Tag: Ataturk

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the Turkish Republic and itsfirst President, stands as a towering figure of the 20th Century. Among the great leadersof history, few have achieved so much in so short period, transformed the life of a nationas decisively, and given such profound inspiration to the world at large. The Greatest Leader of ALL Time: ATATURK Soldier, Diplomat, Statesman, Orator, Teacher, Scholar, Genius Proactive Ataturk Community

  • Turkey to be number nine economy in the world by 2050

    Turkey to be number nine economy in the world by 2050

    Global investment bank Goldman Sachs said in a report that Turkey would grow to become a nearly 6 trillion dollar economy by 2050, the 9th largest economy in the world, moving ahead of G7 countries such as Japan, Germany, Italy, Canada and France.

    Turkey to be number nine economy in the world by 2050

    The report said that Turkey would become a part of the global balance of power if it maintains its policies, and the country’s national income per capita would be around $20,000-$25,000 in 2024 and exceed $30,000 in 2033. Turkey’s national income per capita would reach $60,000-65,000 by the year 2050, according to the report.

    The report also revealed that China would be the largest economy in 2050 with a nominal gross domestic product close to $70 trillion ahead of the United States, India, Brazil, Russia, Indonesia, Mexico, Britain and Turkey.

    Photo: AFP

    Source: Hurriyet, July 29, 2008

  • What Would Ataturk Do?

    What Would Ataturk Do?

    PAGE ONE

    What Would Ataturk Do?
    Turkey Battles Over Long-Dead Leader

    By ANDREW HIGGINS
    July 29, 2008; Page A1

    ANKARA, Turkey — The Ataturk Thought Association, zealous guardian of the secular creed that guides Turkey, never thought it would come to this.

    Its chairman, a retired four-star general, is in jail. Its offices — plastered with portraits of modern Turkey’s founding father, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk — have been raided by police. Several of its computer hard drives have been seized by investigators. They’re hunting for evidence of plots by hard-line secularists to topple Turkey’s mildly Islamic government.

    The assault, declares Suay Karaman, a land surveyer now filling in for the Thought Association’s imprisoned chairman, shows that “there is no such thing as moderate Islam.” Raids in Ankara and Istanbul came in the weeks before the country’s Constitutional Court on Monday began considering the secularists’ own offensive: a suit to outlaw the governing party for violating secular mandates Ataturk enshrined in 1923. (Please see related article on Page A10.)

    A final battle looms to decide whether Turkey remains a secular republic faithful to Ataturk, says Mr. Karaman, or instead “becomes like Saudi Arabia.”

    Warnings of the demise of Ataturk’s legacy have been around almost since he died 70 years ago. A relentless modernizer, hearty drinker and fan of the fox trot, the founder of the Turkish Republic — his name means “father of the Turks” — had issues with Islam. He shut down Islamic schools, banned Islamic garb and opened a German brewery in his new capital, Ankara. His was hardly the path of least resistance in a land that is 99% Muslim, once ruled Mecca and was for centuries home to the Caliph, Islam’s supreme leader. Yet Ataturk’s way prevailed for decades.

    Now, says Mr. Karaman, it faces grave peril. In February, Turkey’s elected government — led by observant Muslims whose wives mostly wear headscarves — moved to let pious female students cover their hair on university campuses, something that had been banned for years as an affront to secular traditions.

    The Constitutional Court quickly put a stop to that, and the chief prosecutor, an ardent secularist, filed suit in March, asserting that the governing party poses a “clear and present” danger and must be stopped before it imposes Islamic law. Outlawing the Justice and Development, or AK, Party could rock its leaders — and the country — politically, though they likely could reorganize under another banner without giving up power. Tensions were stoked late Sunday, on the eve of the court taking up the case, by two bombs in Istanbul that killed 17 people. There was no immediate claim of responsibility.

    The headscarf effort, says Mr. Karaman, along with the arrest of his boss and scores of others, has exposed what he calls the governing party’s hidden agenda — a plan to turn Turkey into an Islamic theocracy. Chanting “Turkey will not be Iran,” activists in the Ataturk Thought Association held a noisy protest on July 19 in Istanbul, waving portraits of their jailed chairman, Sener Eruygur, and of Ataturk. A few days later, more than two dozen people were arrested as part of a sprawling search for antigovernment plotters. Mr. Eruygur hasn’t been charged; his lawyer has said he is innocent of wrongdoing.

    Many, including foreign diplomats, scoff at the notion that Turkey now is governed by a cabal of closet fundamentalists. The AK Party generally is friendly to the West — friendlier than many secular activists, in fact. Party officials deny harboring anti-Ataturk tendencies.

    One thing is clear: Ataturk worship, the world’s most enduring personality cult, still holds this increasingly prosperous nation of more than 70 million people in its thrall. Ataturk shows scant sign of going the way of his contemporaries. Vladimir Lenin lies in Red Square but is barely mentioned in Russia now, except as a butt of jokes. Even Mao Zedong, embalmed in Tiananmen Square, has slipped from his pedestal: The Chinese Communist Party’s official view of him is 70% good, 30% bad.

    Untouchable Ataturk

    Ataturk, revered for defeating invading British, French and Greek forces, is untouchable. His mausoleum in Ankara drew more than 12 million visitors last year, up by four million from 2006. The constitution bans all deviation from the “reforms and principles” of “the immortal leader and the unrivalled hero.” It is illegal in Turkey to publicly curse him. Virtually nobody, including members of the AK Party, disses him, at least not in public. One young, headscarf-wearing woman recently said on TV, “I do not like him.” She is being investigated by prosecutors.

    Politicians invoke Ataturk’s name to justify starkly different agendas. Even Ataturk’s long-deceased wife, whom he divorced, has been dragged into furor: Did she or didn’t she observe Islamic custom and cover her head? An AK Party legislator has contended that she did. That question is among the issues to be mulled by the Constitutional Court.

    Just as Muslim activists mine the Quran for verses to boost their cause, Turkey’s hard-line secularists and their foes delve into Ataturk’s voluminous writings and speeches — Turkey’s secular scripture. The sheer volume of Ataturk’s words gives plenty of scope for argument: a single speech he gave in 1927 lasted 36 hours, spread over six days.

    For Mr. Karaman of the Ataturk Thought Association, a bastion of Turkey’s secular establishment, the key text is one of Ataturk’s shorter works, a 230-word address to Turkish youth. It warns against “malevolent people at home and abroad,” and urges ceaseless struggle against any “traitors” who worm themselves into power. That dark fear, says Mr. Karaman, has taken shape in the form of the AK Party. Among signs of this, he says, are the woes of his group.

    The governing party’s own claim of allegiance to Ataturk only demonstrates its deviousness, says Mr. Karaman. When Recep Tayyip Erdogan, now Turkey’s prime minister, launched the AK Party in 2001, he did so in a hall bedecked with a giant portrait of Ataturk. The event began with a minute’s silence in Ataturk’s memory. “All fake,” huffs Mr. Karaman.

    Suat Kiniklioglu, an AK Party legislator, says he has “no problems at all” with “Ataturk’s principles” but the key issue is “how we interpret them.” Ataturk’s “true genius,” he says, was his “ability to adapt to change.” Clinging to details from the 1920s, he says, “will not work.”

    Secularism a la Ataturk is not a simple formula. Unlike America’s founding fathers, who separated church and state, Ataturk did not so much split Islam from the state as subordinate it to the state. He abolished the post of Caliph and placed all mosques and Muslim clerics under a government department. At the same time, he purged religion from other state agencies.

    Ataturk, a very stylish dresser himself, clearly didn’t like traditional Islamic garb, viewing it as an emblem of backwardness. His best-known comments on the dress question came in 1925 when he declared “international” — that is, Western — dress as “very important and appropriate for our nation. We shall wear it.”

    Legislation he introduced, known as the Hat Law, did not explicitly prohibit veils or headscarves and focused instead on banning fezzes and turbans for men. The ban on headscarves in colleges dates not from Ataturk, say its opponents, but from a 1980 coup by the military, which also tried, in vain, to crack down on miniskirts. Mr. Karaman says the spirit, if not the letter of the 1925 law, requires modern dress for both sexes.

    A Furious Row

    During a discussion of the 2006 budget by legislators, a furious row erupted over Islam, Ataturk and headwear, when AK Party legislator Musa Uzunkaya asserted that Ataturk’s wife, Latife Hanim, attended meetings at the presidential mansion in the 1920s with her hair covered. Was she a “reactionary?” he asked. The question enraged ardent secularists, who saw it as defiling Ataturk’s memory.

    Ipek Calislar, the author of a biography of Turkey’s first first lady, says she sometimes hid her hair only so conservatives could not push Ataturk “into a corner because of her dress.” It wasn’t an endorsement of Islamic norms, says Ms. Calislar: “People are arguing about this in a very stupid way.”

    Next to his desk, Mr. Karaman keeps a big photograph of Ataturk in military uniform. Ataturk, he predicts, will ultimately triumph. His hero, he says, would be in no doubt about how to confront any assaults on Turkish secularism were he still alive today: “He would put his army boots back on and start fighting.”

    –Farnaz Fassihi contributed to this article.

