Tag: Ataturk

  • Ataturk’s vision for Turkey slowly diminishing

    Ataturk’s vision for Turkey slowly diminishing

    By Austin Bay

    Even for a television talk show, it was an extraordinary claim.

    During his January 1, 2000, end-of-the-millennium broadcast, “McLaughlin Group” host John McLaughlin declared that his award for “the Person of the Full Millennium” went to the founder of modern Turkey, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, a “Muslim visionary who … abolished the Ottoman sultanate … emancipated women … the only leader in history to successfully turn a Muslim nation into a Western parliamentary democracy and secular state.

    Quite a claim, but fact supports it. Ataturk’s pragmatic approach to modernizing a nation devastated by World War I and subsequent regional violence has real resonance for Arab Spring 2011’s continuing drama. Ataturk left Turkey with a democratic political structure, and Turkey’s democracy is his still evolving legacy. This “Turkish Model” influences contemporary Arab modernizers.

    However, last month’s resignation of Turkey’s most senior military officers is indicative of Turkey’s domestic political struggles, as well as its internal battles over what Ataturk’s vision means in the 21st century. From the staunch Turkish secularist point of view, the resignations marked the bitter end of Ataturk’s separation of mosque and state and the stealthy return of Islamist tyranny.

    Ataturk used the Turkish military as an instrument for modernizing the nation; the Turkish military committed itself to protecting republican Turkey’s secular political system. The leaders of the Justice and Development Party (AKP, Turkey’s governing moderate Islamist political organization) claim the resignations demonstrate that they are solidifying civilian control over the military — that’s how democracies do it — and therefore forwarding Ataturk’s visionary goals.

    Princeton foreign affairs professor Sukru Hanioglu’s new book, “Ataturk: An Intellectual Biography” (Princeton University Press, 2011), provides clarifying insight in this unsettled moment.

    Hanioglu explores the ideas that stimulated Ataturk’s mind and political imagination and influenced the modernization program he pursued in Turkey after 1923.

    Hanioglu’s Ataturk is not a “sagelike dispenser of wisdom” (the Ataturk cult-of-personality narrative) but a very “down-to-earth leader who strove to realize a vision not depending on any one ideology but by utilizing a range of sources.”

    Ataturk’s hometown, Salonika (Greek Thessalonica), was a cultural amalgam — a seaport with Greek, Slavic, Turkish and Jewish communities mixing and clashing. The city was as eclectic as Ataturk’s intellectual influences, which included H.G. Wells, Thomas Henry Huzley and Gustave Le Bon. Ataturk blended diverse and often contradictory influences; Hanioglu notes that Ataturk was influenced by both authoritarian doctrines and Enlightenment liberalism. The political expression of this eclecticism — at times utilitarian, at times expedient — was a “nationalism sanctified by science.”

    Ataturk built on the work of 19th-century Ottoman Empire modernizers who “embraced a modernity within the parameters of an international civilization.” Hanioglu argues that Ataturk’s philosophical eclecticism and his pursuit of goals advocated by previous Turkish modernizers in no way diminishes Ataturk’s political achievement. Ataturk’s creative genius was creative, transformative leadership.

    Yet, even Ataturk never fully bridged the “tension between the traditional and the modern” that was evident in the late 19th century Ottoman Empire. The AKP’s scrap with the Turkish military reflects this tension. (At one point, Hanioglu notes that Ataturk believed “the crude intervention of the military in politics” would ultimately harm the military as an institution.)

    Arguably, the AKP itself — if we can take their leaders at their word — is an attempt to further the process of harmonizing Turkish Muslim social values and secular electoral politics. Mob confrontations between liberalizers and Muslim Brotherhood extremists in Cairo’s Tahrir Square are an anarchic expression of this tension in the Arab Muslim context. Libya’s chaotic civil war takes the tension further into the abyss of violence and uncertainty.

    These current conflicts attest to the continuing value of Ataturk’s Turkish achievement.

    Austin Bay is a syndicated columnist.

    via Ataturk’s vision for Turkey slowly diminishing | Sun Journal.

  • Atatürk will remain a towering figure among Turks

    Atatürk will remain a towering figure among Turks

    Ferruh Demirmen, Ph.D.
    Houston, Texas
    [email protected]

    It has been a fashion in Turkish media in recent years to question and attack the ideology and accomplishments of Kemal Atatürk – a hero figure for the vast majority of Turks. Columnist Mustafa Akyol, who writes in Turkish Daily News, and who for years has been trying to discredit Atatürk, is one such media personalty.

