Category: Regions

  • Wrestler Sahin wins gold for Turkey in close bout

    Wrestler Sahin wins gold for Turkey in close bout

    Turkey's Ramazan Sahin prays after his victory over Ukraine's Andriy Stadnik during their wrestling men's 66kg freestyle gold medal contest in the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games at the China Agricultural University Gymnasium in Beijing on August 20, 2008. Sahin won the gold medal. (Agencies)
    Xinhua
    Updated: 2008-08-20 20:30

    BEIJING — Ramazan Sahin of Turkey won the men’s freestyle 66kg wrestling title to earn Turkey their first gold medal here on Wednesday evening at the Beijing Olympic Games.

    The reigning world champion lost the first period to Ukrainian Andriy Stadnik but took the next two for a 2-1 (2-2, 2-1, 2-2) victory. The first period was decided on the last point given to Stadnik, while the third period went to Sahin because he had one 2-point technique to his opponent’s two 1-point techniques.

    “The final was the most difficult round,” said Sahin. “I lost to him the last time we fought, but I felt quite relaxed and confident this time.”

    “The gold is for the Turkish people. I would like to give my appreciation to my coach and all the people who support me.” added Sahin.

    Turkey's Ramazan Sahin carries national flags to celebrate his victory over Ukraine's Andriy Stadnik (not in photo) in their men's 66kg freestyle gold medal wrestling match at the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games on August 20, 2008. (Agencies)
    Stadnik was happy to win the silver because he thought he did better than his wife, bronze medalist Mariya Stadnik of Azerbaijan in women’s freestyle 48kg wrestling.

    “It’s nice to realise that you compete against your own wife and you are the winner,” said Stadnik.

    “Reaching the final is already a good result. I have been ready to win. I have competed against Sahin three times, and I only won once.”

    The bronze medal was shared by Otar Tushishvili of Georgia, a semifinal loser to Sahin, and Sushil Kumar of India.

    Tushishvili won the medal by points over Cuba’s Geandry Garzon, scoring the last of two takedowns of the second period after dominating the first one.

    Kumar broke free from a defensive position in an extra time to beat Leonid Spiridonov of Kazakhstan for the bronze medal.

    Source: www.chinadaily.com.cn, 20.08.2008

  • Azerbaijan’s President and Turkish Prime Minister make a joint statement

    Azerbaijan’s President and Turkish Prime Minister make a joint statement

     
     

    [ 20 Aug 2008 20:41 ]
    Baku-APA. Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev and Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan made a joint statement. APA reports that the President of Azerbaijan noted that the relations were successfully developing between the two countries.

    Turkey-Azerbaijan factor ensures peace and tranquility in the region: “Turkey-Azerbaijan friendship contributes to the relations between the countries. Our will has paved the way for the implementation of wide-scale energy and transport projects”.

    Recep Tayyip Erdogan noted that Azerbaijan and Turkey had the same position from the standpoint of maintenance of peace in the South Caucasus. “Nagorno Karabagh conflict must be resolved only within the framework of Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity and on the basis of international legal norms. Minsk Group’s activity has not yielded any results for 16 years and we are very concerned about it. Caucasus Peace and Cooperation Platform can make a contribution to peace in the region”

  • Conference Announcement Turkey & the Balkans

    Conference Announcement Turkey & the Balkans

    An International Conference (28-30 August 2008) on Balkans will be held at
    Yeditepe University in Istanbul. Participants will be discussing the following
    topics both in English and Turkish:
    
    - Balkans and the Turks
    - Legal Status of the People in the Balkans under Ottoman Empire
    - Ottoman Administration in the Balkans
    - Turkish Culture in the Balkans
    - Turkish Foundations in the Balkans
    - Turkish Foundations (Waqfs) in the Balkans and their Condition Today
    - Independance of the Balkan States and the Turkish Immigration
    - Turkey’s Political Relations with the Balkan States
    - Turkey’s Economic and Trade Relations with the Balkan States
    
    For further information and the coference program, please email Prof. Dr.
    Mehmet Saray msaray@yeditepe.edu.tr
    
    Best,
    
    Vehbi Baysan
    Yeditepe University
    History Department
    
    YEDİTEPE’DE BİLİM, DOSTLUK VE İŞBİRLİĞİ ŞÖLENİ
    
    Yeditepe Üniversitesi 28-29-30 Ağustos 2008 tarihlerinde yapacağı
    “TÜRKİYE İLE BALKAN ÜLKELERİ ARASINDA DOSTLUĞU VE İŞBİRLİĞİNİ
    GELİŞTİRME KONFERANSI”na ilgilileri davet eder.
    