    Write to Andrew Higgins at andrew.higgins@wsj.com

    Source: Wall Street Journal, July 29, 2008

  • If the Turkish secularity goes, so go the Turkish women’s rights, par Ozer Aksoy, Turkish Forum, le 24 juillet 2008

    If the Turkish secularity goes, so go the Turkish women’s rights, par Ozer Aksoy, Turkish Forum, le 24 juillet 2008

    Si la laïcité recule en Turquie, les droits des femmes reculeront, par Ozer Aksoy

    dimanche 27 juillet 2008, par Annie Lessard, Marc Lebuis


    « Le monde occidental ne semble pas être au courant de la menace immédiate et grave qui pèse sur les droits des femmes en Turquie. Le foulard est un symbole indubitablement politique. Il n’y a pas un seul exemple d’un pays musulman où les droits des femmes ont progressé d’un iota après que la religion ait été politisée ».

    Mme Ozer Aksoy est présidente de la Federation of the Turkish Canadian Associations et vice-présidente du Turkish World Congress. Elle répond à un récent article naïf du Globe and Mail sur la question du foulard en Turquie.

    If the Turkish secularity goes, so go the Turkish women’s rights, par Ozer Aksoy, Turkish Forum, le 24 juillet 2008

    J’ai lu avec intérêt l’article de Mark Mackinnon Traditional headscarf unveils new rifts in Turkey (Globe and Mail, le 22 juillet 2008). Il semble y avoir une confusion de concepts – et je dis cela de la manière la plus courtoise possible – impliquant les dichotomies laïcité et islam, droit moderne et canons islamiques (charia), les élites et les non éduqués, le centre et la périphérie, Turcs noirs et Turcs blancs, vieille garde contre réformateurs islamiques, et plus encore. Je demande instamment à vos lecteurs d’acquérir une meilleure compréhension des dichotomies avant de s’embarquer dans une analyse des enjeux récents concernant la Turquie. Voyons si je peux jeter un peu de lumière sur tout cela.

    Alors que le monde chrétien se caractérise par la séparation de l’église et de l’État, grâce à la période historique des Lumières, le monde islamique continue de traiter la démocratie et la laïcité comme les deux côtés d’une pièce de monnaie. Aujourd’hui encore, la plupart des pays musulmans enchâssent la charia dans leur constitution, laquelle n’est pas compatible avec la laïcité ou la démocratie.

    La Turquie, d’autre part, avec une population à 99% musulmane, a été fondée en 1923 comme république laïque. Ainsi, le développement de la démocratie en Turquie a été construit sur de solides fondations laïques. La laïcité ne signifie pas « être opposé à la religion ». La laïcité témoigne d’un profond respect pour toutes les confessions car elle garantit les libertés individuelles tout en rejetant la supériorité d’une religion sur les autres. Si les fondations laïques de la Turquie étaient sapées, sa structure démocratique s’effondrerait aussitôt. Que répond à cela le représentant de l’AKP dans votre reportage ?

    La population et les gouvernements turcs depuis 1923 ont toujours été fondamentalement pro-occidentaux, bien qu’entre 5% et 7% des électeurs, issus pour la plupart de divers milieux religieux, semblent toujours s’opposer à toute forme d’occidentalisation.

    La révolution iranienne de 1979 a eu un impact considérable dans l’ensemble du monde musulman. En outre, certains pays du Moyen-Orient (comme l’Arabie Saoudite) ont essayé très fort d’exporter leur version de l’islam et ont fourni un soutien financier à divers cercles islamiques en Turquie.

    La combinaison de ces deux facteurs a abouti à une explosion du religieux : des sociétés d’édition ont surgi, les publications islamiques se sont multipliées, des mosquées sont apparues à tous les coins de rues, se transformant rapidement en centres imposant le mode de vie islamique. Des femmes ont été « formées » et envoyées dans les maisons de chaque famille turque à faible revenu pour orienter et influencer d’autres femmes. Des cours sur le coran ont été organisés pour endoctriner les enfants à un âge précoce. Des étudiants universitaires et du secondaire ont été financièrement soutenus, sans condition. Des manifestations publiques ont été organisées pour exiger que les étudiantes se présentent à l’université avec des vêtements islamiques, y compris le foulard.

    La presse religieuse a souligné que les femmes devraient également couvrir leur corps en entier. La plupart des étudiantes universitaires militantes étaient bien payées et ont insisté pour assister aux cours en tchador (un vêtement traditionnel noir qui recouvre la femme de la tête aux pieds). Elles étaient soutenues par des étudiants islamistes extrémistes et des avocats. Tout cela, alors que le Coran ne fait que suggérer aux femmes de couvrir leurs cheveux, mais ne l’impose pas. La plupart des médias ont appuyé les étudiantes islamiques sans savoir que celles qui portaient le foulard étaient des recrues payées (Fatma Benli interviewée dans votre reportage me les rappelle).

    Le gouvernement Erdogan a entamé l’érosion du système laïc en 2002. Aujourd’hui, la situation n’est pas aussi innocente que le portrait qu’en donnent certains médias occidentaux. Il y a 67.000 écoles laïques contre 85.000 mosquées. Comparez les 77.000 médecins qui tentent désespérément de dispenser des soins de santé à 75 millions de citoyens turcs, avec les 90.000 religieux (ou imams) bien rémunérés par l’État qui dispensent la foi avec bonheur, aux frais des contribuables.

    Bien qu’il y ait un seul hôpital pour desservir 60.000 personnes en Turquie, il n’y a pas de problème à trouver une mosquée pour chaque 350 personnes. Il y a 1435 bibliothèques publiques à travers la Turquie, mais 3852 classes sur le coran. Le budget des Affaires religieuses équivaut au coût de 22 universités. Le gouvernement Erdogan encourage ses partisans (et leurs entreprises) à stimuler le mode de vie islamique autour d’eux. Un nombre croissant d’hôtels et de municipalités offrent des piscines ségrégées, des maillots de bain de la tête à la cheville pour les femmes et le « hasema » pour les hommes.

    Des publicités laïques destinées aux femmes ont été altérées avec Photoshop par certains journaux pour allonger les manches et les jupes portées par les mannequins. Certains hôtels et restaurants ont cessé de servir de l’alcool. On signale que des licences d’alcool ont été refusées et des sites internet pornographiques interdits. Et les imams – des prédicateurs islamiques employés par le gouvernement – continuent de fustiger librement les femmes qui osent sortir et travailler pour leur subsistance.

    Tout aussi troublant, sont les différentes formes de pression exercées sur les femmes qui ne sont pas vêtues de manière suffisamment « islamique » ou qui partagent l’espace public avec les hommes. La presse islamique insiste qu’il n’est pas approprié pour les hommes médecins d’examiner les patients de sexe féminin, et vice versa. Certains étudiants en médecine ont mis beaucoup d’efforts pour tenter d’appliquer ces règles de la charia en Turquie, mais les autorités laïques les en ont empêchés.

    Tous ces exemples sortent directement du répertoire de l’Iran et de l’Arabie saoudite. Alors que nous observons des programmes officiels d’islamisation en Malaisie, au Maroc, en Algérie, en Indonésie et en Iran, nous pouvons clairement voir comment ces « pays musulmans » se transforment en « états islamiques ». Dans tous les cas, les femmes ont d’abord été forcées de couvrir leurs cheveux et leur corps, et des changements systématiques dans le mode de vie au quotidien ont ensuite été progressivement introduits. Est-ce que ça sonne familier ?

    Le foulard est plus qu’un bout de tissu. Attaché avec soin pour dissimuler le cou, la gorge et les cheveux, le foulard islamique est devenu le symbole indubitable de l’islam politique. C’est pourquoi les personnes laïques ont insisté pour l’exclure des universités et des institutions gouvernementales, comme l’exigent les lois laïques. S’ils ont encore des doutes, vos lecteurs doivent être informés que le Premier ministre turc a récemment fait une déclaration publique disant quelque chose à l’effet que « …le foulard est un symbole politique, et alors ?.. » Cette déclaration révèle ses intentions et aussi celles de son parti politique islamique.

    La Cour européenne des droits de l’homme a statué en faveur de l’interdiction du foulard islamique dans les universités turques en novembre 2005, disant que « le foulard semble être imposé aux femmes en vertu d’un précepte religieux qu’il est difficile de concilier avec le principe de l’égalité des sexes ». La Cour constitutionnelle turque a aussi annulé une loi conçue par l’AKP islamiste qui aurait permis aux femmes de la république laïque de porter le foulard islamique dans les universités.

    Le monde occidental ne semble pas être au courant de la menace immédiate et grave qui pèse sur les droits des femmes en Turquie. Il n’y a pas un seul exemple d’un pays musulman où les droits des femmes ont progressé d’un iota après que la religion ait été politisée.

    L’alternative à l’extrémisme religieux n’est pas un coup d’État militaire. Je ne justifie pas une intervention militaire comme celle du 27 avril 2008. Bien qu’il soit souhaitable de préserver l’héritage laïc d’Atatürk, cela ne devrait pas se faire au détriment des processus démocratiques normaux.

    Pour parler clairement, le foulard est la tyrannie des hommes sur les femmes. Toute tentative visant à justifier cette agression directe et brutale sur les droits des femmes, que ce soit au nom de la démocratie, des droits de l’Homme, de la liberté d’expression, ou d’autres principes, revient tout simplement à prendre part à cette tyrannie.