    This disturbing trend gained acceptance in certain journalistic circles within the past decade, in particular after the AK Party’s second electoral victoy in 2007. The growing influence of the Gülen Movement has given impetus to the Atatürk-bashing trend.

    The attack comes mostly from radical conservatives and idealogs – some outright religious bigots -that cannot make peace with Atatürk’s legacy. These critics typically yearn for a “Second Turkish Republic” that have the markings of a bygone Ottoman era. In a conference held 3 months ago at the Kadir Has University in Istanbul, for example, Mr. Akyol reportedly expressed preference for the “democracy” of the Ottoman era!

    The putative reason for Atatürk’s failing, according to these circles, is that Atatürk was anti-Islam, depriving Turks of the freedom to practice their faith. There are even some critics who castigate Atatürk for abolishing Caliphate.

    It would be unrealistic to expect these critics, being imbued by religious prejudice, to appreciate what Atatürk has accomplished. Many of these critics like Mr. Akyol are apologists if not the products of the Gülen Movement, and they advocate an Islamist Turkey instead of a secular one. Most of them have joined hands with quack Creationists that assault Darwin’s Evolution Theory. All because it doesn’t fit with their religious dogma.

    To realize the hollowness of their arguments, and why Atatürk was not anti-Islam, these opponents should read the works of such researchers as Sinan Meydan (e.g., “Cumhuriyet Tarihi Yalanları”) and Professor Ethem Ruhi Fiğlalı (e.g., “Atatürk And The Religion of Islam”). They will learn, for example, that Atatürk tried to free Islam from the shackles of dogma and advanced the notion that religion is a matter between an individual and God. This is also what Islam teaches. Atatürk eschewed “false prophets” that stood between man and God. He held that Islam should be in conformity with reason and logic. He sponsored the construction of mosques in Tokyo and Paris.

    These are not the hallmarks of a leader who was anti-religion or anti-Islam.

    But Atatürk’s accomplishments go far beyond religion: He freed the Turkish nation from the shackles of imperialism and introduced reforms toward a civil society, science and modernity – from alphabet to secularism to women’s rights. Thanks to his reforms, the decadence and backwardness of the waning years of the Ottoman Empire was left behind.

    It was a call for the Turkish nation to catch up with the West in science and modernity. Turks could still practice their religion, but the State did not adopt or sponsor a particular religion.

    If the opponents of Atatürk like Mr. Akyol are breathing freedom in Turkey today, they owe it to the leadership of Atatürk.

    If Turkey has any realistic hopes to join the EU, it is because a measure of westernization that Atatürk’s reforms have ushered in. (Reversals in recent years notwithstanding ).

    The secular establishment Atatürk founded – through the Republic – was requisite for democratization in Turkey.

    It was for good reason that Professor Arnold M. Ludwig of Kentucky University, after 18 years of study of the world leaders of the 20th century (“King of the Mountain”), picked Atatürk as the top winner among the contestants. That makes Atatürk a towering figure in world history. Opponents of Atatürk would do well to read that seminal book.

    And it is also remarkable that the Greek Premier Eleftherios Venizelos, a former enemy of Turkey, nominated Atatürk for the 1934 Nobel Peace Prize.

    The bigotry and ignorance of these opponents – pathetic as they are in their efforts – could be ignored if it were not for the fact that they regularly pontificate in printed and visual media. It is lamentable that these opponents do not show greater respect for the legacy of a visionary figure beloved by the vast majority of Turkish people. In no major newspaper in the U.S., for example, would one find derogatory remarks about George Washington.

    Notwithstanding, there is little doubt that Atatürk will remain a towering historical figure among Turks. Reactionary forces that resist change and want to hold on to the past will not hold the Turkish nation hostage to their hatred and bigotry.

    The West fought a hard and grueling battle for Enlightenment, and it eventually won. Turkey eventually will also win; for it must. This is what progress is about.

  • Turkey: The growing power

    Turkey: The growing power

    Gavin Hewitt

    In the era of awakenings, upheavals and revolutions: watch Turkey.

    It has become a hugely ambitious country, bristling with self-belief. In a turbulent Middle East it believes it is the democratic role model. It eyes the role as spokesman for the region as a whole. When disputes need to be settled, it offers itself as the mediator. The State Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Cemil Cicek summed it up: “Everybody has to see Turkey’s power.”

