Category: Middle East & Africa

  • Cultural Influences On Caspian

    Cultural Influences On Caspian

    Brenda Shaffer works to define cultural domination on states’ foreign or domestic affairs in “Is there a Muslim Foreign Policy?”article. With some examples, Shaffer is explaining this event us. Firstly, Shaffer begin the article with Huntigton’s thesis: “The Clash of Civilizations”1Shaffer gives an example about different state decision-making. Some Muslim countries have Anti-American people as behavioral. But these states make alliance with the USA like Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Egypt. Commonly we can see incongruent actings between states policies and people behaviors.
    Iran – Playing Politics with Islamic Style

    Samuel Huntigton’s thesis bases on idea that culture has main role in defining of policy. Also Brenda Shaffer agrees Huntigton’s thesis. Shaffer says that culture is main mechanism for diplomatic relations. Shaffer interprets culture as specific culture of country’s within religion, history and civilization.

    Western scholars researched about Islam effection in Muslim countries after 11 September terrorist act. They looked at Muslim scholars, historians, diplomats and generals. They understood Islam effection as strong as nuclear weapons. But this is not a physical thing, this is an ideology. And they speeches to newspapers, politic journals a subject that has a title as “Do Muslim countries act differently than Non-Muslim States?”

    On the other hand, Shaffer interests about this subject under the psychological perspective. Human beings are often driven by culture according to Shaffer. Also, human behavior effects on to state affairs. But state acts partly different from human behaviors. We can give example from philosophical history: Some philosophers think that the state is a thing like human. But it is systematically human. The state action is like people’s actions. State is big form of human and human is small form of the state. As behavioral psychological meaning has different dimensions.

     

    Shaffer’s Caspian perspective has common beliefs. According to Shaffer, all Caspian countries have been influenced by Islam effection after from the Soviet Union. And now they have Islamic perspective on their state affairs. But Shaffer judges all Caspian and Middle Asia area as Islamic effection zones. But it is not totally like that. Today these countries are secular except Iran.

    The Islamic Republic of Iran is important in this area according to Shaffer’s idea. After the collapsing of the USSR, Iran wanted to export their Islamic regime to other neighbor states. In Central Asia and Caucasus territory, Iran plays for exporting their Persian Islamic mind as a regime under the title as “Islamic Solidarity” with economic and security events. Shaffer is true for this event. Iran wanted to export their regime to other states. But American or Western scholars’ view point is different. They are looking as totally Islamic system to Iran. They say about Iran that they are working for Islamic fundamentalism. But Iran’s Islamic mind is very different from normal Islamic idea. Persian Islamic system bases on fundamentalist movement. If we look at Turkey, Egypt or others, we can see normal, laic Islamic behavior. Also Shaffer says their false point in next sentence. “Poor Muslim countries have an influence circumstance but secular Muslim countries challenges to Iran like Turkmenistan.”
    – The Nagorno-Karabagh conflict (Christian Armenia versus Muslim Azerbaijan)

    But Tehran has faced three regional disputes :

    – The Chechen conflict (Chechen Muslims versus Moscow)

    – The Tajik civil war (The Islamic Renaissance Party versus Moscow

    In these mix circumstances Iranian fundamentalist approach transformed to self-interest system. And most telling of these policy preferences are Iran’s support for Armenia instead of Azerbaijan in the Nagorno-Karabagh conflict.2FinalCulture may be material interest of regime survivability. Islam is more likely to affect policy under conditions that see greater domestic and personnel influences on foreign policies.Mehmet Fatih OZTARSU
    Qafqaz University Law Faculty
    International Relations

    By these events, Iran’s state security was challenged in the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia since Iran is a multiethnic state. Shaffer Gives information about Iran’s population: Half of Iran’s population is comprised of non Persian ethnic minorities; Azerbaijani groups. The majority of the residents of Iran’s northwestern provinces which border the country of Azerbaijan and they are Azerbaijani. But Iran’s relations bogged down with Baku because of Iranian self interests.

    Shaffer shows their ideas that Iranian diversity of opinion is good example for Iranian foreign policy. There are some different points as historical legacies and religious differences in policies.

    “On the other hand Turkey attempted to conduct a balanced policy toward both Armenia and Azerbaijan. Also Turkey helped for Karabagh conflict to Baku.”

    Turkey changed its policy when Karabagh became a conflict. This is an example for cultural combines. (Brenda Shaffer)

    According to many observers, religious differences have played a central role in the Caspian region. With these happenings, Azerbaijan supported Chechnya. Also some analysts have assumed that religious differences serve as a basis for conflict between Muslim Azerbaijan and Christian Armenia. Over these events, common culture serves as a basis role for alliances and coalitions and different cultures act as an obstacle to cooperation.