    Voir aussi :

    Du voile, de la charia et de la démocratie

    Turquie – Demande d’interdiction du parti au pouvoir pour activités anti-laïques

    Turquie -« L’immoralité nous vient de l’Occident »

    Turquie – Manifestation contre la levée de l’interdiction du voile dans les universités

    Turquie – Signes d’islamisation croissante

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  • The French Fuhrer: Genocidal Napoleon was as barbaric as Hitler, historian claims

    The French Fuhrer: Genocidal Napoleon was as barbaric as Hitler, historian claims

    By Christopher Hudson
    Last updated at 11:46 PM on 24th July 2008

    Three days after the fall of France in 1940, Napoleon, lying in his marble tomb in Paris, received a visit from his greatest admirer.

    Adolf Hitler, on his one and only visit to the French capital, made an unannounced trip to the tomb in Les Invalides.

    In his white raincoat, surrounded by his generals, Hitler stood for a long time gazing down at his hero, his cap removed in deference.

    Dictator: Napoleon was responsible for thousands of executions

    He was said later to have described this moment as ‘one of the proudest of my life’.

    The next day, during his official sightseeing tour of Paris, Hitler again visited Napoleon’s tomb to salute him.

    Conscious that his hero was known to the world simply as Napoleon, Hitler boasted that he would not need a rank or title on his gravestone. ‘The German people would know who it was if the only word was Adolf.’

    Throughout the war, Hitler had sandbags placed around Napoleon’s tomb to guard against bomb damage.

    Wooden floorboards were laid across the marble floor of Les Invalides so that they would not be scarred by German jackboots.

    Until recently, the French would have been incensed by any comparison between Napoleon and Hitler.

    But to their rage and shame, new research has shown that France’s greatest hero presided over mass atrocities which bear comparison with some of Hitler’s worst crimes against humanity.

    These reassessments of Napoleon have caused anguish in France. Top politicians backed out of official ceremonies to mark what was possibly Napoleon’s greatest victory, the battle of Austerlitz, when Napoleon’s Grande Armee defeated the combined armies of Austria and Russia in just six hours, killing 19,000 of their adversaries.

    A street in Paris named Rue Richepanse (after Antoine Richepanse, a general responsible for atrocities in the Caribbean) has recently had its name changed to Rue Solitude.
    Hitler

    Admiration: Hitler had a great respect for Napoleon – and perhaps his killing ways, it has now emerged

    During his reign as Emperor, concentration camps were set up and gas was used to massacre large groups of people.

    There were hit squads and mass deportations. And all this happened 140 years before Hitler and the Holocaust.

    Claude Ribbe, a respected historian and philosopher and member of the French government’s human rights commission, has been researching Napoleon’s bloodcurdling record for some years.

    He accuses him of being a racist and an anti-Semite who persecuted Jews and reintroduced widespread slavery just a few years after it had been abolished by the French government.

    The most startling of these findings, the attempted massacre of an entire population over the age of 12 by methods which included gassing them in the holds of ships, relate to the French Caribbean colony of Haiti at the turn of the 19th century.

    In Ribbe’s words, Napoleon, then First Consul, was the man who, for the first time in history, ‘asked himself rationally the question how to eliminate, in as short a time as possible, and with a minimum of cost and personnel, a maximum of people described as scientifically inferior’.

    Haiti around 1800 was the world’s richest colony, a slave-powered export factory which produced almost two-thirds of the world’s coffee and almost half its sugar.

    The black slaves were lashed and beaten to work and forced to wear tin muzzles to prevent them from eating the sugar cane.

    If the slaves were fractious, they were roasted over slow fires, or filled with gunpowder and blown to pieces.

    When the slaves began to fight for their freedom, under the leadership of a charismatic African military genius called Toussaint L’Ouverture, Napoleon sent 10,000 crack troops under the command of his brother-inlaw, General Leclerc, to crush Toussaint and restore slavery.

    In 1802, a vast programme of ethnic cleansing was put in place. Napoleon banned inter-racial marriages and ordered that all white women who’d had any sort of relationship with a black or mulatto (person of mixed race) be shipped to France.

    He further commanded the killing of as many blacks in Haiti as possible, to be replaced by new, more docile slaves from Africa.

    The French troops were under orders to kill all blacks over the age of 12. However, younger children were also killed – stabbed to death, put in sandbags and dropped into the sea.

    The Haitians fought to the death for independence, which they finally declared in 1804.

    Prisoners on both sides were regularly tortured and killed, and their heads were mounted on the walls of stockades or on spikes beside the roads.

    Non-combatants, too, were raped and slaughtered. According to contemporary accounts, the French used dogs to rip black prisoners to pieces before a crowd at an amphitheatre.

    Allegdly on Napoleon’s orders, sulphur was extracted from Haitian volcanoes and burned to produce poisonous sulphur dioxide, which was then used to gas black Haitians in the holds of ships – more than 100,000 of them, according to records.

    The use of these primitive gas chambers was confirmed by contemporaries. Antoine Metral, who in 1825 published his history of the French expedition to Haiti, writes of piles of dead bodies everywhere, stacked in charnel-houses.

    Auschwitz victims: Did Hitler learn genocide from Napoleon?

    ‘We varied the methods of execution,’ wrote Metral. ‘At times, we pulled heads off; sometimes a ball and chain was put at the feet to allow drowning; sometimes they were gassed in the ships by sulphur.

    ‘When the cover of night was used to hide these outrages, those walking along the river could hear the noisy monotone of dead bodies being dropped into the sea.’

    A contemporary historian, who sailed with the punitive expedition, wrote that: ‘We invented another type of ship where victims of both sexes were piled up, one against the other, suffocated by sulphur.’

    These were prison ships with gas chambers called etouffiers, or ‘chokers’, which asphyxiated the blacks, causing them terrible suffering.

    Even at the time, there were French naval officers who were appalled at this savagery, claiming they would rather have braved a court martial than have forgotten the laws of humanity.

    But from the Emperor’s point of view, gassing was a way of cutting costs. Ships continued to transport prisoners out to sea to drown them, but corpses kept being washed up on beaches or tangled in ships’ hulls.

    Toussaint, who called himself the Black Napoleon, was kidnapped after accepting an invitation to parlay with a French general and shipped back to France in chains, where he died of pneumonia after being imprisoned in a cold stone vault.

    Guadeloupe, an island to the east, suffered a similar fate to Haiti’s.

    Once again choosing not to recognise France’s abolition of slavery, Napoleon in 1802 promoted a comrade of his, Antoine Riche-panse, to the rank of General, and sent him with an expeditionary force of 3,000 men to put down a slave revolt on the island.

    During his purge, General Richepanse slaughtered any men, women and children he encountered on his route to the capital. Then he worked through a plan of extermination apparently approved by the First Consul.

    A military commission was set up to give what followed a veneer of legality. Some 250 ‘rebels’ were shot in Guadeloupe’s Victory Square. Another 500 were herded down to the beach and shot there.

    Richepanse and Lacrosse, the former colonial governor now restored to power, thought of piling up the dead in vast mounds to intimidate the islanders, but gave up the plan for fear of starting a disease epidemic.

    Instead, using a technique which the French were to copy during the Algerian War, they sent death squads into every part of Guadeloupe to track down farmers who were absent from their homes.

    These men were treated as rebels. A bounty was promised for each black man captured, and the rebels were summarily shot or hanged. The ferocity of the repression sparked another uprising, which Lacrosse subdued with the most barbarous methods yet.

    ‘Being hung is not enough for the crimes they have committed,’ he said. ‘It is necessary to cut them down alive and let them expire on the wheel [prisoners were bound to a cart wheel before having their arms and legs smashed with cudgels].

    ‘The jails are already full: it is necessary to empty them as quickly as possible.’ In this he was successful, hanging, garotting and burning the rebels and breaking their limbs on the wheel.

    Lacrosse developed possibly the most fiendish instrument of slow execution ever created.

    The prisoner was thrust into a tiny cage and had a razor-sharp blade suspended between his legs. In front of him was a bottle of water and bread, neither of which he could reach.

    He was stood in stirrups, which kept him just above the blade, but if he fell asleep or his legs tired, he was sliced by the blade. Neither fast nor economical, it was pure sadism.

    After four months in Guadeloupe, the French lost patience with the islanders, and the ferocity of their repression reached new heights.

    Blacks with short hair were shot out of hand, since the expeditionary force considered short hair to be a sign of rebellion. Orders were given that ‘the type of execution should set a terrifying example’.

    The soldiers were encouraged ‘to cut open insurgents, to strangle and to burn them’. French officers spoke proudly of creating ‘torture islands’.

    In a letter to Napoleon, his brother-in-law Leclerc wrote: ‘It is necessary to destroy all the negroes of the mountain . . . do not leave children over the age of 12.’

    Ribbe, in his work in progress, sees continual affinities between Napoleon and Hitler. He argues that many of Napoleon’s actions were later echoed in Nazi Germany, right down to his enthusiasm for slavery reflecting the grim message ‘Arbeit Macht Frei’ (‘Work Sets You Free’), which appeared over the gates of Auschwitz.