    TR PM ErdoganOver Libya it is the country that the West watches more carefully than any other. For the moment, Turkey is supporting Nato’s campaign whilst refraining from joining in any attacks on Gaddafi’s ground forces. It is holding itself back, ready to step forward as the indispensable locator when the hour of negotiation approaches.

    On the Libyan conflict it has flipped and flopped however. Early on, the Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan denounced any Western intervention as “absurd”. He raised fears of a “second Iraq”. Turkish officials seemed to lash out at what they portrayed as an oil grab by the West. They picked a fight with the French interior minister Claude Gueant who unwisely said the French President was leading a “crusade” to stop Gaddafi’s barbarism. He didn’t mean it of course in the historical sense but Turkish officials pounced on the tongue-slip.

    That was then. Now Turkey is committing five or six vessels to police the arms embargo and is running Benghazi airport to co-ordinate humanitarian assistance.

    Turkey wanted to disguise its hand, to see which way the battle flowed. Twenty thousand of its citizens work in Libya and it has lucrative contracts there. Commercial self-interest made it cautious.

    The u-turn was driven by the realisation that the international community, including the Arab League, was determined that the killing of civilians had to stop.

    Turkey had two positions. Firstly, it would not attack Gaddafi’s forces directly. Secondly, it was fiercely opposed to a coalition, led by France, setting the agenda.

    Its problem with France is simple. President Sarkozy is against Turkey joining the EU as a full member. Ankara feels insulted and it is easy to meet Turkish officials with a mouthful of rage against the French president.

    So Turkey wanted the operation run under Nato, where it has a role in decision-making and drafting the rules of engagement. Its position is hard-headed. “We are one of the very few countries that is speaking to both sides,” said one official. It waits for that moment when the mediator is summoned on to the field of play.

    On the turmoil in the Arab world, Turkey has sold itself as the role-model. Early on it urged Hosni Mubarak to stand down. Many of the Egyptian demonstrators wanted Egypt to be like Turkey; secular yet certain of its Muslim identity but with free elections.

    When the killings started in Syria, Prime Minister Erdogan was immediately on the phone. “I have made two calls to President Assad in the last three days and I have sent top intelligence official to Syria. I have called for a reformist approach.”

    It is all skilfully balanced; on the side of reform but keeping a hand in with the man in power.

    Sometimes it seems Turkish officials are everywhere. Such as when the prime minister shows up in Baghdad. It is Turkish goods and companies that so far have conquered Iraq’s markets. With the prime minister were 200 businessmen.

    President Ahmadinejad of Iran may be isolated, but not with Turkey. Ankara has again positioned itself as the deal-maker. There is also the not-so-small matter of $10 billion in trade with Tehran.

    Turkey has also helped shine its credentials in the Middle East with a major row with Israel over the interception of a boat heading for Gaza. Turkish citizens died in the incident.

    So Turkey’s sphere of influence widens but, even so, there are the problems.

    Since 2005 it has been engaged in accession talks with the EU. For the moment they are going nowhere. President Sarkozy and Chancellor Merkel favour instead of membership “a privileged partnership”. Turkey wants none of it and seethes with resentment.

    Some – but not all – in the EU are wary. There are 24 million without work in Europe and the appetite for enlargement has dimmed. Not everyone is convinced that a Muslim country should be in the EU. It would be difficult to have Turkey join without its people being consulted.

    Turkey knows this and asks the searching question: “Is the EU a Christian Club or is it the address of a community of civilisations? The current picture shows the EU is a Christian Club. This must be overcome.” It touches a raw nerve. But plenty in Europe ask whether Turkey would accept becoming a community of civilisations.

    You could sense the strains and tensions when recently Prime Minister Erdogan went to Germany, where two million people of Turkish origin live. He caused huge offence when he told an audience in Dusseldorf: “Our children must learn German but they must learn Turkish first.” It was an open challenge to the German government which had been insisting that those who live in Germany must speak the language and integrate. The German chancellor opined that multiculturalism had failed because it led to separation.

    There is, too, friction over Cyprus, and the disturbing detentions of reporters and writers. It forced the European Commission to warn Turkey over its democratic credibility.

    And then there are the doubts as to how committed the ruling party is to secularism. Recently Ayse Sucu, who headed a woman’s group, was squeezed out after suggesting women themselves should decide whether to cover their hair.

    There is an ongoing struggle within Turkey which will demonstrate its commitment to tolerance. That, more than anything, will determine whether it is indeed a role model.

