Tag: Arab Spring

  • Turkey’s Weakest Export

    Turkey’s Weakest Export

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    Turkey says it wants to be a model for democracy in the Middle East. But so far its actions lag behind its achievements.

    BY GAMZE COŞKUN | NOVEMBER 21, 2012

    The Arab Spring has prompted a lot of talk about Turkey’s possible role as a model. Turkey’s recent economic success and the relative liberality of its institutions have made it a point of reference to many in the Middle East.

    Let’s leave aside for the moment the issue of whether the Arabs really need a role model, since they’re perfectly capable of establishing their own system without copying either Turkey or the West. Being a model is not only about having a well-functioning democratic system but also having the capacity to be able to foster it domestically and internationally and to be able to put rhetoric and aims into action. Does Turkey really offer a useful template for democratic values and institution building?

    First of all, it’s worth taking a look at Turkey’s capabilities. While there has been considerable discussion of Turkey’s role in the region, a look at the country’s diplomatic, economic, and soft-power resources is sobering. Though Turkey has 25 diplomatic missions in the Arab countries, at last count only six of the 135 staffers in these missions actually spoke Arabic. Needless to say, this says a lot about Turkey’s ability — and perhaps its willingness — to develop wide-ranging diplomatic relationships throughout the MENA (Middle East and North Africa). Furthermore, although Turkey’s trade relations with the region are frequently cited, most of its exports are based on natural resources and low-technology (56 percent), followed by medium-technology goods (40.5 percent). Its share of high-tech exports to the region remains low (3.5 percent in 2010). This suggests that Turkey is not necessarily one of the main economic competitors in the region, a factor that will tend to limit its influence.

    via Turkey’s Weakest Export – By Gamze Coşkun | Foreign Policy.

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  • An Overview of the Arab Spring and the Role of Turkey on Vimeo

    An Overview of the Arab Spring and the Role of Turkey on Vimeo

    An Overview of the Arab Spring and the Role of Turkey

    from Network of Students Plus 6 hours ago

    Network of Students (NOS) kindly invite you to join this seminar which will be held in the House of Commons of Parliament.

    The conference will be hosted by Eric Joyce, MP and moderated by Kristiane Backer, author of ‘From MTV to MECCA’, and also discussed by three speakers:

    – Tariq Ramadan, Professor of Contemporary Islamic Studies, University of Oxford

    – Ziya Meral, Research Associate at the Foreign Policy Centre, Mideast Expert, Cambridge University

    – Nadim Shehadi, Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House

    The address will be Committee 12, House of Commons, Palace of Westminster. Guests will have to allow 15 mins to go through security through St Stephens’ entrance.

    via An Overview of the Arab Spring and the Role of Turkey on Vimeo.

  • Turkey comes to the aid of Egypt

    Turkey comes to the aid of Egypt

    ARAB SPRING AFTERMATH: Ankara cosying up to Cairo with billions in loans and gifts

    imageW Scott ThompsonEVER since Angelina Jolie sent her son Alexander off to conquer the known world in the fourth century BCE, there has been a natural geostrategic competition between Turks and Egyptians. At least that’s when folks could have begun seeing it as such. Of course Alex was a Macedonian Hellene, not a Turk, but the Ottomans governed, or misgoverned, Macedonia for several centuries.

    Only three major countries can claim to span two continents — Russia preeminently. But a second, Turkey, is separated by the Bosphorus into a European and Asian power. Ever looked at Mongolian names? On the other side of Asia they look like Turkish names, because they are. For four centuries the Ottomans who conquered Byzantium in 1453 — just as Islamic forces drove the Hindu Javanese kingdom to Bali — spread their power on a path mainly eastward, and are trying to pick up where they left off before the Ottoman Empire began to crumble. For that matter, they got pretty far west, and only with the Battle of Lepanto in 1571 and some skirmishes near Vienna, drawing in all the European powers in the 16th century, were they contained. Sorry for the European point of view; Western civilisation wouldn’t otherwise have prospered.