    Napoleon, like Hitler, also used his own army like cannon fodder when the occasion demanded.

    His retreat from Moscow in 1812 squandered the lives and courage of 450,000 soldiers of the Grande Armee; many of them were found frozen to death while embracing each other to harvest a last flicker of warmth, in what was one of the bitterest winters in living memory.

    Nothing shows more clearly the contempt the Emperor showed for his minions than the bulletin announcing the destruction of his Army.

    Napoleon blamed his horses and ended by declaring that his health had never been better.

    As theatres for Napoleon’s callousness, Haiti and Guadeloupe were too far away to attract much public notice, let alone condemnation.

    Syria was a different matter. In the war between France and the Ottoman Empire (most of it modern-day Turkey), Napoleon led the siege of the ancient walled city of Jaffa, whose harbour he needed as a vital shelter for his fleet.

    The city fell on the fourth day, whereupon Napoleon’s troops ran amok through the town, slaughtering Christians, Jews and Muslims indiscriminately.

    To escape the slaughter, part of the garrison locked themselves into a large keep.

    Napoleon sent his officers, who negotiated their surrender and marched them back to the French camp.

    Rations were short, so Napoleon now decided that he had been too magnanimous.

    For three days he kept the 4,000 mostly Turkish prisoners with their arms tied behind their back; then the massacre began.

    Somewhere between 2,500 and 4,000 men were slaughtered there and then, either by shooting them or by running them through with bayonets.

    Shortly afterwards plague broke out, decimating the troops on both sides. With real courage, Napoleon led his general staff on a tour of the plague-infested hospitals.

    It did not deter him from suggesting to the doctors that seriously ill French troops who could not be evacuated should be given a fatal dose of the opiate laudanum. The doctors forced him to back down.

    From Jaffa, Napoleon marched to Acre, a city constructed on a peninsula and therefore impregnable, given that there was British control of the seas. Napoleon launched seven major assaults; each one failed. Marching back to Cairo, Napoleon left 2,200 of his troops dead, and 2,300 more seriously ill or wounded.

    As far as Napoleon was concerned, these wounded were already dead men. Most of them he left behind, knowing that the Turks would cut off their heads as soon as his army left. They did their best to follow his retreat, crying out not to be abandoned.

    They straggled along, their throats parched in the debilitating heat, which reduced their cries to a croak. Injured officers were thrown from their litters and left to die in the dunes.

    Soldiers were abandoned in the cornfields, which were still smouldering in the devastation of crops and villages ordered by Napoleon. In all, some 5,000 Frenchmen lost their lives.

    If Hitler learned any lessons from Napoleon, one must have been that victory required callousness, not just in the leader but in those around him.

    ‘Like those working in the Nazi system, the French carrying out Napoleon’s killing did so with little thought to morality,’ Claude Ribbe says today. ‘There was no sense of good or evil: it was just a matter of getting a difficult job done. In the end, the killing methods had to be efficient and cheap.’

    So is Napoleon to be feted as a great leader or denounced as a dictator? A poll published in Le Figaro in 2005 found that nearly 40 per cent of Frenchmen regarded Napoleon as ‘a dictator who had used all means to satisfy his thirst for power’.

    However, considering what was done in Napoleon’s name in Haiti and Guadeloupe, there is one memorial which deserves to be added.

    Next to the unknown soldier at the Arc de Triomphe should be erected the Tomb of the Unknown Slave.

    • Le Crime de Napoleon, by Claude Ribbe (Editions Priv & Egrave;).

    Source: www.mailonsunday.co.uk, 24th July 2008

  • Turkish déjà vu

    Turkish déjà vu

    Friday, July 18, 2008

    If Washington were to pursue a military solution in its efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear program, Turkey – the only NATO country bordering Iran – must be a part of its planning. Likewise, if the United States and its European allies were to implement tighter economic sanctions against Iran, Ankara would have to play a key role because much of Iran’s trade with Europe goes through Turkey.

    On the surface, Turkey seems to be on board with the West regarding Iran. But the Turkish position on Iran today looks much like the Turkish position regarding the buildup to the Iraq war in 2003. The specific factors that led to Ankara’s decision to oppose the war are re-emerging, building opposition to American plans to deal with Iran’s nuclear program, either through sanctions or military measures.

    In 2003, the Turkish public had little awareness about the approaching Iraq war. At that time, the United States was using Turkey’s Incirlik air base to bomb Saddam Hussein’s air defenses. At the same time, Ankara was paralyzed by its internal struggle to preserve secularism within the government. If you read Turkish papers published back then, you would not guess that the United States was about to occupy one of Turkey’s neighbors and forever change their neighborhood.

    Five years later – déjà vu. Turkey is once again stricken with political paralysis over the battle between secularists and the governing Justice and Development Party, or AKP. As a result, there is almost no coverage in the Turkish media on foreign policy issues, including Iran’s nuclear ambitions. Domestic tensions make it impossible for that issue to penetrate the debate. Perhaps Turks won’t even notice until Iran actually detonates a bomb.

    Another similarity between today and the events of 2003 is that the AKP government is playing both sides to get away with doing nothing. As it negotiated with U.S. diplomats in 2003 about a joint front against Saddam, the AKP voiced antiwar rhetoric at home. Moreover, days before the war began, the AKP’s trade minister went to Baghdad to sign a multibillion-dollar trade deal with Saddam. In the end, the AKP-dominated Turkish Parliament voted to keep Turkey out of the war.

    Now, once again, the AKP is playing both sides to shirk responsibility. While opposing U.S. military action, the party continues to spout its official line: “Turkey wants a nuclear-free Middle East.” Albeit a good start, this policy implies that Israel’s nukes are as much a problem as Iran’s would be – a stance that absolves Ankara from any real political obligations toward Europe and the United States on Iran. Moreover, at a time when the West is imposing sanctions, the AKP has signed a memorandum of understanding to invest $3.5 billion in Iran’s South Pars gas field – a move eerily similar to 2003.

    Another similarity is America’s failure to communicate with the Turks. In 2003, Turkish officials expected, in vain, that Secretary of State Colin Powell would come to Ankara to promise that the war against Saddam would not break up Iraq and create an independent Kurdish state.

    Today, seasoned diplomats in the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs cannot tell from one day to the next how America is planning on dealing with Iran. And like in 2003, Ankara is waiting with crossed fingers for a high-level American statesman to explain Washington’s plans.

    There is, however, one difference between 2003 and 2008: the role of the Turkish military. In the run-up to the Iraq war, bickering between the Turkish government and the military complicated matters for the United States. Neither the AKP nor the military wanted to be responsible for making the decision for their country to go to war. This thinking proved to be a fatal mistake for the military, rendering it irrelevant in Washington and powerless in Turkey.

    After dropping out of the foreign policy debate in 2003, the military lost popularity, as was seen in the July, 2007 elections. Today it is in disarray.

    This leaves the AKP in charge of major decisions regarding Iran. The AKP opposes both a military solution to Iran’s nuclear ambitions, as well as non-military measures like strong economic sanctions. As a result of the AKP’s rapprochement with Tehran since 2003, the official line in Ankara is that “Turkey’s economic interests in Iran are too important to sacrifice.”

    The latest American overture to Ankara, supporting Turkish efforts against the Kurdistan Workers Party, has not sufficed to change the government’s attitude. While Washington has allowed Turkey to target PKK terrorist camps in northern Iraq, Tehran, as a favor to Turkey, has upped the ante with Washington by actually bombing such camps.

    If the United States was betting on Turkish cooperation against Iran, it might as well plan to navigate around the looming iceberg. It might already be too little too late for Washington to count on Turkey on Iran.

    Soner Cagaptay, a senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, is the author of “Islam, Secularism and Nationalism in Modern Turkey: Who is a Turk?”

  • FETULLAH GULEN ; Court orders US to reverse immigration decision for prominent Turkish religious leader

    FETULLAH GULEN ; Court orders US to reverse immigration decision for prominent Turkish religious leader

    Court orders US to reverse immigration decision for prominent Turkish religious leader


    The Associated Press

    Friday, July 18, 2008

    WASHINGTON: A U.S. court has ruled that the Bush administration improperly rejected a prominent Turkish religious leader’s application toward permanent residence in the United States and ordered the government to reverse the decision.
    Fethullah Gulen, a Sufi scholar and educator with millions of followers across Turkey and parts of Central Asia, has been living in the United States since 1999. U.S. immigration authorities rejected his application to be classified as “an alien of extraordinary ability,” a step that would have facilitated his permanent residence.
    A federal court ruled Wednesday that the decision was improper, according to court documents obtained by The Associated Press that have not yet been made public. Immigration officials had argued that Gulen did not meet the qualification of extraordinary ability in his field “demonstrated by sustained national or international acclaim and whose achievements have been recognized in the field through extensive documentation.”
    Gulen is one of Turkey’s most influential intellectuals, a scholar and preacher of Sufism, a mystical form of Islam. His followers run schools in dozens of countries. In Turkey, they administer hundreds of schools, as well as six universities and a various media organizations. His media network reaches millions daily.
    Gulen is revered by many but viewed with suspicion by somein the 99 percent Muslim country where secularism is enshrined in the constitution and religion has traditionally been firmly excluded from politics.
    In 2006, a Turkish court acquitted him of trying to overturn Turkey’s secular regime. Prosecutors had accused him of trying to create an Islamic groundswell and of “brainwashing” school children.
    Gulen’s lawyer, H. Ronald Klasko, said he did not understand the U.S. government’s argument that he did not meet the requirements.
    “For whatever reason, the government has decided to fight his application,” he said. “Their arguments were very strange to me.”
    The U.S. court’s decision means that Gulen can now apply for permanent residence under a more favorable category. The judge scheduled another hearing for next month and could order the government to decide on Gulen’s residency application. The government could also appeal Wednesday’s ruling.
    U.S. officials declined to comment on the decision Thursday.
    “We have just received the judgment and have forwarded it to the appropriate Department of Justice and Department of Homeland Security officials for their review,” said Patty Hartman, a spokeswoman for federal prosecutors in Philadelphia, where the case was heard.