    But Turkey is on a roll. Sometimes – irritated at being rebuffed – it contemplates abandoning its pursuit of EU membership. It survived the economic downturn and its growth is an enviable 5%. It may prefer to go it alone and, like the Ottomans, revel in newfound influence.

    But when it comes to Libya, Turkey demands to be listened to. And the West needs Turkey on side.

    Gavin HewittI’m Gavin Hewitt, the BBC’s Europe editor and this blog is where you and I can talk about the stories I’m covering in Europe.

     

     

    bbc.co.uk/blogs/thereporters/gavinhewitt/2011/03/turkey_the_growing_power.html, 30 March 2011

  • Forecast 2011: Turkey’s time has come

    Forecast 2011: Turkey’s time has come

    monocle logo b w
    January 6, 2011 — Istanbul
    Writer: Matthew Brunwasser

    The diplomats can relax. No one needs to worry about “losing Turkey”. The West’s most trusted Muslim ally (usually described with the cliché “bridge between East and West”) is not shifting its loyalty away from Europe toward the Islamic world. Rather it is opening and seeking good relations with its eastern neighbours as well.

    It is precisely because of its political and economic flexibility that Turkey can expect 2011 to be the country’s strongest in centuries, since the star of the Ottoman Empire began its slow descent. Turkey is now a rising economic and political power. The growing self-confidence can be felt especially powerfully in the streets of Istanbul and its increasingly international culture. 

Like big changes in any relationship long taken for granted, many in the West are uncomfortable with Turkey’s courting of the East and its new assertiveness. But this geo-strategically key country with the world’s 17th largest economy and Nato’s second largest military is not going anywhere.

    Turkey does need to be careful to not overextend its reach though or it will learn quickly the limits of geopolitical power. The tensions will become clearer in the highly charged political build-up to parliamentary elections expected in June.

    Istanbul’s extraordinary economic development was highlighted last year in a study of the world’s 150 biggest metro areas by the Washington-based Brookings Institute.

    The Global Metromonitor found that Istanbul had the most dynamic economy of any big city in the world. Istanbul has recovered from the 2008 global economic downturn better than all the rest, partly because the country was better prepared since going through economic meltdown in 2000-1.
  
Since the Justice and Development Party [AKP] of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan came to power in 2002, the country is almost unrecognisable in its economic strength and political assertiveness. As an example of its new eastern orientation, exports to the Middle East as a share of all of Turkey’s exports have doubled from 9 to 18 per cent since 2002 and look set to increase this year as well. During the same period, the share going to the EU fell from 56 per cent to less than half.

    In the summer elections, voters will choose whether to give a third mandate to the AKP. The election campaign started long ago and tensions are already building over key issues such as peace with Turkey’s Kurdish minority, Turkey’s international orientation, women’s headscarves and the country’s economic development.

    Whatever the outcome, Turkey’s global influence is likely only to grow.

    Matthew Brunwasser is a Monocle contributor based in Istanbul

    January 6, 2011

  • America’s Dark View of Turkish Premier Erdogan by Maximilian Popp

    America’s Dark View of Turkish Premier Erdogan by Maximilian Popp


    01Dec10

    By Maximilian Popp

    REUTERS

    Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, center, has surrounded himself with “an iron ring of sycophantic (but contemptuous) advisors,” according to US diplomatic cables.

    The US is concerned about its NATO ally Turkey. Embassy dispatches portray Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan as a power-hungry Islamist surrounded by corrupt and incompetent ministers. Washington no longer believes that the country will ever join the European Union.

    Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan is the most important Muslim ally of the United States. On coming into office he promised a democratic Islam — a vision that could have become a model for other countries in the region.

    But if the US dispatches are to be believed, Turkey is far from realizing that vision. Erdogan? A power-hungry Islamist. His ministers? Incompetent, uneducated and some of them corrupt. The government? Divided. The opposition? Ridiculous.

    US diplomats have sent thousands of reports from Ankara to Washington in the past 31 years. Recent documents, though, are merciless. They convey an image of Turkey which is at odds with almost everything the US government has officially said about the country.

    First and foremost, the US distrusts Erdogan. A dispatch dated May 2005 says that he has never had a realistic worldview. Erdogan, the document says, thinks he was chosen by God to lead Turkey and likes to present himself as the “Tribune of Anatolia.”

