilities going at loss in 2008, except for the facilities in Romania and Turkey,” said Bağış.

    He said debate was rife over where Renault’s new facilities should be built: in France or in Bursa, Turkey. “Of course, Renault executives said, if we don’t build in Turkey, we will lose money,” Bağış said.

    The Turkish minister seemingly wished to dispel lingering doubts that a large Muslim country would bring terrorism and extremism to Europe.

    “The kids who turn cars over in France and burn them do not come from Morocco or Algiers. They were born in Paris. The terrorists that attacked London were not from Pakistan. They were born in London. They received education in the UK and they chose to become terrorists,” he argued.

    Hüsamettin Kavi, chairman of Istanbul 2010’s advisory board, said that obtaining the title of cultural capital had helped to develop a ‘civil platform’ since 2008, when the award was made, and had given Turkey’s cultural development an unprecedented boost.

    “We believe that Istanbul is the most inspiring city in the world,” he said, adding that the former Constantionople is “at the east of the West and at the west of the East”.

    Berel Madra, visual arts director of Istanbul 2010, spoke of the “sustainable effect” of being cultural capital, which is expected to bring advantages to the country’s biggest city well beyond the current year. Citing an example, he said he expected the number of foreign tourists visiting Istanbul to increase from the present level of seven million per year to 10 million in 2010.

    Asked by EurActiv to comment on the fact that the launch event of Istanbul 2010 in the European Parliament was mostly attended by MEPs from the centre-left, the Liberals and the Greens, with the centre-right EPP group largely absent, Cengiz Aktar, international affairs director of Istanbul 2010, singled out the name of EPP-affiliated Dutch MEP Ria Oomen-Ruitjen, who strongly supports the initiative.

    But Aktar nevertheless admitted that the EPP group was “divided” regarding Turkey’s EU accession bid.

    Turkish journalists present at the event shared their impression that the number of Turkish officials who had come to Brussels for the occasion vastly outnumbered the number of MEPs present.

  • Turkey’s chief negotiator: ‘Privileged partnership’ is an insult

    Turkey’s chief negotiator: ‘Privileged partnership’ is an insult

    Published: Thursday 8 October 2009   

    French colleagues have promised never to use the insulting phrase ‘privileged partnership’ again as Ankara negotiates full EU membership, the minister of European affairs and Turkey’s chief negotiator, Egemen Bagiş, told EurActiv in an exclusive interview.

    Egemen Bagiş was until recently the vice-chairman of the ruling AKP party, a member of parliament and a promoter of the election of Istanbul as 2010’s European cultural capital. 

    He was speaking to EurActiv’s Georgi Gotev. 

    To read a shortened version of this interview, please click here.

    A number of chapters in Turkey’s negotiations are blocked, mainly over the Cyprus issue, if my information is correct. Who blocked those chapters and why? 

    [Laughter] It’s as complicated as who killed Jesus […] I think that the most important thing that we should focus is that that the most difficult part of the negotiations is behind us. And the most difficult part has been putting the Turkey train on the EU tracks. The most difficult part was starting the accession talks. Every country that has ever stated accession negotiations has at the end completed them. Turkey will not be an exception. 

    It took us 40 years just to get a date to start accession talks. We did not give up. We were committed, we were decided, and we were patient. And today, we are even more committed, more decided and more patient than ever. 

    Which was the major turning point? Was it the December 1999 Helsinki summit, when Turkey became a candidate country? 

    I think the greatest moment was 17 December 2004, when after major debate, even walking out of the room, we were convinced by [Dutch Prime Minister Jan Peter] Balkenende and the Dutch presidency to come back to the Council meeting, where we were told that the negotiations would start as of 3 October 2005. 

    What was the compromise? What made you return to the meeting room? 

    It was the Ankara Protocol issue – Cyprus [a decision from 2004 that Turkey should open its ports to Cyprus]. Turkey made a promise to open its ports, in exchange for ending the isolation for the Turkish Cypriots. We are behind our promise. If EU countries decide to have direct trade with Northern Cyprus, we will be more than happy to open our ports, and keep our part of the promise. The Greek Cypriots purchase the products of Northern Cyprus through the Green-line protocol of the UN, but they do not want 26 other EU members to do what they are doing themselves. We think EU is based on equality. And if one member country can enjoy the products of a third country, the other 26 should also be able to enjoy them. 

    But no one except Turkey recognises Northern Cyprus as a country… 

    By trading with Northern Cyprus they would not be recognising the state. Just like we all trade with Taiwan, but we don’t recognise Taiwan diplomatically. 