     

    =============

     

    From: ergun@cox.net [mailto:ergun@cox.net]

    Subject: American court records show one thing clearly: Fethullah Gulen is a fraud!

     

    Please read and weep! 

     

    These are unbiased records of an American court!

     

    This relates to Gulen’s visa application which was first denied and then overturned  on appeal.  What is interesting is how Gulen’s  empire was dissected (see below) by THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA based on evidence submitted by Gulen to the court in support of his application and which evidence was shown by the court to be a fraud and sham.  He is nothing but a charismatic leader fawned over and supported by wealthy donors in an never ending cycle of empty Gulen worship and promotion.  He has “Armenianized” his accomplishments!  This proper court analysis of Gulen’s empire shows Gulen’s true colors – a fraud! 

     

    Here are telling comment from the court:

     

    “The record further shows that much of the “acclaim” that plaintiff claims to have achieved has been sponsored and financed by plaintiff’s own movement.” 

     

    “A number of the letters submitted in support of plaintiff’s petition reference schools established or founded by plaintiff.  These references appear to be mistaken; there is no evidence that plaintiff played any direct role in establishing any schools.”

     

    “The evidence submitted by plaintiff, when carefully examined, reveals that he is not a scholar and his work is not the subject of serious scholarship. He is a religious and political figure attempting to buy academic prestige by paying people to write papers about him.”

     

    “Plaintiff goes on to state that w[a]cademics at major universities focus on his work in religious tolerance and education and have made Mr. Gulen’s work the subject of entire courses.” PI. Mem., at 56. This statement is completely unsupported by any evidence. Plaintiff can point to no entire courses devoted to his work; nor has he identified any “major universities” where his work is the subject of entire courses.”

     

    “…but it should be noted that his statement, at page 47 of his memorandum, that his receipt of the UNESCO award “was another occasion in which Mr. Gulen met with his Holiness Pope John Paul II,” is patently untrue. The award was given in October 2005. Pope John Paul II died April 2, 2005.”

     

     “Plaintiff has never performed scholarly research in the field of education. He has never advised other academics in the field of education. And consulting on conferences about his own work is essentially continuing to promote himself and his movement by paying academics to write papers about him.”

     

    These comments are not by Gulen’s opponents or critics but by a disinterested party – the US District Court!

     

    Ergun Kirlikovali

     

     

     

     

     

     

    This is the html version of the file .

    G o o g l e automatically generates html versions of documents as we crawl the web.

    To link to or bookmark this page, use the following url:

     

     

    Google is neither affiliated with the authors of this page nor responsible for its content.

    These search terms have been highlighted:  us  district  court  eastern  pennsylvania  fethullah  gulen 

    These terms only appear in links pointing to this page: district 

     

     

    ——————————————————————————–

     

    IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT

     

    FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA

     

    FETULLAH GULEN, :

     

    Plaintiff

     

    No. 07-CV-2148

     

    V. !

     

    Judge Dalzell

     

    MICHAEL CHERTOFF, et al.,

     

    Defendants

     

    DEFENDANTS’ RESPONSE IN OPPOSITION

     

    TO PLAINTIFF’S MOTION FOR SUMMARY JUDGMENT

     

    Plaintiff Fetullah Gulen asks this Court to find that

     

    the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services’

     

    final action on his application for a preference visa as an

     

    alien of extraordinary ability in the field of education was

     

    arbitrary and capricious and not supported by substantial

     

    evidence. Because the evidence of record, all supplied by

     

    plaintiff, makes it very clear that plaintiff does not meet

     

    the statutory requirements, his motion for summary judgment

     

    should be denied.

     

    Argument

     

    As explained in Defendants’ Memorandum in Support of

     

    Motion for Partial Summary Judgment (Deft. Mem.), summary

     

    judgment is appropriate where the moving party, through

     

    affidavits, depositions, admissions, and answers to

     

    interrogatories, demonstrates that there is no genuine issue

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 1 of 26

     

    as to any material fact and the moving party is entitled to

     

    judgment as a matter of law. Jalil v. Advel Corp., 873 F.2d

     

    701, 706 (3d Cir. 1989); Fed. R. Civ. P. 56(c). Because

     

    this case arises under the Administrative Procedures Act,

     

    plaintiff must show that there is no issue of material fact

     

    and that the agency action was arbitrary, capricious, an

     

    abuse of discretion, contrary to law, or unsupported by

     

    substantial evidence. 5 U.S.C. § 706; Camphill Soltane v.

     

    U.S. Department of Justice, 381 F.3d 143, 148 {3d Cir.

     

    2004). Substantial evidence in this context is “more than a

     

    mere scintilla” but “something less than the weight of the

     

    evidence, and the possibility of drawing two inconsistent

     

    conclusions from the evidence does not prevent an

     

    administrative agency’s findings from being supported by

     

    substantial evidence.” Port Norris Express Co.. Inc. v.

     

    Interstate Commerce Commission, et al., 697 F.2d 497, 502

     

    (3d Cir. 1982). The nonmoving party (here, the government)

     

    can defeat summary judgment by identifying substantial

     

    evidence of record which supports the agency’s decision.

     

    As set forth in Defendants’ Memorandum, the term

     

    “extraordinary ability” means a level of expertise

     

    indicating that the individual is one of the small

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 2 of 26

     

    percentage who have risen to the very top of the field of

     

    endeavor. 8 C.F.R. § 204.5(h)(2); Yasar v. DHS. 2006 WL

     

    778623, *1 (S.D.Tex.) (“This type of visa … is the most

     

    preferential classification available for immigrants who are

     

    considered ‘priority workers,’ and so it is reserved for

     

    aliens whose credentials and accomplishments place them at

     

    the very top of their field.”) To establish that he is an

     

    alien of extraordinary ability in one of the designated

     

    fields, a petitioner must show that he has achieved

     

    sustained national or international acclaim at the very top

     

    level. 8 C.F.R. § 204.5(h)(3). To prevail on his motion

     

    for summary judgment, then, plaintiff must show that the

     

    undisputed facts of record establish that he has achieved a

     

    level of expertise in the field of education which places

     

    him at the very top of the field of education, and that the

     

    agency’s decision to the contrary was arbitrary, capricious,

     

    unsupported by substantial evidence, or contrary to law.

     

    In this case, the record contains facts which suggest

     

    that plaintiff has made contributions to the field of

     

    education by advocating the establishment of schools in

     

    Turkey and elsewhere, and the agency has acknowledged that.

     

    See A.R. 00010-00011 (AAO decision). However, the record

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 3 of 26

     

    also contains overwhelming evidence that plaintiff is not an

     

    expert in the field of education, is not an educator, and is

     

    certainly not one of a small percentage of experts in the

     

    field of education who have risen to the very top of that

     

    field. Further, the record contains overwhelming evidence

     

    that plaintiff is primarily the leader of a large and

     

    influential religious and political movement with immense

     

    commercial holdings. The record further shows that much of

     

    the “acclaim” that plaintiff claims to have achieved has

     

    been sponsored and financed by plaintiff’s own movement. It

     

    is the government’s position that the evidence of record

     

    permits only one conclusion: that plaintiff has failed to

     

    meet the requirements of an alien of extraordinary ability

     

    in the field of education.

     

    In his Memorandum of Law in Support of Plaintiff’s

     

    Motion for Summary Judgment (Pi. Mem.), plaintiff has

     

    attempted to reframe the issue for this Court as whether

     

    plaintiff is involved in education, and whether he has

     

    achieved sustained international acclaim. The difficulty

     

    for plaintiff is that the statute requires that he show that

     

    he has achieved sustained national or international acclaim

     

    in the field of education and that he has attained a level

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 4 of 26

     

    of expertise that places him at the very top of the field of

     

    education. His attainment of international acclaim in the

     

    field of religious tolerance and interfaith dialogue is

     

    irrelevant. Similarly, whether religious scholars recognize

     

    him as a leader in the field of religious tolerance and

     

    interfaith dialogue is irrelevant. Religious tolerance and

     

    interfaith dialogue are not fields for which Congress has

     

    granted visa preferences.

     

    Two analogies illustrate the difference. The

     

    industrialist Andrew Carnegie gave millions of dollars to

     

    establish libraries and colleges all over the United States.