    Egypt is mostly in Africa but sees itself and truly is more of the Middle East. During Nasser’s time a variety of fictional paper “unions” were proclaimed, Egypt with Syria and others lying east by northeast. But nowhere on earth does strategic location give a country greater leverage than Egypt with its Suez Canal. In the 20th century, it’s been Egypt that has done more of the talking than Turkey.

    For remember that the Ottoman Empire imploded after World War I, and Kemal Ataturk drew from the ashes a new, secular and modernising state, what we now know as Turkey. He ordered fez and burqa out, but now along with other relics they are coming back — religiously and politically (though women can’t run for office or even work in a government office wearing a headscarf). Even Ataturk, whom every coup-making colonel on a white horse has dreamed of imitating, couldn’t eliminate history.

    But the fact is that Egypt was a sullen satrap of the Ottomans for several centuries. It even had an imported Albanian king, the last of whom, a klepto who famously stole a priceless watch from Winston Churchill, pored over his porn rather than helping his people. He lost out in 1952.

    So one would expect Egyptians to want to play getting-even or at least catch-up. But that’s the opposite of what’s happening. Because the Arab Spring changed everything. Firstly of course Egypt lost its hammer. Did you notice that at the funeral of Mubarak’s predecessor Anwar Sadat, the only heads of state attending were the three living American presidents or ex-presidents? Wonder why? Mubarak was a puppet and when the masters want to move the puppet, they do it on their own schedule. By definition a puppet is replaceable.

    Come the Arab Spring. Egypt is not fully Arab but it’s still the centre of the region’s gravity. And no longer need Egypt’s nationalists be embarrassed that its regime sheltered Israelis and assaulted Palestinians. Israel is losing all its almost-puppet neighbours. Will the Jordanian Hashemites, whom London and Paris placed on the throne after World War I, be the next to go?

    Meantime the Syrian civil war started, copying Egypt as much as the rebels could manage. Syria’s Bashar Assad was a convenient ally to Turkey. Now Ankara gives a back door to the rebels — of necessity for reasons of Kurdish politics alone — and manages the pace of the civil war. Bashar will go, when Ankara decides it’s time.

    It has paid a price. It needs new friends. So Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who crushed the Ataturk-worshipping generals, cosies up to Cairo. And, within limits, blesses its Arab Spring advocates. Now Turkey isn’t even a little bit Arab, but when it found it was unwelcome in Europe after decades of trying to please Bonn and Paris, where else could it find new friends, but east and southeastwards?

    So now Turkey, which is richer by five times than Egypt — looking at per capita income of relatively equivalent populations — is offering loans, gifts, and the usual bribes to help Egypt get out of its Arab Spring aftermath, adding up to low billions in dollars. Turkey has humiliated Israel for its show of force in Mediterranean waters two years ago: eight mostly Turks lost their lives but Israel lost an ally. Egypt has reassured Washington and Israel that it will honour its agreements with Israel, but no one is fooled. Step-by-step it is distancing itself from the Jewish state. Washington can’t use all its diplomatic capital to protect Israel from its own miscalculations. It won’t, can’t, and isn’t.

    W Scott Thompson is emeritus professor at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, United States

    via Turkey comes to the aid of Egypt – Columnist – New Straits Times.

  • ‘Was the Arab Spring really worth it?’ The fascinating arrogance of power

    ‘Was the Arab Spring really worth it?’ The fascinating arrogance of power

    Bassem Hadad criticises recent CNN headline which, while condemning recent wave of anti-US protests, went so far as to question Arab Spring’s relevance
    Bassam Haddad , Sunday 16 Sep 2012

    This is just the beginning.

    As we were boarding a flight from Washington to Istanbul, this image appeared on the screen at the gate, with the CNN headline “Was The Arab Spring Worth It?”

    Generally, one is used to seeing and hearing very “special” commentary about the region from the mainstream media. But every once in a while, something spectacular rears its head and continues to amaze. This headline—which captures the tenor of some of the mainstream reporting beyond CNN after the violent responses to a film that insulted the Muslim prophet—is one of them.

