Category: Middle East & Africa

  • Talking Turkey About Zionism

    Talking Turkey About Zionism

    by Philip Giraldi

    Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan is in trouble again with Washington and Tel Aviv because he dared to equate Zionism with fascism and anti-Semitism as an ideology or political movement that has brought oppression. Erdogan was speaking at a United Nations sponsored Alliance of Civilizations conference in Vienna dealing with instilling tolerance. He spoke in Turkish, but his words as translated into English were, “It is necessary that we must consider – just like Zionism or anti-Semitism or fascism – Islamophobia is a crime against humanity.” Erdogan was immediately pounced upon by the usual suspects and new American Secretary of State John Kerry was also quick to pull the trigger by saying, “We not only disagree with it. We found it objectionable.” He also stated that the comments did not help the Israel-Palestine peace process. That there is no peace process due to Israel’s unwillingness to countenance an actual Palestinian state with genuine sovereignty is apparently irrelevant, but then again it has been irrelevant to American policymakers ever since 1967, when the Israelis first occupied the remaining land that they had not already taken in the aftermath of the 1947 partition of Palestine.

    Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu spoke afterwards with Kerry and disagreed, observing that in 2010 Israel had attacked a Turkish flagged vessel in international waters and killed nine Turkish citizens who were seeking to deliver humanitarian aid to Gaza. He noted that “If Israel wants to hear positive statements from Turkey it needs to reconsider its attitude both towards us and towards the West Bank.”

    Erdogan and Davutoglu were referring to how political Zionism has denied fundamental human rights to the Palestinians that it displaced by force starting at the time of partition and continuing to the present. Neither contested the right of the Jewish people to have a homeland, but were simply pointing out that Zionism as it has been practiced has caused considerable human suffering, just as fascism and anti-Semitism have done in other places and at other times. Historically speaking, some Zionists believed that Jews should return to Biblical Israel by purchasing land and would learn to live alongside their Arab neighbors while others argued, that the Arabs would have to be removed. In the event, the latter view has prevailed. One would think that the egregious and well documented Israeli human rights violations inflicted on the Palestinians would be obvious to everyone, even in Washington, and that there might even be some cautiously expressed understanding of what lay behind the Turkish Prime Minister’s remarks. But that was perhaps inevitably not the case and a goodly part of the U.S. media and chattering class quickly expressed their outrage.

    Erdogan has long been one of the preferred targets of neocon rage. The Turkish prime minister dared confront Israel’s President Shimon Peres at an international meeting in Davos in January 2009. Referring to the slaughter of Gazan civilians earlier that month, Erdogan told Peres “…you know well how to kill.” The sharp exchange exemplified Israel’s richly deserved public relations problem. The coverage of the Erdogan-Peres exchange was carefully managed in the U.S. media, but somewhat more unrestrained in Europe and the Middle East. In the one hour discussion of Gaza that was moderated by David Ignatius of The Washington Post, a far from impartial participant, Peres was allowed twenty-five minutes to speak in defense of the Israeli attack. Erdogan was given twelve minutes. During the debate, Peres pointed accusingly at Erdogan and raising his voice. When Erdogan sought time to respond, Ignatius granted him a minute and then cut him off claiming it was time to go to dinner. Erdogan complained about the treatment and left Davos, vowing never to return. Back in Turkey, he received a hero’s welcome.

    Over at Commentary magazine, the American Enterprise Institute’s Michael Rubin led the charge against Erdogan’s most recent comments, writing that, “…when they argue for the criminalization of Islamophobia, Erdogan and his fellow traveler seek to ban…criticism of the more radical outliers of radical Islamism.” It is interesting that Rubin is able to interpret what Erdogan was thinking, but he then adds a clincher: under Erdogan, “the murder rate of women has increased 1,400 per cent,” suggesting somehow that the Turkish government is responsible. And there is more. Rubin asserts that Erdogan doesn’t like press freedom with Turkey ranking 154 among nations, just behind Mexico (it might be noted that Israel ranks 112, after Panama, while the United States is 32).