     

    This would not make Andrew Carnegie a person of

     

    extraordinary ability in the field of education if he were

     

    alive today; he would still be an industrialist. Scholars

     

    all over the world study the work of Albert Einstein and

     

    recognize him as a leader in the field of physics. If he

     

    were alive today he would certainly be a person of

     

    extraordinary ability in the field of science, but he would

     

    not be a person of extraordinary ability in the field of

     

    education. Plaintiff is a leader in the fields of religious

     

    tolerance and interfaith dialogue; the fact that he supports

     

    education and his work is studied by educators does not

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 5 of 26

     

    convert him into a leader in the field of education.

     

    At page 39 of his Memorandum, plaintiff argues that

     

    because most universities “show subject matter disciplines

     

    organized as departments, such as … theology …. the

     

    field of education is broad and encompasses many fields of

     

    studies, including theology.” This argument makes the

     

    statutory limitation of aliens of extraordinary ability to

     

    the fields of science, arts, education, business and

     

    athletics meaningless. If every discipline taught in

     

    universities were encompassed in the field of education,

     

    there would be no reason for Congress to have singled out

     

    science, arts, business and athletics, since most

     

    universities have departments in all those fields. It could

     

    have simply provided visa preferences for aliens of

     

    extraordinary ability in education. It did not do so,

     

    however; it set forth specific fields to which the visa

     

    preference applies. The fact that theology is a legitimate

     

    field of study at the university level does not make

     

    theologians into experts in the field of education.

     

    In his Memorandum, plaintiff sets up various straw

     

    arguments and shoots them down. First, he states that

     

    “Defendants’ arbitrary decision that Plaintiff can have only

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 6 of 26

     

    one occupation, either clergy or education, is contrary to

     

    established binding precedent.” PI. Mem., at 37. Defendants

     

    made no such decision. Defendants found first that

     

    plaintiff applied for the visa preference as a clergyman.

     

    A.R. 00002; see also A.R. 00243-245 (plaintiff’s 1-140

     

    petition, which identifies plaintiff as a clergyman and

     

    makes no mention of education). Defendants did not

     

    foreclose the possibility that religious leaders could be

     

    persons of extraordinary ability in the field of education:

     

    We do not contest that certain religious figures,

     

    such as the Pope, have previously engaged in

     

    educational activities or, as noted by Professor

     

    Esposito, that religious organizations have

     

    operated institutions of learning. These examples

     

    of religious leaders or institutions promoting or

     

    providing education do not establish that

     

    religious occupations fall within the field of

     

    education.

     

    A.R. at 00005. The AAO concluded that plaintiff had not

     

    established that his field of expertise fell within the

     

    sciences, arts, education, business or athletics. The AAO

     

    did not conclude that no religious figure could so qualify.

     

    Similarly, plaintiff asserts that defendants

     

    “arbitrarily concluded that Plaintiff can have only one

     

    occupation or area of expertise.” PI. Mem., at 38. This is

     

    not an accurate characterization of the AAO’s decision.

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 7 of 26

     

    Defendants examined the evidence submitted by plaintiff in

     

    depth, including both evidence of his religious activities

     

    and evidence of his role in educational activities, and

     

    concluded that he had not established that he is an alien of

     

    extraordinary ability in the field of education or that he

     

    intends to continue working in the field of education.

     

    A.R. 00014.

     

    Plaintiff asserts that he has produced substantial

     

    evidence of his alleged expertise in the field of education,

     

    but he points to very little actual evidence. He states

     

    that he has expertise in the field of education “because he

     

    has developed methods of teaching that incorporate religious

     

    tolerance into educational institutions” (PI. Mem., at 40),

     

    but he nowhere identifies those methods. He claims he

     

    “focuses on teaching religious tolerance to children at a

     

    young age as part of their education” (id.), but he presents

     

    no evidence to support this claim. None of his writings set

     

    forth curricula or teaching methodology; none of his

     

    writings are addressed to children; he has presented no

     

    evidence that he himself teaches children, or teaches people

     

    who teach children. He claims his work is used by “hundreds

     

    of schools based on Plaintiff’s methodologies” (.id.), but he

     

    8

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 8 of 26

     

    nowhere identifies or describes those methodologies.1

     

    Plaintiff argues that “entire conferences have been

     

    held focusing on his scholarly work, including his work in

     

    the field of education.” Pi. Mem., at 43. As an example,

     

    he cites a conference which he claims “was organized by the

     

    British government (House of Lords),” among others. See PI

     

    Mem., at 43, 51, 62. The evidence does not support this

     

    assertion. The Proceedings of that conference were

     

    submitted by plaintiff in support of his application, and

     

    copies of relevant portions are attached hereto as Exhibit

     

    A. The House of Lords is listed under the somewhat

     

    misleading heading “Organisers & Venues,” and the materials

     

    indicate that one of the sessions was held at the House of

     

    Lords, but there is nothing whatsoever to suggest that

     

    either the British government or the House of Lords in any

     

    way endorsed, sponsored or organized this conference.

     

    Ex. A, at 00001-00002.2

     

    1 “Methodology” is defined as “[t]he system of

     

    principles, procedures, and practices applied to a

     

    particular branch of knowledge,” or “[t]he branch of logic

     

    dealing with the general principles of the formation of

     

    knowledge.” Webster’s II New Riverside University

     

    Dictionary. Houghton Mifflin Co. 1988, at 747.

     

    2 The conference web site, www.qulenconference.ora.uk

     

    (accessed June 12, 2008), lists Parliament under the heading

     

    “Venues,” but lists no governmental entity under the heading

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 9 of 26

     

    An examination of the Proceedings reveals that none of

     

    the presenters is an expert in the field of education. Ex.

     

    A, at 00003-00051. Most of the presenters are students or

     

    professors of religion or political science; several of them

     

    are associated with the Gulen movement.3

     

    The papers presented at the conference reveal that the

     

    Gulen movement is primarily religious and political, not

     

    educational. For example, Mustafa Akyol, in his paper “What

     

    Made the Gulen Movement Possible,” states:

     

    The line of reasoning that Gulen articulates – the

     

    argument for an Islam which demands a liberal

     

    democratic, not Islamic, state – also explains the

     

    remarkable alliance in today’s Turkey between

     

    Muslim conservatives, and especially the Gulen

     

    movement, and the secular liberals. Their

     

    coalition is in favour of the EU bid and

     

    democratization, whereas the nationalist front –

     

    which includes die-hard secular Kemalists, ultraright

     

    wing Turkish nationalists, and hardliner

     

    Islamists – abhors both of those objectives. It

     

    is no accident the daily Zaman and its English

     

    language sister publication, Today’s Zaman – which

     

    both belong to the Gulen movement – hosts [sic]

     

    many liberal columnists.

     

    “Organisers.”

     

    3 For example, Y. Alp Aslandogan is editor of The

     

    Fountain magazine and vice-president of the Institute of

     

    Interfaith Dialog, both Gulen movement associated

     

    organizations. Ex. A at 00022, 00050. Muharamed Cetin is

     

    president of the movement’s Institute of Interfaith Dialog

     

    and co-founder and former editor of The Fountain. Ex. A at

     

    00026. Dogan Koc is co-founder and secretary of the

     

    Institute of Interfaith Dialog. Ex. A at 00040.

     

    10

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 10 of 26

     

    Ex. A at 00053.

     

    In his paper “The Fethullah Gulen Movement as a

     

    Transnational Phenomenon,” Bill Park describes the

     

    movement’s use of education as a way to “Islamize” society:

     

    Gulen propagates a kind of ‘educational Islamism’

     

    as opposed to a ‘political Islamism’ ….

     

    Through the internalized spiritual transformation

     

    of individuals will come a wider social

     

    transformation and, at least in Islamic societies

     

    (including Turkey) in which Gulen institutions

     

    operate, a (re-) ‘Islamisation’ of modernity.

     

    Thus, politics in Turkey and perhaps in other

     

    Islamic societies in which the movement operates

     

    should be ‘Islamized’ only via a bottom-up process

     

    and indirectly, in which people and state are

     

    reunited in a kind of organic way, through a

     

    shared attachment to and internalization of faith.

     

    In this sense, the Gulen movement’s mission in the

     

    Islamic societies in which it operates can be said

     

    to be a political project, but one that aspires to

     

    achieve its goals indirectly.

     

    Ex. A at 00055 (citation omitted).

     

    The Conference Proceedings also reveal that the Gulen

     

    movement involves a great deal more than inspiring followers

     

    to establish schools. In “Funding Gulen-Inspired Good

     

    Works: Demonstrating and Generating Commitment to the

     

    Movement,” Helen Rose Ebaugh and Dogan Koc state:

     

    The projects sponsored by Gulen-inspired followers

     

    today number in the thousands, span international

     

    borders and are costly in terms of human and

     

    financial capital. These initiatives include over

     

    2000 schools and seven universities in more than

     

    ninety countries in five continents, two modern

     

    11

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 11 of 26

     

    hospitals, the Zaman newspaper (now in both a

     

    Turkish and English edition), a television channel

     

    (Samanyolu), a radio channel (Burc FM), CHA (a

     

    major Turkish news agency), Aksiyon (a leading

     

    weekly news magazine), national and international

     

    Gulen conferences, Ramadan interfaith dinners,

     

    interfaith dialog trips to Turkey from countries

     

    around the globe and the many programs sponsored

     

    by the Journalists and Writers Foundation. In

     

    addition, the Isik insurance company and Bank

     

    Asya, an Islamic bank, are affiliated with the

     

    Gulen community.