    Who should now make a move to unblock the situation? Do you expect the Swedes to help you to find a way out, as Balkenende did in 2004? 

    I don’t think we need someone to interfere, beacause the two leaders, [Turkish community] President Talat and [Cypriot] President Christofias have met 42 times this year alone. And they are already rolling the ball. And I’m very hopeful they will come to a conclusion of these talks in a positive manner, and they will announce to the world that they have come to an understanding together. 

    So the key for unlocking Turkey’s EU accession talks is the Cyprus reunification talks? 

    The Cyprus talks are very important, but the Cyprus problem was not a prerequisite for the membership of Cyprus itself. Therefore it should not be a prerequisite for the membership of another country. 

    Do you think the Union made a compromise by allowing Cyprus in the EU without its problems with Turkey being solved? 

    I’m not in a position to make a judgement on that. But I know some European leaders who have said publicly, including [German] Chancellor Merkel, that including Cyprus before a solution was a big mistake. 

    But this is not in your favour. Merkel probably means that the negotiations with Turkey should not have stated. Isn’t the situation with Ms. Merkel now more complicated for you? 

    No. 17% of all foreign investment in Turkey is German. There are three million Turks that live in Germany. 1.2 million of them are citizens of that great country. Germany and Turkey enjoy a very strong relationship. We may sometimes differ on issues, but we are allies, we are partners, we are friends and the relationship between the two countries is very solid. In every relationship, you have good days and better days. But Turkey and Germany can easily handle differences of views. 

    Coming back to Cyprus, do you think President Christofias wants a quick solution, or do you think he is buying time? How would you read his tactics? 

    The Cyprus issue is portrayed as a problem in EU-Turkey relations. But I think the Cyprus issue is an issue on its own. 

    But yourself you explained that it has implications. 

    Well, Cyprus is one of the 27 countries. 

    Who is blocking Turkey’s negotiating chapters? 

    Well, there are five chapters blocked by France, there are three by Austria and Germany, there are eight because of the Ankara Protocol, but it’s a Council decision, it’s not Cyprus. Cyprus is trying to prevent the opening of two chapters, education and energy. But I think these problems can be overcome. 

    In what timeframe? 

    It depends on the talks between Presidents Talat and Christofias. Hopefully by February they will come to an understanding that both sides can accept, and I can assure you, that any solution that is accepted by the Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots will have the full support of the Turkish nation. As long as the two communities on the island agree, we will back the agreement. 

    You are well informed about the Cyprus talks. You even appear to know when they will end. How do you keep contact with Mr. Talat? Does he report to you? 

    No, no. He’s the president of a sovereign democracy. He was elected into office by his own people, and he will face elections in April when his people will decide to keep him in office or not. He only reports to his own people. But as a very close ally, of course, we exchange information. 

    Do you think that Nicosia fears that most EU money for Cyprus would flow to the North? 

    I think Nicosia has a problem identifying the carrots and the sticks for a solution or lack of a solution. I think the world has to put more pressure to the island, on both sides, to speed up the process and come to a comprehensive solution. 

    Regarding the Turkey-EU talks, apart from the blocked chapter, your country has to deliver on the Union’s requirements as any other candidate country. Do you think that your country can deliver as well as the countries from the 2004 and 2007 enlargements? 

    I think that Turkey is more capable than many other countries in those issues. We have already fulfilled most of the Maastricht criteria, although we didn’t have to. When banks went bankrupt throughout Europe in 2008, not a single Turkish bank lost money. The only facilities of French automaker Renault that profited in 2008 were the ones in Romania and in Turkey. Turkey is a very young, dynamic nation. We have the fourth largest workforce in Europe. The medium age in Turkey is 28. Half of our nation of 70 million is below the age of 25. And we have come a long way in the last 10 years. Ten years ago we were the 27th largest economy in the world, today we are the 16th. 

    We have a case – we can become one of the top economies and top countries of the world, even without becoming a member of the EU. So EU membership is very important anchor, but it’s not our only option. 

    But this is precisely the message Mr. Sarkozy will be delighted to hear. As you say membership is not the only option, he is proposing a privileged partnership… 

    I said the EU is not the only option. I didn’t say full membership is not the only option. Turkey will only accept full membership, nothing less, nothing more. But Europe is not our only option. But if we chose plan A, we chose full membership. I checked the 100.000-page acquis, there’s nothing besides membership. There is no alternative to membership. It doesn’t exist. What President Sarkozy used to say, and what his colleagues promised me not to use those insulting, those horrible phrases again, does not exist. What insulting phrases? Privileged partnership. 