    US diplomats claim that Erdogan gets almost all of his information from Islamist-leaning newspapers — analysis from his ministries, they say, is of no interest to him. The military, the second largest among NATO member states, and the secret service no longer send him some of their reports. He trusts nobody completely, the dispatches say, and surrounds himselves with “an iron ring of sycophantic (but contemptuous) advisors.” Despite his bravado, he is said to be terrified of losing his grip on power. One authority on Erdogan told the Americans: “Tayyip believes in God … but doesn’t trust him.”

    Accusations of Corruption

    Erdogan took office as prime minister in 2003, two years after having founded his party, the Islamic-conservative AKP. During the campaign Erdogan announced his intention to tackle corruption.

    Since 2004, however, informants have been telling US diplomats in Turkey of corruption at all levels, even within the Erdogan family. None of the accusations have been proven — it could be that the informants merely want to denigrate the premier. But their reports help shape the Americans’ image of Turkey — and as such they are devastating.

    The rumors sound outrageous. A senior government advisor is said to have confided to a journalist that Erdogan enriched himself from the privatization of a state oil refinery. Furthermore, a source within the Ministry of Energy told the US that the prime minister pressured the Iranians to ink a gas pipeline deal with a Turkish company owned by an old schoolmate of his. The deal surprised observers: the company builds ports, but has little experience in the energy business. Two unnamed US sources claim that Erdogan presides over eight Swiss bank accounts.

    Erdogan’s party, the AKP, vehemently denies all allegations. And the premier says he acquired his wealth in the form of gifts presented by guests at his son’s wedding. Furthermore, he says, a Turkish businessman is paying for his four children to study in the US. The American Embassy sees such explanations as “lame.”

    A ‘Lack of Technocratic Depth’

    Erdogan, though, apparently knows how to score points at the grass roots level. According to US dispatches, when his AKP suffered a painful defeat in the Trabzon mayoral election of 2004, he allegedly installed his close friend Faruk Nafiz Özak as the head of the local Trabzonspor football club. In accusations which have not been proven, informants told the US Embassy that Erdogan sent Özak millions of dollars from a secret government account. Özak was to use the money, states a dispatch dated June 2005, to buy better players in an effort to overshadow the mayor. Erdogan did not respond to SPIEGEL efforts to contact him, but said on Monday that the credibility of WikiLeaks was questionable.

    According to US Embassy analysis, he has transformed the AKP into a party which works almost exclusively on his behalf. Many top AKP leaders including Erdogan and President Abdullah Gül are said to be members of a Muslim fraternity.

    There is generally a “lack of technocratic depth” in the government, criticized US Ambassador Eric Edelman back in January 2004: “While some AK appointees appear to be capable of learning on the job, others are incompetent or seem to be pursuing private … interests” or those of their religious congretations. “We hear constant anecdotal evidence … that AK appointees at the national and provincial levels are incompetent or narrow-minded Islamists.”

    Many high-ranking state officials have told the Americans they are appalled by Erdogan’s staff. Erdogan, one such official told US diplomats, appointed a man exhibiting “incompetence, prejudices and ignorance” as his undersecretary. Another informant told the US that Women’s Minister Nimet Çubukçu, an advocate of criminalizing adultery, got her job because she is a friend Erdogan’s wife, Emine. Another minister is accused of nepotism, links to heroin smuggling and a predeliction for underage girls.

    Getting Off the Train

    Erdogan and the AKP are revered by the electorate. The prime minister is a “natural politician,” US diplomats wrote in one dispatch from early 2004. He “possesses a common touch,” is “charismatic” and has “street-fighter instincts.” The prime minister grew up in Kasimpasa, a rough port district of Istanbul, and became involved in a radical Islamist organization as a young man before joining the conservative Order of the Nakibendye. Before entering government, he said: “Democracy is like a train. We shall get out when we arrive at the station we want.”

    As a young man he met Abdullah Gül, with whom he later orchestrated the rise of the AKP. A deep-seated rivalry now exists between the two. Again and again Gül has stirred up trouble against Erdogan, particularly when the prime minister is traveling abroad. In a report from March 2005 when Gül was Turkish foreign minister, US diplomats described this as Gül’s attempt to undermine Erdogan’s policies and gain more power in the party. Unlike Erdogan, Gül speaks English, say the diplomats, and presents himself as moderate and modern.

    In truth, however, the US sees Gül as more ideological than Erdogan and anti-Western, according to embassy dispatches based on statements from those close to Gül. Gül uses almost every opportunity to make Erdogan look bad, the documents claim, even talking badly about him in front of state visitors. Gül worked for a long time to become president and therefore Erdogan’s equal. Erdogan tried to prevent his rise — without success. In the summer of 2007 Gül took up residence in the presidential palace in Ankara.