     

    Ex. A at 00057 (citations omitted).

     

    There are several interesting aspects to the abovequoted

     

    passage. First, it is important to note that the

     

    authors refer to schools “sponsored by Gulen-inspired

     

    followers,” not established or sponsored by plaintiff.4 Of

     

    equal importance, the passage refers to the movement’s

     

    sponsorship of “national and international Gulen

     

    conferences.” This evidence is consistent with the contents

     

    of the radio interview quoted at length in defendants’

     

    memorandum in support of their motion for summary judgment,

     

    and suggests that the academic conferences plaintiff relies

     

    on to support his claim that he is recognized as a scholar

     

    4 A number of the letters submitted in support of

     

    plaintiff’s petition reference schools established or

     

    founded by plaintiff. See A.R. 00031-00037, 01082-01165.

     

    These references appear to be mistaken; there is no evidence

     

    that plaintiff played any direct role in establishing any

     

    schools.

     

    12

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 12 of 26

     

    are in fact organized and paid for by the Gulen movement,

     

    rather than by independent academics. The above passage

     

    also describes various financial and insurance companies and

     

    media outlets as inspired by or affiliated with the Gulen

     

    movement.5

     

    The Ebaugh-Koc paper also purports to explore the

     

    sources of funding for the Gulen movement’s projects, but in

     

    fact it merely presents a series of unattributed anecdotes.

     

    The authors explain the need for examining the issue of

     

    finances:

     

    Questions regarding the financing of these

     

    numerous and expensive projects are periodically

     

    raised by both critics of the Gulen Movement and

     

    newcomers to the movement who are invited to Gulen

     

    related events. Because of the large amounts of

     

    money involved in these projects, on occasion

     

    people have raised the possibility of a collusion

     

    between the movement and various governments,

     

    especially Saudi Arabia and/or Iran, and including

     

    the Turkish government. There have even been

     

    suspicions that the American CIA may be a

     

    financial partner behind the projects.

     

    Ex. A 00057 (citation omitted). Despite this explanation of

     

    their purpose, the authors made no systematic study of the

     

    5 The assertion that the Gulen movement has sponsored

     

    or inspired over 2000 schools and seven universities is not

     

    supported by any facts of record and does not appear

     

    consistent with plaintiff’s claim that his followers have

     

    established more than 600 educational institutions.

     

    PI.Mem., at 36.

     

    13

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 13 of 26

     

    sources, or even amounts, of Gulen movement funding.

     

    The authors claim to have interviewed twelve

     

    businessmen in Ankara who contribute “from 10%-70% of their

     

    annual income, ranging from $20,000-$300,000 per year.” Ex.

     

    A at 00062. Another “very successful businessman in

     

    Istanbul” contributes “20% of his 4-5 million dollar yearly

     

    income to movement-related projects.” Id. Finally, the

     

    authors assert that many “graduate students, many of them on

     

    small stipends from Turkey or from their American

     

    universities, pledge $2,000-$5,000 every year even though

     

    such pledges means [sic] great sacrifice on the students’

     

    part.” Ex. A at 00064. The authors provide no source for

     

    these alleged facts, other than their claim to have asked

     

    twelve unidentified businessmen how much they contributed.

     

    This is not scholarship; it is not even respectable

     

    journalism. The evidence submitted by plaintiff, when

     

    carefully examined, reveals that he is not a scholar and his

     

    work is not the subject of serious scholarship. He is a

     

    religious and political figure attempting to buy academic

     

    prestige by paying people to write papers about him.6

     

    6 The American Political Science Association web site

     

    lists dozens of upcoming conferences, including one focused

     

    on plaintiff scheduled for November 2008. That is the only

     

    14

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 14 of 26

     

    Plaintiff emphasizes the many highly complimentary

     

    letters of support he submitted to the agency. It is

     

    noteworthy, however, that only one of these letters is from

     

    an expert in the field of education.7 See A.R. 00182

     

    (letter from Dr. Sheryl L. Santos, Dean and Professor,

     

    College of Education, Texas Tech University). Dr. Santos

     

    says nothing about plaintiff’s educational methods or

     

    contributions. She describes plaintiff as “a friend, a

     

    peacemaker, an educated promoter of interfaith,

     

    intercultural dialogue whose presence and message is [sic]

     

    sorely needed in the world today.” Id. None of the other

     

    twenty-eight supporting letters is from a person with any

     

    connection to the field of education.

     

    Plaintiff claims he has received several awards as

     

    evidence of national and international acclaim in the field

     

    of education. However, he presents no evidence that any of

     

    conference listed that offers honoraria, plus travel and

     

    accommodations grants, for presenters. See

     

    www.apsanet.org/section_181.cfm (accessed June 16, 2008).

     

    See also www.gulenconference.us (accessed June 18, 2008),

     

    which describes the same conference but does not claim any

     

    connection to the APSA.

     

    7 As plaintiff points out, the field of education is a

     

    discipline which is concerned with methods of teaching and

     

    learning in schools. Pi. Mem., at 39. Put another way, it

     

    is w[t]he field of study concerned with teaching and

     

    learning pedagogy.” Webster’s II. at 418.

     

    15

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 15 of 26

     

    these awards recognize his accomplishments in the field of

     

    education. See A.R. 00041 (“Contribution to Tolerance and

     

    Dialogue”) .8 Further, it is not even clear that they were

     

    all awards. The only evidence that plaintiff was an

     

    “Honoree of the Peaceful Heroes Symposium” is a newsletter

     

    stating that on April 16, 2005, the Student Association for

     

    Islamic Dialogue at UTSA (presumably University of Texas at

     

    San Antonio) presented a program about peaceful heroes at

     

    which professors discussed “the Dalai Lama, Mohandas Gandhi,

     

    Mother Teresa, Fethullah Gulen and M.L. King.” A.R. 01043.

     

    The only evidence supporting plaintiff’s claim to be an

     

    “Honoree of the Peace Heroes Award” by religious leaders in

     

    Leeds, United Kingdom, is an advertisement for a forum

     

    called “Heroes for Peace” containing the following

     

    description: “Many people see religions as being the cause

     

    of troubles and wars. This event aims to show how people

     

    from all faiths work for peace – heroes such as Dadi Janki,

     

    the Dalai Lama, Martin Luther King, King Ashok, Yitzhak

     

    Rabin, Fethulla Gulen, Starhawk and Guru Nank.” A.R. 01047.

     

    The only evidence to support plaintiff’s claim that he

     

    8 The translations of news articles about this award

     

    mention education, but the award itself does not. See A.R.

     

    at 00041, 00045, 00047.

     

    16

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 16 of 26

     

    received the Intersociety Adaptation and Contribution to

     

    Peace Award from the Kyrgzstan Spirituality Foundation is a

     

    reference in an article in The Muslim World which is sourced

     

    to an article in Zaman Daily, the Turkish newspaper

     

    affiliated with the Gulen movement. A.R. 01049-01051. The

     

    AAO properly found that plaintiff had not produced evidence

     

    to support his claim either that he was the recipient of a

     

    major, internationally recognized award in the field of

     

    education, or that he was the recipient of lesser nationally

     

    or internationally recognized awards in the field of

     

    education.9

     

    Plaintiff claims that the 40 books he has authored are

     

    scholarly publications meeting the criterion set forth in 8

     

    C.F.R. § 204.5(h)(3)(vi). Pi. Mem., at 49. He claims that

     

    these works focus on religious tolerance and education and

     

    are considered “scholarly work” by others in the field. Pi.

     

    Mem., at 50. This assertion is not supported by evidence of

     

    9 It is not clear whether plaintiff is relying on his

     

    supposed meetings with Pope John Paul II as evidence of his

     

    expertise in the field of education, but it should be noted

     

    that his statement, at page 47 of his memorandum, that his

     

    receipt of the UNESCO award “was another occasion in which

     

    Mr. Gulen met with his Holiness Pope John Paul II,” is

     

    patently untrue. The award was given in October 2005. A.R.

     

    00041, 00162. Pope John Paul II died April 2, 2005.

     

    17

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 17 of 26

     

    record.

     

    First, it should be noted that all of the books

     

    authored by plaintiff which were submitted to the agency in

     

    English were published not by university presses or

     

    scholarly publishing houses, but by plaintiff’s own

     

    publishing company, The Light Publishing Co., Inc.10 See

     

    Exhibit B hereto (title pages and reverses of books

     

    submitted by plaintiff). Some of the books list both The

     

    Light and The Gulen Institute, and include the Gulen

     

    Institute’s web site, www.en.faulen.com.

     

    Second, none of these books are books about education,

     

    teaching methods or pedagogy. They are all religious works.

     

    Third, plaintiff presents no evidence that any of these

     

    books are considered “scholarly work” by others in the field

     

    of education. He asserts that he has submitted evidence

     

    that his “methodologies have been widely cited or adopted by

     

    the professional community at large,” PI. Mem., at 50, but

     

    he does not identify either the methodologies or the

     

    “professional community at large.” He claims he has created

     

    10 According to its web site, The Light has now changed

     

    its name to Tughra Books. See

     

    (accessed June 16, 2008). The web site indicates the

     

    company publishes approximately sixty titles, all religious.