    Türkiye, Yunanistan, Bulgaristan, Romanya, Bosna-Hersek, Makedonya, Sırbistan
    ve Arnavutluktan Bakanların, Diplomatların, Akademisyenlerin ve
    İşadamlarının konuşmacı olarak katılacağı bu konferansta
    tartışılacak konular şu başlıklar altında olacaktır:
    
    -       Balkanlar ve Türkler
    -       Osmanlı Döneminde Balkan Halklarının Hukuki Durumu
    -       Balkanlarda Osmanlı İdaresi
    -       Balkanlarda Türk Kültürü
    -       Balkanlarda Türk Vakıfları
    -       Vakıfların Bugünkü Durumu
    -       Balkan Ülkelerin Bağımsızlıklarına Kavuşmaları ve Türk
    Göçleri
    -       Türkiye’nin Balkan Ülkeleriyle Siyasi İlişkileri
    -       Türkiye’nin Balkan Ülkeleriyle Ekonomik ve Ticari İlişkileri
    
    Tebliğler Türkçe ve İngilizce olarak sunulacaktır.
    
    KONFERANS YERİ:
    
    YEDİTEPE ÜNİVERSİTESİ
    İNAN KIRAÇ SALONU ile MAVİ SALON - SAAT:10:00
  • Exiles claim China planning crackdown on Xinjiang during Ramadan

    Exiles claim China planning crackdown on Xinjiang during Ramadan

     Aug 19, 2008, 7:52 GMT

    Beijing – A group of exiles from China’s Muslim ethnic Uighur minority alleged Tuesday that police were planning to crack down on the Xinjiang region, where a series of attacks were carried out during the Olympic Games.

    The Munich-based World Uyghur Congress said Xinjiang authorities plan to hold a 40-day ‘Strike Hard’ campaign next month, coinciding with the Muslim holy month of Ramadan.

    Such campaigns are routinely carried out in China, but in Xinjiang they focus on finding suspected terrorists, religious extremists and separatists.

    ‘The main targets of this Strike Hard are fasting Uighurs, including cadres (civil servants) and students,’ the group’s spokesman Dilxat Raxit said in a statement.

    Fasting is a common practice by devout Muslims worldwide during Ramadan. People avoid food and drink, even water, from dawn to dusk, only eating in the early morning and at night.

    ‘With the Strike Hard activity being held around the time of Ramadan, Uighurs will be welcoming Islam’s holiday under an atmosphere of fear,’ Raxit said.

    ‘We strongly request the international community to pay attention to China’s banning of Uighurs from fasting and trampling on religious rights.’

    An employee at the Xinjiang public security department’s propaganda bureau denied the allegations when contacted by phone.

    ‘There’s no such plan,’ said the man, who only gave his surname Li.

    He also said government employees including Uighurs who work in the police department are not forbidden to fast. But he admitted that in his 20 years at the bureau, he was not aware of any Uighur colleagues fasting, either.

    ‘It’s up to them. We respect minorities’ practices,’ he said.

    An employee contacted at a post office of Xinjiang’s capital Urumqi said: ‘Some people fast, some people don’t. It’s based on their practice.’

    In Shule county, located 30 kilometers from the city of Kashgar, 12 people were arrested on charges of trying to divide the country and participating in illegal religious activities, Raxit alleged.

    Xinjiang has witnessed a spate of deadly attacks, which analysts believe were timed to coincide with the August 8-24 Olympic Games in Beijing. China blamed Uighur terrorists and separatists.

    The attacks killed at least 26 people in less than 10 days.

    On August 4, two Uighur men drove a truck into a group of soldiers on their morning jog in Kashgar city, and used homemade bombs and knives to kill 16 soldiers, injuring 16 others.

    On Sunday, more than a dozen explosions were set off in Kuqa county, damaging mostly government buildings, with 10 ‘terrorists’ killed by police bullets or their own bombs, the government said.

    On Tuesday, three security guards were stabbed to death at a roadside checkpoint near Kashgar.

    The Turkic-speaking population enjoyed brief periods of independence in the 1930s and 1940s, although Chinese dynasties have historically sought to control the region. But since Communist rule, China has encouraged an influx of ethnic Han Chinese to the region, inflaming racial tensions.

    Deutsche Presse-Agentur

  • Azerbaijan: Public Angry at Russian Offensive

    Azerbaijan: Public Angry at Russian Offensive

    Ordinary Azeris outraged by Moscow’s intervention in Georgia – but officials largely silent.