    Shaffer’s opinion is that there are cultural alliances are created follow by from collapsing of the USSR.

    Tehran’s main argument is Shiite background in their helping system. Also Turkey and Azerbaijan shares ethnic Turkic and Muslim backgrounds. Also Russian and Armenian background is Orthodox Christian form. But Georgian-Russian conflict is different from this event. It bases on security alliance.

     

    Some governments explain and justify their policies in cultural terms. We must analyze a country’s foreign policy on the basis of actions. We have anticipated the New Testament to Germany or Russia or Torah to Israel like Islamic system. Shaffer asked question : “What does the Koran have to say a foreign policy question?”

    If Islam influences them, they should act with Islamic interaction. (Shaffer)

    The USA wants an enemy for their father emotion on the world. They forced as goodness of the world during the Cold War. They defended the world’s countries from dangerous communist system. Their interest was communism in that time. But they wanted a new enemy for regulate the world with themselves. After the Cold War, their White House scholars worked for a new enemy. There was a “Red Dangerous” line. But today there should be “Green Dangerous” line. And its name is Islam. 3

    The USA’s fans defense western style always. There shouldn’t be a religious system like Islam around the world according to them. But they don’t look at Israeli system or American Christiantic base.

    Today there is a Muslim conflict. And the USA is patron of the world. So they are working for peace, democracy and other good things. But the world’s people will know workings of the USA. All terror acts, all problems, all ethnic clashes…

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    1 Dogu Bati Journal – 26
    2 Karabagh conflict begin in the late 1980. And Armenia attacked to legal boundaries of Azerbaijan.
    3 Politic Declaration Fikret Baskaya – Ideologies.

     

  • Blood and Belief  –  Kurdish Identity

    Blood and Belief – Kurdish Identity

    The PKK and the Kurdish Fight for Independence

    by Aliza Marcus
    New York: New York University Press, 2007. 349 pp. $35

    Reviewed by Michael Rubin

    Middle East Quarterly
    Summer 2008

    Most writers on the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, best known by its Kurdish language acronym, the PKK, substitute advocacy for accuracy, so their books about the PKK tend to have limited practical use for policymakers. But Marcus, a former international correspondent for The Boston Globe who spent several years covering the PKK, has done important work in Blood and Belief. While sympathetic to her subject—the substitution of “militant” for “terrorist” grates—she retains professional integrity and does not skip over inconvenient parts of the PKK narrative such as its predilection to target Kurdish and leftist competitors rather than the Turks; the patronage it has received from the Syrian government; and the important role of European states and the Kurdish diaspora in its funding.

    Blood and Belief has four sections: on PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan’s life and the PKK’s beginnings; the PKK’s consolidation of power; the civil war; and the aftermath of Öcalan’s 1999 capture.

    The Kurds inhabit a region that spans Syria, Iraq, Turkey, and Iran, and Marcus does not let national borders constrain her analysis. Events in Iraq—such as the squabbling between Patriotic Union of Kurdistan leader Jalal Talabani and Kurdistan Democratic Party leader Masoud Barzani—influenced Öcalan, who concluded that he should tolerate no dissent. “We believed in socialism, and it was a Stalin-type of socialism we believed in,” one early PKK member relates.

    Steeped in Kurdish and Turkish history, Marcus provides better context than many other journalists who have tackled this subject. The PKK took hold, she shows, largely because of the weakness of the Turkish state in the 1970s. Between 1975 and 1980, the Turkish government barely functioned. After the 1980 coup, the Turkish military restored order. But when Barzani offered the PKK shelter in northern Iraq, the group remained beyond reach, allowing it to plan and launch a full-scale guerilla war against Turkey. Marcus concludes that the group’s continued survival in Turkey is because, at some level and among some constituents, it remains popular; its support is not all driven by intimidation as some Turkish analysts claim.

    Marcus impressively covers the civil war years (1984-99), and her narrative, combining dialogue and context, is rich and accessible. While many journalists and authors satisfy themselves with a single round of interviews, Marcus concentrates not on active PKK members, who she realizes do not enjoy the freedom to speak, but rather on past members, villagers, and family members whose accounts she cross-checks. She also incorporates Turkish language press accounts and interviews with Turkish officials.

    It is unfortunate, though, that her coverage of PKK resurgence, between 1999 and 2007, is just thirteen pages long. An exploration of how Öcalan has retained control while in prison and where he and his henchmen might take the PKK has seldom been more relevant. One hopes that this new chapter of PKK history will become the basis for a sequel.