    Joining the attack, David Goldman, a former leftist and Lyndon LaRouche cultist who has now turned conservative, wrote that, “Lunatics have run better countries that Turkey in living memory” before going off on a tangent to tell how people in Anatolia believe in black magic. He also added that Erdogan has a “bizarre edge” since he believes that Turks living in Europe should not assimilate, that they should retain their culture and Turkish identity. Rod Dreher in a piece entitled “Turkey under Islamist Rule” then piled on the scrum by quoting Goldman and Rubin at length before adding that “Turkey is one of the region’s worst violators of religious freedom…Turkey is a great country, but it is not part of the west, and absent a tremendous change, mustn’t be allowed to be.”

    Even assuming that all the assertions made by Goldman, Rubin and Dreher are true, what do the media, murder statistics, Islamophobia, witchcraft, the European Union, and religious freedom have to do with whether Erdogan was right or wrong about Zionism? Nothing, and the essentially ad hominem arguments themselves reveal along the way considerable ignorance about contemporary Turkey and the Turkish people, a condition that has never caused a single neoconservative to falter one bit. The fact is that it is Zionism that has created the intellectual and political framework for the continuing dispossession of the Palestinian people. Rubin argues that, “to be anti-Zionist…is to believe that Israel should cease to exist.” Well, that is a convenient way to put it, but it is just not so. Israel exists and thanks to U.S. aid is the regional military hegemon. Turkey and most other majority Islamic countries recognize that reality and have understood it for years. Turkey also has a good record towards its Jewish minority. The Ottomans took in Sephardic Jews expelled from Spain in 1492 and the community has prospered since that time. Ankara in was in fact a close friend to Israel prior to the killing of its citizens and there have been reports that behind the scenes the two countries continue to cooperate.

    Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, founder of modern Turkey, believed that Islam had held his country back so he insisted on a state in which religion had no part, even adopting the Latin alphabet to replace the Quranic Arabic script that Turkish had hitherto employed. That view persists and Kemalist well-educated Turks, of which I know many, tend not to be religious or are even hostile to religion. They include most journalists, academics, businessmen, and army officers. They are capable of considerable pushback in the Turkish political system, note for example the headscarf in schools controversy, to include active and quite effective opposition political parties. The contention that Turkey is somehow “Islamist” ruled promoted by Dreher and others is misleading at a minimum. The fact is, most Turks are nominally Muslim and most rural Turks have always been devout. Now, for the first time since the 1930s Anatolian peasants as well as other Turks from a more secular background are able to express freely their religiosity, which might be assumed by Rubin, Goldman, and Dreher to be a change for the better if it were any religion but Islam. Most observers who actually know anything about Turkey and are not engaging in taking cheap shots regard Erdogan and his Justice and Development Party (AKP) as both moderate and considerably less corrupt than its predecessors.

    Ataturk also sought to create from the remains of the polyglot and multi-cultural Ottoman Empire a Turkish national identity. That meant that laws were passed defining Turkishness, laws that have generated periodic conflicts with Kurdish, Alevi, and Christian minorities and have led to the suppression of separate cultures and, more particularly, languages. This has produced the Kurdish problem, involving Turkey’s largest minority, which has bedeviled the country for nearly thirty years. Erdogan’s liberalization of laws to permit more Kurdish autonomy have clashed with the problem of the nation’s Turkish identify and run up against cultural and legal barriers, particularly at local levels. The Kurdish problem, which is a national security issue due to the activity of the terrorist group PKK, has also created the press freedom infringements identified by Rubin. Most journalists who have been punished by the government are Kurds who have fallen afoul of the Turkishness and counter-terrorism laws, which suggests a much more complicated dynamic than Rubin would admit to. Kurdish issues aside, the Turkish media is vibrant and not afraid to criticize the government.