    By Tamara Grigoryeva in Baku (CRS No. 455, 19-Aug-08)

    “Our home looks like a dormitory now, because so many relatives have arrived,” said 23-year-old Azerbaijani Parvana Mamedova who has helped take care of a stream of relatives from Georgia’s Marneuli region, which has an Azerbaijani minority. “We don’t have enough space in our three rooms, but it’s our duty to receive them.”

    After August 8, when Russian planes bombed the military base in Marneuli, two families of relatives decided to move to Baku, until the situation settles down. Only her uncle, Asif, stayed in Georgia and joined a unit of Azerbaijani volunteers to support the Georgian army.

    Azerbaijan has strong ties to both Georgia and Russia. The private reaction in Azerbaijan, Georgia’s partner in the GUAM organisation and in several energy projects, has been stronger than the public one.

    Azerbaijani foreign ministry spokesman Khazar Ibrahim has been virtually the only official to comment. “Azerbaijan recognises Georgia’s territorial integrity and believes that the conflict must be settled within [the] framework…of international law,” he said.

    President Ilham Aliev has remained at the Olympic Games for the duration of the crisis and made no public comment.

    Opposition politicians and commentators have criticised him for doing this at a time of conflict in the Caucasus and suggested that the president is too beholden to Russia, with which he signed a cooperation agreement last month.

    “Our president preferred to stay and watch the Olympics and keep silent while the presidents of several other friendly countries personally arrived in Tbilisi and expressed their support for President Saakashvili,” said analyst Ilgar Mamedov.

    “I think that this position can be explained by the president of Azerbaijan’s commitment to good relations with the leadership of Russia, and his wish to preserve stability in the country on the eve of the forthcoming presidential elections.”

    Only last month, Aliev and Russian president Dmitry Medvedev signed a new cooperation treaty.

    Political analyst Hikmet Hajizade said the reaction was understandable. “Azerbaijan fears for of its own security,” he said. “It’s obvious that Russia shouldn’t be driven crazy, because we have seen the consequences.”

    The Azerbaijani public and media were much sharper in their reactions. There have been several statements accusing Russia of supporting separatists and urging it to withdraw. Six protest rallies have been held outside the Russian embassy in Baku.

    In response, the Russian ambassador to Azerbaijan Valery Istratov has held two press conferences. At the first, only four journalists, mainly representing Russian media accredited in Baku, were invited, a decision the Azerbaijani news internet site day.az described as “the ambassador’s desire to evade tricky questions from Azerbaijani journalists”.

    Inevitably, Azerbaijanis have also drawn parallels between the war over South Ossetia and their own unresolved conflict with Armenia over Nagorny Karabakh. “The parallels between these conflicts are obvious,” said Hajizade. “The conflict between Georgia and Ossetia will definitely have an impact on the Karabakh conflict. If the conflict ends with Russia’s full control over Georgia, it will be very bad for Azerbaijan. Georgia is our only route for our energy and transport projects to reach the outside world.”

    Hajizade also believes that “many of those in Azerbaijan, who have called for a military solution to the Nagorny Karabakh conflict have learned what lies in store for a country which defies Russia but has no real allies. On the other hand, Hajizade sees one advantage in the current crisis, “The forgotten Caucasian conflicts have become a focus of attention of the world.”

    As the situation deteriorated, Georgia announced it was quitting the Commonwealth of Independent States and urged other countries to follow suit. But Azerbaijan was cautious on this. “The decision to leave the CIS is Georgia’s internal affair. Each country has the right to take decisions independently,” said Azerbaijani deputy foreign minister Hafiz Pashayev.

    The conflict over South Ossetia is hurting Azerbaijan economically. The country’s main oil export route, the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline, was shut down anyway on August 5 after an explosion in eastern Turkey claimed by the PKK Kurdish rebels. The conflict ensured the closure of the other pipeline via Georgia, Baku-Supsa. Azerbaijan was forced to rely only on the alternative, Baku-Novorossisk via Russia. According to the Caspian Alliance Group, every day that the pipelines do not operate Azerbaijan loses more than 70 million dollars.

    Energy experts and officials say this is a temporary disruption and that the pipelines via Georgia will soon be operating again.

    Political analyst Rasim Musabekov called Russia’s actions in Georgia “deliberate energy blackmail towards Europe and Azerbaijan”.

    “As soon as we started oil deliveries via the Baku-Novorossiysk pipeline, Russia started experiencing some problems,” he said. “This once again shows that the Baku-Novorossisk pipeline cannot be used as the main route to export Azerbaijani resources to Europe. Our main routes pass through Georgia. In the future we must pay more attention to their security.”

    Tamara Grigoryeva is an AFP correspondent in Baku.