    ‘Murky’ and ‘Muddled’

    US diplomats are likewise unflinching when it comes to Erdogan’s advisor and foreign minister, Ahmet Davutoglu. They say he understands little about politics outside of Ankara. They see this as unfortunate, because they want to see Turkey join the EU — but they don’t believe it will ever happen. In order to make progress toward EU accession, the US ambassador wrote, the government must “hire a couple thousand people skilled in English or other major EU languages and up to the bureaucratic demands of interfacing with the Eurocrats.” The AKP, write US diplomats, had thus far employed mostly confidants from the Sunni brotherhoods.

    Some AKP politicians, according to a US assessment, support Turkish membership in the EU for “murky” and “muddled” reasons, for example because they believe Turkey must spread Islam in Europe. A US dispatch from late 2004 reports that a member of a leading AKP think tank said that Turkey’s role is “to take back Andalusia and avenge the defeat at the siege of Vienna in 1683.”

    Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu largely shares this viewpoint and the Americans are alarmed by his imperialistic tone. In a summary of a speech by Davutoglu delivered in Sarajevo in January 2010, the US ambassador wrote: “His thesis: the Balkans, Caucasus and Middle East were all better off when under Ottoman control or influence; peace and progress prevailed. Alas the region has been ravaged by division and war ever since…. However, now Turkey is back, ready to lead or even unite. (Davutoglu: ‘We will re-establish this (Ottoman) Balkan’).”

    Of Rolls Royce and Rover

    Davutoglu’s hubris and his neo-Ottoman vision is cause for US concern. Turkey has “Rolls Royce ambitions but Rover resources,” reads the same 2010 cable. According to embassy dispatches from 2004, Defense Minister Mehmet Gönül warned of Davutoglu’s Islamist influence on Erdogan. He is “exceptionally dangerous” Gönül told the US.

    Under Erdogan, relations with Israel have dramatically deteriorated. The two governments are at odds over the war against Hamas in late 2008 and early 2009 and over the attack on the Gaza fleet earlier this year. The Israeli ambassador to Ankara, Gabby Levy, claimed in October 2009 that Erdogan was behind the cooling of relations: “He’s a fundamentalist. He hates us religiously,” Levy was quoted as saying in a confidential US embassy dispatch from October 2009.

    The Americans are watching with concern as Erdogan distances NATO member-state Turkey further and further from the West. They are concerned about the country’s stability. “Every day is a new one here, and no one can be certain where this whole choreography will fall out of whack,” James Jeffrey, then the US ambassador in Turkey, wrote in late February 2010. “Then, look out.”

    Translated from the German by Josie Le Blond

  • Happy Republic Day Turkish-Americans!

    Happy Republic Day Turkish-Americans!

    Today, October 29, 2010, Turkish Americans and Turks around the world proudly celebrate the 87th anniversary of the establishment of the Republic of Turkey. The great visionary leader, Ataturk, felt in 1923, that it was not enough to only survive a war of independence but also to excel in all aspects of modern life by rising to the top in science, technology, education, medicines, energy, economy, tourism, sports, trade, defense, and others. Today, an emerging regional power and a new global player, Turkey, stands as a monument to Ataturk’s dreams. Turkish Americans salute the great Ataturk, his magnificent creation Turkey and the Turkish nation, as well as the global Turkish-Turkic realm, standing tall and strong in the face of many challenges and threats.

    Below, please find the congratulatory messages of Obama, via Secretary Clinton, the Turkish Ambassador, and the president of ATAA, all located in Washington DC.

    ***

    Hillary Rodham Clinton
    Secretary of State
    Washington, DC
    October 28, 2010

    ON BEHALF OF PRESIDENT OBAMA AND THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES,

    I congratulate the people of Turkey on the anniversary of your founding this October 29.

    In the 87 years since Mustafa Kemal Ataturk set out a new vision for the Turkish people, Turkey has risen to become a leading economic power and an important presence on the world stage. The opportunities for Turkey to lead in the 21st century are even greater.

    The relationship between Turkey and the United States is broader and more dynamic today than ever before. Both President Obama and I made visiting Turkey a priority last year because we recognize the importance of a strong partnership between our nations – a partnership based on mutual respect, mutual interests, and mutual responsibility. The Framework for Strategic Economic and Commercial Cooperation to boost trade and investment is just one example of how we are strengthening ties between our counties. As NATO allies, we also stand shoulder to shoulder to help create a safer and more secure environment for future generations, in Afghanistan and around the world.