     

    18

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 18 of 26

     

    a “model of education that uses a traditional secular

     

    education to create interfaith tolerance,” PI.Mem., at 51,

     

    but does not explain what is new, innovative or different

     

    about “traditional secular education.” Traditional secular

     

    education has been the norm in the United States since the

     

    founding of the Republic. In any case, plaintiff points to

     

    no evidence of what his “methodologies” are and no evidence

     

    that anyone outside his movement has adopted them.

     

    Plaintiff claims that “major national and international

     

    conferences focus on Mr. Gulen’s work in the field of

     

    religious tolerance and education.” PI. Mem., at 54.

     

    Plaintiff has presented no evidence that any of the

     

    conferences which focused on his work were major; indeed, at

     

    least some of them appear to have been sponsored by groups

     

    associated with him. Further, none of the conferences cited

     

    focused on plaintiff’s work in the field of education.

     

    Plaintiff bootstraps from his claims that major

     

    conferences focused on his work in the field of education to

     

    the conclusion that ” [a]s his articles and books were the

     

    subject of this major international conference where his

     

    theories were presented and debated, there is substantial

     

    evidence in the record that his books and articles can be

     

    19

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 19 of 26

     

    considered ‘scholarly’ in and of themselves.” PI. Mem., at

     

    52. This is a logical fallacy. Scholars study the work of

     

    medieval guilds; that does not make the artisans’ work in

     

    carpentry or masonry “scholarly.” Scientists study the work

     

    of the honey bee; that does not make honeycombs “scholarly.”

     

    Plaintiff argues that his work must be scholarly

     

    because it is the subject of “coursework” (as opposed to

     

    courses) at universities. Pi. Mem., at 55. All of the

     

    courses cited, however, (none of which focus on plaintiff

     

    exclusively) are courses on religion or political science.

     

    None of these address the subject of education. Even if

     

    plaintiff were correct in his assumption that study of one’s

     

    work at the university level suggests that one’s work is

     

    scholarly, that would still not make plaintiff an expert in

     

    education. At most it would make him an expert in religion

     

    or political science.

     

    Plaintiff goes on to state that w[a]cademics at major

     

    universities focus on his work in religious tolerance and

     

    education and have made Mr. Gulen’s work the subject of

     

    entire courses.” PI. Mem., at 56. This statement is

     

    completely unsupported by any evidence. Plaintiff can point

     

    to no entire courses devoted to his work; nor has he

     

    20

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 20 of 26

     

    identified any “major universities” where his work is the

     

    subject of entire courses.

     

    Plaintiff insists that he “has submitted substantial

     

    evidence that he has authored scholarly articles in the

     

    field of religious tolerance and education.” Pi. Mem., at

     

    60. It is important to bear in mind that plaintiff is not

     

    seeking a preferential visa based on his expertise in

     

    religious tolerance; he is seeking preferential treatment

     

    because he claims to be an alien of unusual ability in the

     

    field of education. And despite his repeated, conclusory

     

    assertions to the contrary, he has not submitted any

     

    evidence that he has authored scholarly articles in the

     

    field of education. He has not identified one single book

     

    or article authored by himself (scholarly or not) in the

     

    field of education. The evidence of record amply supports

     

    the agency’s determination that plaintiff did not meet the

     

    criterion set forth in 8 C.F.R. § 204(h) (3) (vi) (authorship

     

    of scholarly articles in the field).

     

    Plaintiff argues that his speeches constitute evidence

     

    of display of his work in the field of education at artistic

     

    exhibitions or showcases. Pi. Mem., at 61; 8 C.F.R.

     

    § 204(h)(3)(vii). Congress obviously intended this section

     

    21

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 21 of 26

     

    to apply to artwork; simply calling speech venues

     

    “showcases” does not make his speeches into works displayed

     

    at artistic exhibitions and showcases.

     

    More importantly, the record contains absolutely no

     

    evidence relating to plaintiff’s speeches. There are no

     

    transcripts of speeches, no audio or video recordings of his

     

    speeches; there are not even any first-hand accounts of his

     

    speeches. Even if a speech venue were a “showcase” as

     

    contemplated by the regulation, the agency could not

     

    favorably evaluate plaintiff’s claim to have showcased his

     

    work by making speeches without some evidence that he made

     

    any speeches and some evidence of the content of those

     

    speeches.

     

    Plaintiff also tries to fit the conferences at which

     

    his work was discussed into the “artistic exhibitions and

     

    showcases” category. Defendants believe the language of the

     

    regulation unambiguously refers to displays of artwork.

     

    Nevertheless, even if the term “showcase” could be tortured

     

    into meaning “conference,” plaintiff would not meet this

     

    criterion, because his work was not displayed at any of the

     

    cited conferences. Other people’s work, not plaintiff’s,

     

    was presented. Plaintiff’s work was discussed. Showcase

     

    22

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 22 of 26

     

    does not mean conference; display does not mean discuss.

     

    The agency properly found plaintiff did not meet the

     

    requirements under subsection (vii).

     

    Plaintiff argues that he meets the criterion set forth

     

    in subsection (viii) because he is “the leader of the Gulen

     

    Movement,” a founder of the Institute for Interfaith Dialog,

     

    the founder of the Journalists and Writers Foundation and

     

    the honorary president of the Niagara Forum and the Rumi

     

    Forum. PI. Mem., at 64, 67. First, the evidence submitted

     

    by plaintiff indicates that the Gulen movement is not an

     

    organization, but a loose network of projects inspired by

     

    Gulen. See, e.g.. Ex. A at 00057. The Gulen movement, the

     

    Institute for Interfaith Dialog, and the Journalists and

     

    Writers Foundation were all created by plaintiff. Plaintiff

     

    plays no “organic” role in the Rumi Forum or the Niagara

     

    Forum A.R. 00192, 00196. Because plaintiff has not provided

     

    evidence that he meets the requirements of 8 C.F.R.

     

    § 204(h)(3)(viii), the AAO’s decision with respect to this

     

    criterion was not arbitrary or capricious.

     

    Finally, plaintiff has failed to provide any evidence

     

    that he will continue to work in the field of education

     

    prospectively, as required under Section 203(b)(1)(A)(ii) of

     

    23

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 23 of 26

     

    the INA. Plaintiff did not bother to fill in the section on

     

    his petition relating to prospective plans. A.R. 00243-

     

    00245. He thereafter submitted an affidavit to rectify the

     

    omission. The following passage is the only information

     

    relating to plaintiff’s prospective plans in the entire

     

    record:

     

    Should my permanent residency be granted, it is my

     

    intention to continue performing scholarly

     

    research, advising other academics, and consulting

     

    on conferences about my work. My presence in the

     

    United States [] will allow me to continue to

     

    advocate and promote interfaith dialogue and

     

    harmony between members of different faiths and

     

    religions.

     

    A.R. 01053.

     

    This is not the detailed plan required by the

     

    regulations. Equally importantly, it has nothing whatever

     

    to do with education. Plaintiff has never performed

     

    scholarly research in the field of education. He has never

     

    advised other academics in the field of education. And

     

    consulting on conferences about his own work is essentially

     

    continuing to promote himself and his movement by paying

     

    academics to write papers about him. None of this can be

     

    considered continuing to perform outstanding work in the

     

    field of education.

     

    24

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 24 of 26

     

    Conclusion

     

    The evidence of record discloses that plaintiff failed

     

    to carry his burden of providing evidence that he is a

     

    person of extraordinary ability in the sciences, arts,

     

    education, business, or athletics. He also failed to meet

     

    his burden of providing evidence that he seeks to continue

     

    work in the area of extraordinary ability while in the

     

    United States. As a result, the agency’s denial of his visa

     

    application was neither arbitrary, nor capricious, nor

     

    contrary to law. Further, the decision was supported by

     

    substantial evidence, and should be affirmed.

     

    Respectfully submitted,

     

    PATRICK L. MEEHAN

     

    United States Attorney

     

    A, GIBSON

     

    Chief, Civil Division

     

    MARY CATHERINE FRYE

     

    Assistant U.S. Attorne;

     

    615 Chestnut Street

     

    Philadelphia, PA 19106

     

    (215) 861-8323

     

    (215) 861-8349 (fax)

     

    mary.Catherine.frye@usdoj.qov

     

    Dated: June 18, 2008

     

    25

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 25 of 26

     

    CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE

     

    I hereby certify that on this date I caused a true and

     

    correct copy of the foregoing Response to Plaintiff’s Motion

     

    for Summary Judgment to be served by first class United

     

    States mail, postage prepaid, upon the following:

     

    H. Ronald Klasko, Esquire

     

    Theodore Murphy, Esquire

     

    Klasko, Rulon, Stock & Seltzer, LLP

     

    1800 J.F. Kennedy Blvd.

     

    Suite 1700

     

    Philadelphia, PA 19103

     

    MARY CATHERINE FRYE J

     

    Assistant U.S. Attorney

     

    Dated: June 18, 2008

     

    Case 2:07-cv-02148-SD Document 31 Filed 06/18/2008 Page 26 of 26