    Is it insulting? 

    Very insulting. Because it does not exist. There is no legal foundation for it. 

    But you may find Mr. Sarkozy even more reluctant after these statements. 

    Well, he will be hosting our president tonight (7 October) and I will be going from here to Paris today to meet with them. But I was there two weeks ago. And they realised that these phrases are insulting. 

    You spoke about the Maastricht criteria. What about the Copenhagen criteria? 

    The fulfilling of the critical mass for the Copenhagen criteria was a prerequisite to start accession talks. So we have met that critical mass. 

    But there is more. 

    We are working on it. That’s why we established the male-female gender equality committee in parliament, that’s why we announced 1 May as a national holiday, that’s why we have allocated more than 500 million euros to the South East Anatolia project, that’s why we have changed the criminal code to allow members of the military to be prosecuted in civilian courts, that’s why we have prepared a reform strategy for the judicial branch, that’s why we have announced an anti-corruption strategy document, that’s why the prime minister has had meetings with leaders of minority groups in Turkey… 

    But those efforts, also with respect to relations with Armenia, or with respect to the Kurdish minority: could they destabilise the country if they are not heeded by society and major political players? 

    Turkey is a democracy. People have the right to approve and to criticise the actions of the government. 

    I’m refereeing to the military establishment. 

    Believe me, there are political parties who are much more interested in criticising these initiatives than some of the institutions in Turkey. The military support Turkey’s EU ambitions, because the EU goal ensures keeping the direction that Ataturk, the founder of the Turkish republic, gave to Turks, which is to catch up with the Western civilian status. The EU is the most important contemporary civilisation level. And as we are continuing our reforms, we are ensuring that Turkey is becoming a better place to live in. A stronger and more stable ally for our European partners as well. 

    When does Turkey aspire to become an EU member? What date do you have in mind? 

    I am against giving dates. As I already said, we are a very patient nation. It took us 45 years to start negotiations. 

    Can you wait another 45 years? 

    I don’t think we can wait for another 45 years. I think the EU itself is a political union and it’s a political process, just as 18 million Eastern Germans became EU citizens overnight, without going to any negotiation, because there was a political need. The time will come for that great rendez-vous when 70 million Turks will become equal citizens of the EU. We just have to be prepared for that great rendez-vous. And that’s what I’m trying to do in my country – to increase the speed of the reforms, to make Turkey a better place for ourselves, and a ready place for our friends and allies in Europe. 

    If somebody says 2020 – is that a good proposal or a bad proposal? 

    I have to analyse the dynamics. I cannot say if it’s good or bad. It depends what’s attached to it. 

    But you didn’t say it’s a bad proposal? 

    I didn’t say it’s good either. 

  • Can Egemen Bagis Revive Turkey’s Stalled EU Accession Process?

    Can Egemen Bagis Revive Turkey’s Stalled EU Accession Process?

    Can Egemen Bagis Revive Turkey’s Stalled EU Accession Process?

    Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 6 Issue: 6
    January 12, 2009
    By: Saban Kardas

    Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan selected Istanbul parliamentary deputy Egemen Bagis as the new chief negotiator for Turkey’s membership negotiations with the European Union. Erdogan also moved the Secretariat General for EU Affairs (ABGS) from the Foreign Ministry to the Prime Minister’s office under Bagis, who was promoted to the rank of state minister (www.cnnturk.com, January 9, 10). The move came amid criticism that the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government had stalled the EU accession process.

    The post of chief negotiator was previously held by the current Foreign Minister Ali Babacan, who had filled that position at the same time as his other ministerial appointments in the successive AKP governments. Since the beginning of the memberships talks with the EU in 2005, Babacan acted as the chief negotiator parallel to his positions as economics minister and later foreign minister. The government’s reluctance to appoint a “full-time” negotiator had been a constant source of criticism and was taken by the pro-reform circles as a sign of the low priority that the government attached to the EU project. Especially since Babacan’s assumption of the post of foreign minister, it has been clear that this double assignment was unsustainable, as it became increasingly difficult for Babacan to fulfill his responsibilities as chief negotiator. At the beginning of 2008, Babacan said “2008 will be the year of the EU; you will be surprised [by our reforms]” (Sabah, February 3, 2008). As 2008 closed, however, Turkish-EU relations hit a low point, with no major reform recorded on critical issues. For reformists, 2008 was a lost year (Taraf, December 31, 2008).