    Goldman’s assertion about Erdogan’s desire to have ethnic Turks retain their identity is completely off base. The Prime Minister was responding to a German law requiring Turkish children born in Germany to select either German or Turkish nationality by the time they reach age 23. Erdogan was, not surprisingly, urging them to retain their Turkish identity. And as for Dreher’s meaningless assertion that Turkey is not part of the west or “mustn’t be allowed to be,” much depends on how one defines the west these days. Is it cultural, religious, ethnic, racial, geographic or none of the above? If it is values how does one accept a Christian Greece that is awash in institutional and personal corruption versus a Muslim Turkey that scores much better on those issues? And what about the various kleptocracies operating in the Balkans? Dreher suggests that Islam means that Turkey must be kept out of the European Union club, a not uncommon viewpoint but one that is essentially bogus if one examines the successful assimilation of Muslims in our own United States, for example. It is also curious that Dreher and the others do not seem to have ever objected to the oppression of Christians and Muslims alike in Israel, where religion based property seizures and official unwillingness to provide building permits, not unlike incidents occurring in Turkey, happen frequently. Christian clergy are also regularly spat upon by Israeli Jews, suggesting an even higher level of animosity on a personal level which does not seem to bother Rubin, Goldman, and Dreher.

    I confess that I am defending Turkey partly because I have lived there, speak Turkish, and like the country and its people. It is also a major strategic ally of the United States, which is not true of Israel. Yes, there are many things that could be improved in Turkey but the same could be said in spades about our own country. Indeed, one might reasonably argue that Turkey is becoming more democratic while the United States is becoming less so. But when Prime Minister Erdogan says something that is manifestly true that some find offensive it perhaps would not be churlish to suggest that the critics stick to the actual comments for their rebuttals. I suppose the redirection of the argument is due to the fact that it is very difficult to defend Zionism as it has been practiced in Israel but it would be nice for a change if folks like Rubin, Goldman, and Dreher would somehow figure out that the rest of the world does not necessarily accept the various fictions that have been concocted to justify Israel’s oppression of the Palestinians.

  • Turkey helping Syrian Armenians

    Turkey helping Syrian Armenians

    Re: Syria’s Armenian minority flees from conflict, Feb. 27

    Syria’s Armenian minority flees from conflict, Feb. 27

    This article does injustice to the burden borne by Turkey regarding the Syrians seeking refuge in the neighbouring countries. Turkey, contrary to its portrayal as a country that Syrian Armenians are hiding in and as a country they once feared most, has provided and will continue to provide a safe haven for those in need without any discrimination as to their religion or nationality or any other aspect whatsoever.

    Turkey also has a non-rejection policy for the refugees at the border. That applies to the Syrian Armenian community as well. Turkey is helping them by letting its airspace open to transfer them to Armenia. Turkey is ready to help them in Turkey and/or in Syria through relevant agencies if there is a request on their part.

    Currently, the number of Syrians in the 17 camps built in Turkey is above 185,000, while another 100,000 are living with their own means or with relatives in Turkey. The national spending in this regard is approaching $600 million.

    It is also worth mentioning that before the crisis erupted in Syria, Syrian Armenians regularly visited Turkey and also many of them used Turkish Airlines for their travels around the world, including to Canada.

    Turkey also rejects the characterization of the events of 1915 as “genocide.” Our position on the issue is well known; accusing a nation with “genocide” is a serious allegation that needs to be substantiated with historical and legal evidence.

    Dr. Tuncay Babali, Ambassador to Canada, the Republic of Turkey

    via Turkey helping Syrian Armenians | Toronto Star.

  • Erdogan Angered After Opposition  In Turkey Meets With Assad

    Erdogan Angered After Opposition In Turkey Meets With Assad

    Turkish PM Erdogan shakes hands with main opposition leader Kilicdaroglu in Ankara

     

    Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan shakes hands with main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) leader Kemal Kilicdaroglu (R) as they meet in Ankara, June 24, 2012. (photo by REUTERS)

    The visit of four parliamentarians of the main opposition Republican People’s Party [CHP] to Damascus on Thursday and their meeting with Syrian President Bashar Assad has once again exposed an important weakness of the ruling Justice and Development Party [AKP] government.