    Surely the film was insulting and deplorable, and surely the violent responses and the killing that ensued are lunatic and deplorable as well (whatever the alternative explanation for the motive). These are matters on which most reasonable/learned observers agree. But then comes this brilliant off the cuff, from the hip, and casually barbaric headline: “Was the Arab Spring Worth It?”

    The manners in which this is problematic are too numerous to count. And though there might be a good six or seven thousand reasons to address, the flight allows for listing only a few reactions, lest one misses more zoological headlines. Here are some of the possible reactions in order of viscerality:

    Seriously?

    The First and Last Straw

    After nearly a 100,000 deaths since January 2011 when the uprisings started, and after decades of brutal repression that were steadfastly supported and partly funded by western powers (namely the United States), we wonder about the value of breaking from such shackles, as though it was a bad investment in Facebook stock. “Maybe we should keep supporting these lovely dictatorships.”

    All About Power

    But this is just academic to many. What is significant here is “who” can actually produce these thoughts, and actually be able to do something about it. The arrogance of power from which such thoughts and words can be uttered is really the main event. Casually, the ability to dismiss history, culpability, and rationality in favor of an emotionally immature, intellectually narrow, historically amnesiac, and morally myopic compass can only come from a place of brute power. And only from such a place, can the claim be made aptly, as though that particular power initiated the Arab uprisings (when in reality, the Arab uprisings proceeded against US clients, despite US power, with the exception of Syria, which proves the rule).

    Market Demand

    The corollary of the previous point dawned on me when I realized that just in the waiting area hundreds of passengers were looking (or could have glanced) at the screen—and would have legitimately entertained the statement’s flippancy. If CNN and other mainstream media are good at one thing, they are good at understanding their audience and market demand.

    Zoology

    The voyeuristic perspective ought not be missed either. The Arab “Spring” (a misnomer to begin with for reasons that require their own list) is like a spectacle. But not any spectacle. It is a spectacle in which “we” the democrats and “developed” world watch the “others” trying to catch up, despite so many efforts to support their oppressors. Until last week, the voyeurism was sympathetic, even if patrimonial or patronizing. But after the recent events, the voyeurism and subsequent reactions to the violence that killed a US Ambassador in Libya turned into something else. It recast the entire spectacle in terms and imagery reminiscent of what we are used to observing in the center’s gaze towards the periphery: a sense of amazement and intrigue that can under certain circumstances quickly turn into something associated with zoology. Was it really worth it to let these creatures out of their cages? After all, look at what they are doing. Only now do we know that fighting for one’s dignity may not have been worthwhile because a bunch of fanatics did what they did.

    Colossal Blind Spots

    Such approaches remind us how insignificant the people of the region can be regarded with a switch of a button, and how insignificant history is in the minds of so many in powerful places. On the one hand, the Arab uprisings are reduced to the process itself, that of seeking democracy. Democracy becomes the event. People are secondary. If the process suits interests, then it can be good. If not, then maybe it’s not such a good idea, irrespective of how many tens of millions of people are affected. Rhetorically, the fate of an entire people hangs in the balance. Clearly, we are talking here about the level of perceptions and claims that, thankfully, are not always consequential. But they continue to speak volumes about how the region and its people are viewed, studied, and appropriated. We also must note how history, and with it accountability and responsibility, are almost completely discounted in the mainstream press’ coverage of the region, and of the recent events. This incident only highlights this omission and does not create it. The culpability of not just US foreign policy in perpetuating and funding brutality in the region, but also of the media in reinforcing rather than checking power is all too clear. Thank goodness Anderson Cooper was beaten up* in Cairo for CNN to realize that it should stand firmly with the Egyptian people and against the Egyptian dictatorship which the US administration supported for nearly four decades and on which CNN reported as though it was Switzerland in those regards. *(I am clearly not serious when I say “thank goodness.”)

    Seriously Now

    Was the civil rights movement really worth it? Was the movement for women’s rights really worth it? Was ending slavery really worth it?