  • America Must Choose Between Georgia and Russia

    America Must Choose Between Georgia and Russia

    By SERGEY LAVROV
    August 20, 2008

    In some Western nations an utterly one-sided picture has been painted of the recent crisis in the Georgia-South Ossetia conflict. The statements of American officials would lead one to conclude that the crisis began when Russia sent in its troops to support its peacekeepers there.

    Meticulously avoided in those statements: The decision of Tbilisi to use crude military force against South Ossetia in the early hours of Aug. 8. The Georgian army used multiple rocket launchers, artillery and air force to attack the sleeping city of Tskhinvali.

    Some honest independent observers acknowledge that a surprised Russia didn’t respond immediately. We started moving our troops in support of peacekeepers only on the second day of Georgia’s ruthless military assault. Yes, our military struck sites outside of South Ossetia. When the positions of your peacekeepers and the civilian population they have been mandated to protect are shelled, the sources of such attacks are legitimate targets.

    Our military acted efficiently and professionally. It was an able ground operation that quickly achieved its very clear and legitimate objectives. It was very different, for example, from the U.S./NATO operation against Serbia over Kosovo in 1999, when an air bombardment campaign ran out of military targets and degenerated into attacks on bridges, TV towers, passenger trains and other civilian sites, even hitting an embassy.

    In this instance, Russia used force in full conformity with international law, its right of self-defense, and its obligations under the agreements with regard to this particular conflict. Russia could not allow its peacekeepers to watch acts of genocide committed in front of their eyes, as happened in the Bosnian city of Srebrenica in 1995.

    But what of the U.S.’s role leading up to this conflict? U.S. involvement with the Tbilisi regime—past and future—must be addressed to fully understand the conflict. When the mantra of the “Georgian democratic government” is repeated time and time again, does it mean that by U.S. standards, a democratic government is allowed to act in brutal fashion against a civilian population it claims to be its own, simply because it is “democratic”?

    Another real issue is U.S. military involvement with the government of Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili. Did Washington purposely encourage an irresponsible and unpredictable regime in this misadventure? If the U.S. couldn’t control Tbilisi’s behavior before, why do some in the U.S. seek to rush to rearm the Georgian military now?

    Russia, by contrast, remains committed to a peaceful resolution in the Caucasus.

    We’ll continue to seek to deprive the present Georgian regime of the potential and resources to do more mischief. An embargo on arms supplies to the current Tbilisi regime would be a start.

    We will make sure that the Medvedev-Sarkozy plan endorsed in Moscow on Aug. 12 is implemented, provided the parties to the conflict cooperate in good faith. So far we are not sure at all that Tbilisi is ready. President Saakashvili keeps trying to persuade the world that the South Ossetian capital of Tskhinvali was destroyed not by the Georgian attack but by the Russian forces who, according to Mr. Saakashvili, bombed the city after they entered it.

    Russia is committed to the ongoing positive development of relations with the U.S. That kind of agenda is set forth in the Foreign Policy Concept—the framework document that sets out the basic directions of Russia’s foreign policy—recently approved by President Dmitry Medvedev.

    However, it must be remembered that, as between any other major world powers, our bilateral relationship can only advance upon the basis of reciprocity. And that is exactly what has been missing over the past 16 years. I meant precisely that when I said that the U.S. will have to choose between its virtual Georgia project and its much broader partnership with Russia.

    The signs are ominous. Several joint military exercises have been cancelled by the Americans. Now Washington suggests our Navy ships are no longer welcome to take part in the Active Endeavour counterterrorism and counterproliferation operation in the Mediterranean. Washington also threatens to freeze our bilateral strategic stability dialogue.

    Of course, that strategic dialogue has not led us too far since last fall, including on the issue of U.S. missile defense sites in Eastern Europe and the future of the strategic arms reduction regime. But the threat itself to drop these issues from our bilateral agenda is very indicative of the cost of the choice being made in Washington in favor of the discredited regime in Tbilisi. The U.S. seems to be eager to punish Russia to save the face of a failed “democratic” leader at the expense of solving the problems that are much more important to the entire world.

    It is up to the American side to decide whether it wants a relationship with Russia that our two peoples deserve. The geopolitical reality we’ll have to deal with at the end of the day will inevitably force us to cooperate.

    To begin down the road of cooperation, it would not be a bad idea to do a very simple thing: Just admit for a moment that the course of history must not depend entirely on what the Georgian president is saying. Just admit that a democratically elected leader can lie. Just admit that you have other sources of information—and other objectives—that shape your foreign policy.

    Mr. Lavrov is the foreign minister of the Russian Federation.