    By: Kadri Gursel for Al-Monitor Turkey Pulse.

    About This Article

    Summary :

    Syrian President Bashar Assad’s meeting in Damascus with members of the opposition Republican People’s Party has exposed the weakness of Turkey’s Syria policy, writes Kadri Gursel.

    Original Title:
    Erdogan Angered by Turkish Opposition Meeting with Assad
    Author: Kadri Gursel
    Translated by: Timur Goksel

    As I wrote previously, the Turkish public doesn’t strongly support Ankara’s goal of toppling Bashar Assad and the Baath regime and replacing them with a new rule dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood. But this capacity gap Ankara is facing in its Syria policy is not confined only to lack of adequate public approval and support. More crucial is the antagonism and polarization caused in segments of the society and national politics by the Syria policy.

    The visit of the CHP delegation to Damascus and their meeting with Assad is an outcome  of this antagonism.

    The AKP rule couldn’t transform its policy for regime change in Syria to a “national cause” by persuading the majority of the public. It simply could not goad the public to get excited by its policy. If they had been successful, the CHP delegation could not have gone to Damascus. They would have been worried about public reaction to such a visit.

    That AKP couldn’t fully convince its own constituency of the legitimacy and validity of its Syria policy is a fact. But roots of the polarization between the main opposition and the ruling party on Syria case go deeper.

    Their antagonism arises from the Alevi-Sunni polarization in Turkey. Although the Alevi minority in Turkey diverges from Arab Alewites in their beliefs and rituals and have indigenous features peculiar to Anatolia, they don’t regard the Syrian regime with sentiments of confrontation and hostility as does the Sunni mainstream Islamic current that prevails in Turkey.

    Turkish Alevis are majority secularists. When you add their fears of Sunni Islamism, it is inevitable that they feel an affinity to the secularist regime in Syria.

    And, also to be noted is that the Turkish Alevis heavily vote for the secularist CHP.

    The same goes for Arab Alewites of Hatay and Mersin regions who had elected three of the parliamentarians that were in the delegation that visited Assad. The sympathy for the Assad regime openly voiced in these two provinces is a cause of distress for the ruling party circles.

    You have to look at the photos printed in Friday’s Turkish papers showing Safak Pavey, the deputy chairman of the CHP and member of Parliament from Istanbul, and the three other parliamentarians, Aytug Akici [Mersin], Hasan Akgol [Hatay] and Mevlut Dudu [Hatay], in the light of these facts.

    According to reports in the Turkish press, the CHP delegation asked Assad for the release of journalists — American Austin Tice and Palestinian Bashar Khaddumi —known to be detained by the regime. Four months ago, a CHP delegation that also included Mevlut Dudu and Hasan Akgol went to Syria and took delivery of Turkish cameraman Cuneyt Unal who had been in a regime prison for more than three months.

    The ‘’humanitarian mission’’ label affixed to this meeting must not have convinced Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan. His harsh reaction was headlined by mainstream daily Haberturk: “Why Did You Send Them to That Brute?”

    The “brute” that the prime minister was referring to is Syrian President Bashar Assad.

    It was the CHP chairman, Kemal Kilicdaroglu, that Erdogan was taking to task with the question that he asked at an Ankara press conference: “Why did the main opposition of this country send its parliamentarian to that brute? What did they achieve there?”

    It is possible to understand the anger of the prime minister. At issue is the political support by Turkey’s main opposition party to a regime and its leader that has been demonized by the prime minister of Turkey and his government. “Humanitarian mission” pretext is not convincing to the government.

    It was hardly surprising that Bashar Assad in a statement issued in Damascus saluted the CHP delegation and the Turkish opposition. The statement said Assad told the CHP delegation: “Syria has to distinguish between the attitudes of the Turkish people, who support stability in Syria, and the Erdogan government that supports terrorism, extremism and destabilization in the region.”