    I wish the people of Turkey a safe and happy holiday as you celebrate this special anniversary and all you have accomplished. We look forward to continuing to work closely with Turkey toward our shared goals and aspirations.

    ***
    Türkiye Cumhuriyeti VaŞngton Büyükelçisi Namık Tan’ın Cumhuriyet Bayramı Mesajı

    Amerika BirleŞk Devletleri’nde yaŞayan Türk Toplumunun değerli üyeleri,

    Cumhuriyetimizin kuruluŞunun 87. yıldönümünü büyük bir gurur, mutluluk ve coŞkuyla kutluyoruz.

    CUMHURIYET BAYRAMIMIZ KUTLU OLSUN !

    Ulu Önder Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’ün liderlik ettiği efsanevi bir bağımsızlık mücadelesinin ardından aziz ulusumuz tarafından kurulan Cumhuriyetimiz en değerli varlığımızdır. Bu anlamlı günde, baŞta yüce Atatürk olmak üzere, Cumhuriyetimizin kuruluŞunda emeği geçenleri ve Cumhuriyetimiz ile Vatanımızın ilelebet varlığını sürdürmesi için canlarını veren aziz Şehitlerimizi, kanlarını döken gazilerimizi saygıyla anıyorum.

    Köklü tarihinden, zengin kültüründen ve her Şeyden önemlisi, aziz milletimizden güç alan Cumhuriyetimiz, geride kalan 87 yılda, Atatürk’ün ifadeleriyle, “mesut, muvaffak ve muzaffer” olmuŞtur. KuruluŞundan bu yana Atatürk’ün belirlediği çağdaŞ uygarlığa ulaŞma hedefi doğrultusunda hızla ilerleyen Cumhuriyetimiz emsalsiz bir baŞarı hikayesidir. Demokratik ve laik yapısı, liberal ekonomisi, zengin sosyo-kültürel kimliğiyle, bölgesinde ve ötesinde barıŞ ve istikrarın tesisinde katkıları aranan bir ülke haline gelen Türkiye’yi daha parlak bir gelecek beklemektedir.

    Bugün ülkemizin katettiği ve hepimize haklı bir gurur veren mesafe, etkisini uluslararası alanda açık Şekilde göstermektedir. Ülkemizin son dönemde BM Güvenlik Konseyi geçici üyeliğinin yanısıra, İslam Konferansı TeŞkilatı, Avrupa Konseyi Parlamenter Meclisi ve Kimyasal Silahların Önlenmesi Örgütü BaŞkanlıkları ile NATO Genel Sekreter Yardımcılığı gibi önemli görevleri üstlenmesi, Avrupa’nın 6., dünyanın 16. büyük ekonomisi haline gelmesi, küresel ekonomik sorunlara çözüm bulunması amacıyla tesis edilen G-20 oluŞumunun en aktif üyelerinden biri olması bu baŞarı tablosunun somut yansımalarıdır.

    Amerika Birleşik Devletleri’ndeki Türk Toplumunun değerli üyeleri,

    ABD’deki Türk toplumunun, gerek ülkemizin tanıtımı, gerek davalarımızın anlatılması yönünde sürdüregeldiği çalıŞmalar memnuniyet vericidir. Önceki ve halihazır görevlerim çerçevesinde geliŞimine bizzat tanıklık ettiğim Türk-Amerikan Toplumunun ulaŞtığı seviye bizleri gururlandırmaktadır. Derneklerimizin ABD’nin dört bir yanında düzenlediği etkinliklerin baŞarısı hepimizi mutlu etmektedir. Evvelce de vurgulamıŞ olduğum üzere, yapılanların yeterli görülmeyerek, toplumumuzun daha mükemmele doğru her alanda aktif olmaya devam etmesi fevkalade önem taŞımaktadır. Türk-Amerikan toplumunun bu çerçevede yürüttüğü çalıŞmaları önümüzdeki dönemde artarak sürdüreceğine inanıyorum.

    Her vesileyle dile getirdiğim gibi, gücünü Türk halkının geleneksel değerlerinden, birlik ve dayanıŞma duygusundan alan geniŞ bir ailenin birbirine sıcak duygularla bağlı fertleri olarak hep birlikte el ele verdiğimizde, aŞılamayacak hiçbir engel yoktur. Omuz omuza ilerleyeceğimiz bu yolda sizlere güveniyorum.