    Indeed, myriad international crises taking place in Turkey’s neighborhood engulfed Babacan’s agenda. Turkey’s policy of asserting itself as a major actor in the Middle East, Central Asia, and the Caucasus coincided with its new role as a nonpermanent member of the United Nations Security Council. Leading Turkish experts interpreted this growing foreign policy activism as essentially detrimental to the EU project.

    Having identified a trend among Turkey’s political elite of declining enthusiasm for “full membership” and a growing preference for “privileged partnership,” Ziya Onis, a professor of international relations, argued that “The counterpart of this in the foreign policy realm is an approach based on ‘soft Euro-Asianism’ in which … an attempt is made to develop a friendly relationship with all neighboring countries but without the EU providing the main axis or the reference point for foreign policy” (“Recent Foreign Policy Attitudes in Turkey,” DIIS Brief, November 2008).

    In a December 2008 Report, the International Crisis Group maintained that 2009 would be the “make or break” year. The report expected both sides’ attitude at this critical threshold to determine the future direction of Turkey’s European Union vacation, and presented two alternative paths: a breakthrough or a collapse of membership talks. Though recognizing the EU’s own mistakes, the report put the blame for the poor status of relations on the Turkish government’s failure to keep up with the EU’s reform expectations (“Turkey and Europe: The Decisive Year Ahead,” International Crisis Group, Report No: 197, December 15, 2008, www.crisisgroup.org).

    The urgency placed on the year 2009 stems from the fact that the EU will review Turkey’s progress on the issue of ports this year, which is viewed by some as a de facto ultimatum. In 2006 the EU suspended negotiations on eight chapters, because Turkey refused to open its air and sea ports to Greek Cypriot vessels. Babacan had earlier played down the EU pressure and rejected treating this review as an ultimatum. He instead pointed his finger at the EU for stalling in the accession process (Zaman, December 19).

    The appointment of a state minister whose sole responsibility it is to lead membership negotiations, along with the new institutional arrangement, is taken as an indicator of the government’s decision to refocus its attention on the EU project. EU representatives welcomed Bagis’s appointment. Erdogan is scheduled to visit Brussels on January 19, the first such trip in four years (Milliyet, January 10).

    It remains to be seen, however, whether the resumption of the EU project will be geared toward full membership or whether Turkey will settle for some sort of “privileged partnership.” Erdogan’s appointment of the chief negotiator from the AKP’s own ranks, instead of a bureaucrat, and bringing the ABGS under his authority indicate his determination to maintain full control over the membership talks and proceed at the AKP’s own pace. Some observers are critical of this decision: “independent of Mr. Bagis’s appointment, [the danger] is that the government was trying to politicize its relationship with Europe and move the process away from the bureaucracy to its own appointees,” Today’s Zaman wrote (January 11).

    Since it is no secret that Euro-skeptic arguments enjoy popularity within Erdogan’s own cabinet, Bagis will have to bargain with other ministers to revitalize the accession process. One advantage he will have in this battle will be his close association with Erdogan. Since joining party before the 2002 elections, Bagis, 38, had been a member of parliament and served in the party and government in many capacities. Most importantly, he was renowned as one of Erdogan’s top advisors in foreign relations. Since the 2007 elections, he also has been the AKP’s deputy chairman for foreign affairs. With his fluency in English, Bagis has taken part in negotiations on many international problems. He received his education in American schools and worked in the United States prior to joining the party. Given this experience, he has played a major role in the conduct of Turkish-American relations. Bagis has been one of the staunchest advocates of Erdogan and has commanded his respect and support. Although Erdogan has occasionally replaced his other top aides because of political disagreements or public pressure, Bagis has managed to maintain his place in Erdogan’s close circle (Hurriyet Daily News, January 10).

    The future of Turkish-EU relations might depend on what role Bagis foresees for himself and whether he will cave in to the growing anti-EU sentiment. If he can chart an independent role as the chief negotiator and develop an assertive portfolio to revitalize the membership talks, he might be the new hero of liberal-reformists. In this case, he could use his ties to Erdogan as leverage to overcome intra-cabinet obstacles. He might as well continue to act as Erdogan’s man, in which case he is more likely to maintain the same populist attitude, continuing to blame the EU for the shortcomings in the process and avoiding major reforms.

    https://jamestown.org/program/can-egemen-bagis-revive-turkeys-stalled-eu-accession-process/