    The statement also said that the delegation led by parliamentarian Hassan Akgul conveyed the “Turkish people’s rejection of interference in internal affairs of Syria and their wish for good relations with their southern neighbor.” The Damascus meeting thus provided a vehicle to transmit Assad’s views explained to the CHP delegation to the Turkish public as well.

    According to a news report by Utku Cakirozer, the Ankara representative of daily Cumhuriyet, when asked in the meeting, “Is a regime without Assad feasible?,” Assad replied:

    ‘”I can’t leave even if I wanted to. I will not abandon ship until we get to a calm port in this storm. My people are behind me. If the storm ends one day, if there are elections, democracy comes and people tell to me leave, then I will. I mean I will go if I have to, but my people have to tell me that.’’

    It was possible to understand from these words that Assad has no intention of leaving Damascus until the 2014 elections. Assad’s remarks about Erdogan constituted a challenge:

    ‘’The Syrian crisis has become an existential struggle for Erdogan and Emir of Qatar. If Syria wins, they will lose in their country. There is also an ideological dimension of this affair. They want to see political Islam dominate Syria. We want t preserve secularism.’’

    Assad reportedly said, “Turkey has the most influence on the situation in my country. Most weapons and terrorists come via Turkey. Twenty-five percent of our land border with Turkey is under the control of the PKK, and 75 % of it is under Al Qaeda.”

    Assad also appealed to the Turkish nationalist public by saying: “There is an increased opportunity for the Kurds to set up a state in the region. Kurds in Northern Syria have linked with Iraqi Kurds. It is a matter of time for a Kurdish state.”

    It appears that the visit of the CHP delegation to Damascus has become a serious headache for AKP’s Syria policy.

    Kadri Gürsel is a contributing writer for Al-Monitor’s Turkey Pulse and has written a column for the Turkish daily Milliyet since 2007. He was also a correspondent for Agence France-Presse between 1993 and 1997, and in 1995 was kidnapped by the PKK, an experience recounted in his book Dağdakiler(Those of the Mountains), published in 1996.

    Read more: http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2013/03/turkey-opposition-damascus-visit-against-ankara-syria-policy.html#ixzz2N2Clpsay

  • Turkey appoints ambassador to ‘Palestine’

    One-time close ally of Israel gives consul-general in Ramallah an upgrade

    Turkey has appointed an ambassador to the ‘State of Palestine’, Palestinian Ma’an News Agency reported Tuesday night. Akir Ozkan Torunlar, Turkey’s current consul-general, is taking on the new honorific title as the nation’s representative to Ramallah.

    Though the Palestinians enjoy non-member state status at the United Nations, a “State of Palestine” is not recognized by most countries.

    Tornular met with PA Foreign Minister Riyad al-Maliki in Ramallah, according to the report, who thanked the Turkish diplomat for his nation’s support of last year’s successful Palestinian bid for non-member state status at the United Nations.

    Israel and Turkey enjoyed close diplomatic and business relations for years, but a gradual deterioration in ties was accelerated with the May 2010 Gaza flotilla incident, in which clashes between pro-Palestinian activists and IDF troops aboard the Mavi Marmara ship resulted in the deaths of nine activists, eight of them Turkish citizens, and injuries to several Israeli soldiers.

    Relations between Ankara and Jerusalem have since remained sour, with Turkey demanding an apology, and compensation for the families of those killed, as prerequisites for the renewal of ties.

    Raphael Ahren contributed to this report.

    via Turkey appoints ambassador to ‘Palestine’ | The Times of Israel.

  • A new rapprochement for Turkey and Israel?

    A new rapprochement for Turkey and Israel?

    The relationship between Turkey and Israel is currently entering a new season, the raison d’état of which is business. After breaking diplomatic relations following the Israeli military offensive against the Turkish boat Mavi Marmara in 2010 – a bloody attack against the activists of the Gaza-bound Freedom Flotilla that resulted in the death of nine Turkish citizens – late last month the Turkish media announced the signing of an agreement for the sale of military aircraft electronic system by Tel Aviv to the Ankara government.