    Ülkümüz, gönlümüz ve ufkumuz birdir. Bu birliğin kaynağı 87. yaŞını kutladığımız Cumhuriyetimiz ve eŞsiz vatanımız Türkiyemizdir.

    Cumhuriyetimiz gücünü dünyanın dört köŞesine yayılmıŞ tüm Türklerin aklından, yüreğinden ve vatan sevgisinden almaktadır.

    Bu duygu ve düŞüncelerle 29 Ekim Cumhuriyet Bayramınızı en içten iyi dileklerimle kutluyor, selam, sevgi ve saygılarımı sunuyorum.

    Namık TAN
    T.C. VaŞington Büyükelçisi

    ***

    CUMHURIYETIMIZIN 87. YILI KUTLU OLSUN!

    Türk-Amerikan Toplumunun Değerli Üyeleri,

    Bugün Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin kuruluŞunun 87. yılını hep beraber coşkuyla kutluyoruz.

    Ulusal kurtuluŞ mücadelemizde elde edilen askeri zaferin ardından büyük özverilerle yola devam eden Mustafa Kemal ve Türk toplumu bağımsız yeni Türk devletinin egemenlik hakkının yalnızca halka ait olduğunu ilan etmiŞler ve 1 Kasım 1922’de çıkardıkları kararname ile “İstanbul’daki Şekl-i hükümetin 16 Mart 1920’de tarihe intikal ettiğini” belirtmiŞlerdir. Modern çağın getirdiği laiklik, demokrasi, kadın-erkek eŞitliği, ulusal vatandaŞlık, sosyal hukuk devleti gibi vazgeçilmez ilkelerin ancak Cumhuriyet rejimi içerisinde uygulanabileceğini öngören Atatürk önderliğindeki birinci meclis 29 Ekim 1923’de Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin kurulduğunu tüm dünyaya ilan etmiŞtir.

    87 yıllık süre içerisinde geldiğimiz noktaya bakıldığında Cumhuriyetimizin ve Atatürk devrimlerinin Türk aydınlanma tarihinde ne kadar büyük bir öneme sahip olduğu daha iyi anlaŞılacaktır. Bu vesileyle sizleri Cumhuriyetimizin kazanımlarını bir kez daha hatırlamaya ve sahip çıkmaya davet ediyoruz. Bugün, Türkiye dünya’nın 16’ıncı ve Avrupa’nın 6’ıncı en büyük ekonomisine sahiptir. Bugün, Türkiye dünya’nın 7’inci en çok turist ağırlayan ülkesidir. Bugün, Türkiye, diplomatlarıyla, ordusuyla, giriŞimcileriyle, ve sivil toplum örgütleriyle, Avrupa ve Afrika’dan, Kafkas ve Orta Asya’ya kadar bölgesel lider konumuna gelmektedir.

    Bu önemli günde baŞta Cumhuriyetimizin kurucusu Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’ü, kahraman ordu arkadaŞlarını, aziz Şehitlerimizi minnet, Şükran ve rahmetle anıyoruz, ve Türk toplumunun iradesini ve azmini kutluyoruz.

    Cumhuriyetimizin 87. Yılı Kutlu Olsun!

    Saygılarımızla,

    Günay Evinch (Övünç) Kürşad Doğru
    ATAA BaŞkanı ATAA Mütevelli Heyeti BaŞkanı

    ***

    Dear Members of the Turkish American Community and Friends of Türkiye,

    Today we celebrate the 87th Anniversary of the Turkish Republic.

    Following the Turkish War of Independence, which ended in a decisive Turkish victory for the Turkish people in August 1922, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk embarked on intensive and comprehensive reforms, as the Turkish people transitioned from Empire to Republic, autocracy to democracy, theocracy to secularity, and a society based on equality, plurality, and national citizenship.

    October 29, 1923 marked the end not of only the Ottoman Empire which spanned from 1299 to 1919, but also a brutal occupation by foreign powers between 1919 and 1922.

    On this important day, the Assembly of Turkish American Associations once again invites you to commemorate Atatürk’s legacy and achievements, remember those who made the ultimate sacrifice so that we can live and live freely. The Assembly of Turkish Americans celebrates the birth of the Turkish Republic as well as the determination and passion of the Turkish people for a better life, better country, and a better world.

    Günay Evinch (Övünç) Kürşad Doğru
    President, ATAA Chairman, ATAA Board of Trustees

    ***