    ‘The Arab Spring TV Show’

    If dismantling authoritarian rule and its correlates ends up being, well, not worth it, what should we do? The callousness of considering such alternatives is more appropriate for deciding whether a switch from At&t to Verizon was worth it. If some of the consequences are ugly, do we write off the entire process? Are we simply watching a TV show called “The Arab Spring?” Now that the show went sour because our favorite actor was compromised, we change the channel . . . until the next time when we must contend with the region that houses the world’s most important energy source and our most valuable dictatorial and apartheid partners. Another show, another crisis, another blind-spot in the making, coming to a theatre near you.

    Value of an Arab Life

    So, everything that happened during the past twenty months somehow was good, but after the events of this past week, it must all be questioned. Granted, the killing that took place this week is deplorable and senseless (let alone stupid and short-sighted), but what if those killed were Arab officials? Would anyone be asking this question? The value assigned to Arab life, whether in the two wars on Iraq, the devastating sanctions on the same country, or Israel’s wars on Lebanon and Gaza, is always comparatively quite low, if not insigniticant.

    Monolithicizing

    It is conceivable that mattes may get so much worse that one might ponder the thought “is it really worth it?” First, the events of the past week do not constitute such deterioration, and are far from it. Second, if anything, the tens of thousands of people killed after the NATO attack, compared to a fraction before the intervention, might have been that point, but of course, the wrong kind was dying then, and NATO had the biggest guns on the scene. Such metrics don’t rise to the occasion.

    But all of a sudden, the statement is made not just vis-à-vis Libya, or where angry mobs ransacked and burned. Rather, it pertained to the entire series of uprisings, the so-called Arab Spring. Why settle for contemplating a return to the status-quo ante in just a couple of places? Let’s “sweep it all up.” It’s all the same anyway and the circumstances and trajectory of individual cases matter little (except, perhaps, Syria, because, from the US perspective, “Asad must go” for reasons beyond authoritarian rule).

    The Seeming Innocuous Nature of Liberalism

    Finally, it is not a priori that one cannot ever ponder the thought of whether it was really worth it, per the above note. As many know, this thought was pondered in both Libya and Syria by those who lost limb and loved ones, and by those who might see their country falling apart. So it does depend on who’s doing the pondering, what they know, what they experienced, on what basis they are pondering, and where/how to actually utter it! To do so on CNN casually, considering all that can ben considered here, is the kind of liberal brutality that has historically damaged not just one life, but whole countries, and without being insulted, attacked, or even threatened (Iraq being a case in point). But that war was legally sanctioned domestically, and voted for in a nicely air-conditioned room, by people who dress well, and speak of liberal values, and might not mind if someone insulted their prophet or God.

    . . .

    But if CNN feels that the whole uprising thing was not worth it, let’s just move on as though it never happened.

     

    This article was first published by Jadaliyya on 15 September 2012

  • Vatican balancing calls for democracy, religious freedom in Middle East

    Vatican balancing calls for democracy, religious freedom in Middle East

    Speaking to a conference in Istanbul on the “Arab Awakening,” the secretary of the Pontifical Council for Inter-Religious Dialogue offered a summary of the Vatican’s perspective on the current turmoil in Syria—and, more generally, on the developments in the Middle East since the “Arab Spring.”

    Father Miguel Angel Ayuso Guixot said that the Holy See recognizes the authority of the Assad regime in Syria, but also recognizes the legitimate aspirations of the people who seek more democratic rule and respect for fundamental human rights.

    The Vatican has sought to maintain the same balance in other Arabic countries, said Father Ayuso—who was the director of the Pontifical Institute for Arabic and Islamic Studies before taking his current post. He said that the Vatican has welcomed the moderate tone adopted by some Islamic groups in countries such as Egypt, but remains alert to the dangers of Islamic fundamentalism and the threats to religious minorities.

    In Syria, where the current regime has generally protected the freedom of the Christian minority, Church leaders have voiced their concerns about the Islamic influence within rebel groups. In reply, rebels have charged that the Church is siding with the regime. That charge is misguided, Father Ayuso said; the Church is seeking to make a non-partisan defense of religious freedom and democracy.