    Erdogan-Assad

    Erdogan (left) and Syria’s Bashar al-Assad in better days (Photo: todayszaman.com) 

     

    The new system will complete the aircraft system already developed by the Turkish military industry, the so-called AWACS (Airborne Warning and Control System). AWACS is a radar system designed to intercept airplanes, boats and vehicles over long distances and to manage air battles against possible enemies. The agreement, over one hundred million dollars, dates back to 2002 and includes the sale of four Boeing 737 with radar control and an electronic defense system.

     

    This contract was never implemented, however, because of the Israeli refusal to provide the last two parts necessary to complete the AWACS system. This refusal followed the Turkish decision to freeze all the diplomatic relations with Israel and to proceed with trials in absentia against the Israeli soldiers and officials charged with the deaths of the nine activists.

     

    At the time of the attack of the Israeli special forces against the Mavi Marmara, Turkish premier Erdogan asked Israel for an official apology and financial compensation for the families of the nine victims. Those were the Turkish conditions for resumption of bilateral relations, but Israel refused to meet these demands. In the final report of the Turkel Commission, an Israeli government committee of inquiry to investigate the Mavi Marmara “incident”, “experts” completely absolved the government of any guilt and labeled Israel’s use of force against unarmed activists “as appropriated and proportionate to the threat”.

     

    It took the direct intervention of the American company Boeing to push the stalled sale agreement forward. According to an official of the Turkish Defense Ministry, “Boeing told Israel that its refusal to complete the delivery was damaging their own business”.

     

    Thus, Israel decided to end its two years of “embargo” against Turkey: since 2010, the Netanyahu government had banned exports to Ankara. However, this relationship was restarted as business is business: not only in the military field, but also in that of energy.

     

    On the table there is also an agreement for a joint Turkish-Israeli project to construct a pipeline from Israel via Turkey for the export of natural gas to Europe. In this case, it’s the Turkish government that is slowing down project implementation. Just two weeks ago the Turkish Minster of Energy, Taner Yildiz, said that Ankara would not give the green light for the project until final approval of Erdogan.

     

    The Israeli offer includes the construction of a pipeline that starts from the Leviathan basin – the richest one in Israel – and continues along the southern coast of Turkey in order to meet the energy needs of European countries for a total of 425 billion cubic meters of gas.

     

    The Israeli hurry is understandable, but Turkey brakes: first of all, Tel Aviv must meet the political conditions of Erdogan. The Turkish premier, in words, has always shown himself as a strenuous opponent of the Jewish state: several time the prime minister called the Israeli state a “terrorist state”.

     

    But don’t forget another element, essential to understand the current relations between the two countries: the intention of Ankara to assume the role of leader of the Arab world, taking advantage of an Egypt still too unstable and a Syria engrossed in civil war. Erdogan doesn’t hide his desire to make Turkey the new regional power, breaking relations with his former ally Bashar al-Assad and highlighting Iran as the common enemy.

     

    In such a context, Israel needs to get closer to Turkey, given the relations (similar to a cold war) with Damascus and Teheran. Turkey could become for Israel what Egypt was for decades: under Mubarak’s dictatorship, Israel enjoyed the support of Cairo, a guarantee of great value inside the Arab world.

     

    But what makes Turkey close to the Jewish state? According to Palestinian writer and political analyst Nassar Ibrahim: “In order to understand the current game of alliances, we need to start from the history: for decades Turkey and Israel have maintained good political and military relations. The attack against Mavi Marmara is the exception, not the rule. The Turkish prime minister took this opportunity to show himself as the only Arab leader able to face Israel and to defend the right of the Palestinian people. In those months, there were lots of Turkish flags raised during demonstrations in West Bank and other Arab countries. Erdogan’s success, however, didn’t come from his political stature, but from frustration over the silence of the other Arab regimes”.

     

    Until the outbreak of the Arab Spring. “Erdogan, as leader of a party belonging to the Muslim Brotherhood, understood that it was the time for Turkey,” notes Ibrahim. “Ankara could make a difference and become the new leader in a Middle East led by the Muslim Brotherhood. Because of this idea, Erdogan immediately pushed Turkey against the regimes of Mubarak, Ben Alì and Ghaddafi. And at the end, against Bashar al Assad, making a strategic mistake of great importance: Syria was a close ally of Turkey for decades. The two countries had excellent political, economic and military relations until Erdogan’s decision to abandon the old friend Assad, in the belief that the Syrian president would soon fall and leave space to a new government, led – like in Tunisia and in Egypt – by the Muslim Brotherhood”.

     

    Yet two years after the beginning of the Syrian civil war, Damascus hasn’t fall down and – while the traditional Islamic opposition groups (including the Muslim Brotherhood) are losing ground – Al Qaeda militias advance. “Erdogan is in crisis, his strategy is also in crisis because of internal unrest. The Turkish people is traditionally and historically close to the Syrian one and no one there understands the need to abandon Damascus. In particular the army, a strong and rooted power in Turkey, is harshly criticizing Erdogan: to promote his party’s interests (to become the point of reference of all the Muslim Brotherhood parties), he sacrificed the political and economic interests of Turkey”.

     

    “It is in this context that we must read the new rapprochement with Israel,” Ibrahim explains. “Turkey is isolated, it is now surrounded by antagonistic states: Syria, Iraq, Iran. Erdogan now has only NATO, Europe and United States, the closest allies of Israel. If Ankara wants western support and the Patriot missiles, it needs to renew its relationship with Tel Aviv”.

  • Syria’s Assad hails Turkey anti-Erdogan opposition

    Syria’s Assad hails Turkey anti-Erdogan opposition

    display_imageDAMASCUS: President Bashar al-Assad on Thursday hailed Turkish opposition to Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s backing for the revolt that began in Syria nearly two years ago, in a statement seen by AFP.

    The statement comes after Assad met a Turkish opposition delegation, which prompted Erdogan to issue a stinging criticism of the politicians, asking why they were meeting with “such a dictator.”

    Assad told the Republican People’s Party delegation there was “a need to distinguish between the stance of the Turkish people, who support stability in Syria, and the positions of Erdogan’s government, which supports terrorism, extremism and destabilisation in the region,” it said.

    “The Syrian people appreciates the position adopted by forces and parties in Turkey that reject the Erdogan government’s negative impact on our societies, which are multi-religious and multi-ethnic,” Assad said.

    The Turkish delegation, headed by Hassan Akgul, stressed “the Turkish people’s refusal to interfere in Syrian affairs, and a commitment to good neighbourly relations,” the statement said.

    The visitors also “warned of the risks of the Syrian crisis’s impact on Turkey and other countries in the region,” it added.

    Speaking on television, Erdogan asked: “Why is this country’s main opposition party sending its three lawmakers to meet with this dictator, this tyrant? What do they want to achieve?”

    Damascus, meanwhile, called on the international community in letters to the United Nations to condemn Ankara’s role in the Syrian conflict, which has left some 70,000 people dead.

    “Syria hopes that the international community… will fulfil its responsibilities clearly and sincerely, and denounce the role of the Turkish government and other states that fund the Al-Qaeda-linked terrorist groups, while bearing them responsible for what is happening in Syria,” the letters said.

    Assad’s government has systematically blamed the violence in Syria on a foreign-backed plot, and has frequently accused Turkey of channelling funds and weapons to the armed opposition.

    Reacting to the letters, Erdogan asked if Assad would “complain about Turkey to the United Nations just because we are accommodating 250,000 Syrians on our soil? This person is committing a kind of genocide there… Will he complain about us because of this?”

    Ankara broke off relations with Damascus soon after the outbreak of Syria’s uprising, which morphed into an armed insurgency after the regime unleashed a brutal crackdown against dissent that began in mid-March 2011.

    Turkey hosts some 200,000 Syrians who fled the violence, and earlier this month it hosted a Syrian opposition election for Aleppo’s provincial council.

    – AFP/jc

    via Syria’s Assad hails Turkey anti-Erdogan opposition – Channel NewsAsia.