    The Comboni missionary priest listed five priorities for the Vatican’s policy regarding Syria: “an immediate end to violence from whatever part; dialogue towards reconciliation as the necessary path to respond to the legitimate aspirations of the Syrian people; preserve the unity of the Syrian people regardless of ethnicity and religious affiliation; an appeal from the Holy See to the international community to dedicate itself to a process of peace in Syria and the entire region for the benefit and well-being of all humanity.”

    via Vatican balancing calls for democracy, religious freedom in Middle East : News Headlines – Catholic Culture.

  • Religion’s role in Arab Spring is promoting dignity, official says

    Religion’s role in Arab Spring is promoting dignity, official says

    Religion’s role in Arab Spring is promoting dignity, official says

    By Cindy Wooden

    Catholic News Service

    VATICAN CITY (CNS) — Religious communities can assist the North African and Middle Eastern pro-democracy movements by upholding human dignity and not trying to claim power for one religion or one movement within a religion, a senior Vatican official said.

    Comboni Father Miguel Angel Ayuso Guixot, secretary of the Pontifical Council for Interreligious Dialogue, represented the Vatican at a conference in Istanbul Sept. 7-8 on “The Arab Awakening and Peace in the New Middle East: Muslim and Christian Perspectives.”

    He told participants at the conference, sponsored by Marmara University in Istanbul, that democracy presumes respect for human rights, including the right to freedom of religion and worship.

    “In the growing efforts to enable democracy to take hold in the fabric of society in the Arab world, the hope is that it will lead to greater consideration of these basic rights,” Father Ayuso said.

    A hopeful sign, he said, was the publication in January of a “bill of rights of basic liberties” by Muslim scholars at Al-Azhar University in Cairo. The document encouraged recognition of the freedoms of worship, opinion, scientific research and art and creative expression in new constitutions throughout the Arab world.

    The 2011 Arab Spring movements led to democratic elections in Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt where Islam-inspired political parties won the most votes. The risk with democracy, Father Ayuso said, is that it “potentially could be used to legitimate extremist and fundamentalist ideologies,” which would make life difficult not only for the Christian minorities, but also for moderate Muslims.

    The role of religion, he said, is to nourish an atmosphere of respect for all men and women created by God and endowed with equal dignity, rights and responsibilities.

    Father Ayuso also spoke about the ongoing violence in Syria in his interview with Vatican Radio and at the conference.

    The Vatican’s diplomatic efforts in that case are focused on achieving a cease-fire, promoting a negotiated settlement, preserving Syria’s multiethnic and multireligious character and getting the Syrian government to recognize the international community’s legitimate interest in the conflict as a potential source of instability to the entire region, he told Vatican Radio.

    He told the conference that Syrian Christians want to live in peace and harmony with their fellow citizens, but they are “naturally fearful that the growing violence, destruction and displacement, the continuing loss of life, endangers not just Christians, but all Syrians, regardless of their ethnicity or religion.”

    “The specter of what happened to Christians in Iraq” once Saddam Hussein’s regime fell increases Syrian Christians’ fears, he said.

    Concerns over a future of peace for Christians in the region also were reflected in a papal message for the international prayer for peace gathering sponsored by the Rome-based Community of Sant’Egidio in Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Sept. 9-11.

    Writing in the name of Pope Benedict XVI, Cardinal Tarcisio Bertone, Vatican secretary of state, said, “The threat of terrorism continues, many wars bloody the earth, violence against one’s brothers and sisters seems to have no end.”

    “Our world truly needs peace,” the cardinal wrote.

    “In these days, the thoughts of the Holy Father go particularly to the Middle East, to the dramatic situation in Syria and to the apostolic trip he is preparing to make to Lebanon” Sept. 14-16, the cardinal wrote.

    “His hope is that those lands, and all lands needing reconciliation and tranquility, will quickly find peace in coexistence, stability and respect for human rights,” Cardinal Bertone wrote.

    END

    via CNS STORY: Religion’s role in Arab Spring is promoting dignity, official says.