     

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    Kurdish Identity

    Human Rights and Political Status

    Edited by Charles G. MacDonald and Carole A. O’Leary. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2007. 336 pp. $65

    Reviewed by Michael Rubin

    Middle East Quarterly
    Summer 2008

    The reader of Kurdish Identity, published in 2007, will find himself reading such timely insights as former State Department Iraq coordinator Francis Ricciardone explaining that, “Of course, we have no relations at all with [Baghdad],” and former deputy assistant secretary of state David Mack writing that he understands both Kurdish aspirations and “the potential danger that a ruthless regime in Baghdad poses,” as though Saddam Hussein’s regime had not ceased to exist in 2003.

    The collection of articles published by MacDonald and O’Leary, Kurdish experts at, respectively, Florida International University and American University, might have been useful to practitioners in April 2000, the date of the conference for which they were written, but the articles are now out-of-date.

    Some chapters are useful to historians. Robert W. Olson’s essay on Turkish-Iranian relations between 1997 and 2001 capably reviews that period. Kurdistan Regional Government financial advisor Stafford Clarry’s analysis of the U.N.’s humanitarian program retains value because of his precision and attention to detail, all the more so in the wake of the Oil-for-Food program scandal, which he helped expose. Michael Gunter’s apt analysis of how the capture of Kurdish terrorist leader Abdullah Öcalan catalyzed Turkey’s EU accession drive stands the test of time.

    The editors conclude with an essay updating the reader on world events. Both are academics well worth reading, but they provide no insights in this collection not already published elsewhere. Their comments in passing on the dire situation of Syrian Kurds, who do not enjoy equal protection under the law, raises the question why Kurdish Identity does not address this subject.

    Had MacDonald and O’Leary reassembled their April 2000 conference participants to reconsider their contributions seven years later and analyze where they were right and wrong, Kurdish Identity would have advanced scholarship in a novel way. As it stands, however, their book offers too little and much too late, suggesting that academics live in a world of publish or perish with the content of those publications sometimes a secondary consideration.

  • Turkey joins the race for Africa’s resources

    Turkey joins the race for Africa’s resources

    Written by Allan Odhiambo

    July 28, 2008: Turkey has become the latest emerging economy to join the scramble for Africa’s fortunes with a continent-wide investment conference to be held in Istanbul.

    Turkey joins the race for Africa’s resources

    The move, mainly seen as driven by the increasing pressure to find resources the country needs to power its fast growing economy, also promises additional investment and trade inflows for Africa.   

    The summit, to be held between August 18 and 21, is being organised with the help of the African Union and will be the first of its kind for both parties.

     “We will look at the future of our relationship with a view to strengthening and diversifying it,” Turkish Foreign Affairs minister Ali Babacan said when he met an AU delegation last week.

    Closer ties with Africa is particularly critical to Turkey — the Euro-Asian state with few natural resources — whose economy is undergoing a transformation from heavy reliance on agriculture and manufacturing to a globally inclined one driven by the services sector.

    In the more recent past, as the Kenyan economy recovered from a deep slump at the turn of the millennium, Turkey has become one of the key source markets for consumer goods such as textiles, carpets, furniture and electronics for the newly rich.

    A steadily growing economy is also seen to be critical to the realisation of Turkey’s ambition to become a member of the European Union — a goal it has been pursuing for nearly a decade.

    This need to sustain growth and manage an economy in transition has seen Turkey’s trade ties with Africa more than double in the past five years from $5 billion in 2003 to $12 billion last year.

    Istanbul says the goal is to increase this volume of trade to $30 billion by 2010. Data from the department of external trade indicates that Turkey’s direct investments in Africa hit the $500 million mark last year and is expected to grow.

    For Kenya, Turkey’s ambitions for closer ties with Africa has yielded a steady growth in the value of the bilateral trade that stood at $90 million last year. Under the existing bilateral trade agreement, Turkey exports a wide range of consumer goods to Kenya including hazelnut, minerals, chemical fertilisers, resins, polymer bags and textile.

    Emerging Asian giants

    Kenya mainly exports tea, hemp and arts and crafts to Turkey, and also benefits from a wide range of technical cooperation projects under the Turkish International Co-operation Agency (TICA).

    If successful, a trade and investment deal with Africa will see Turkey join the ongoing battle between India and China for big investments mainly in Africa’s natural resources extraction.

    The two emerging Asian giants have also made multi-million shilling acquisition deals or green field investments in telecommunication, tourism, energy, technology, commodities and construction.

    Turkey recently stepped up its expansion in Africa with the May 2007 admission as a non-regional member of the African Development Bank.

    China’s President Hu Jintao (centre) Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi (left) and President of the Republic of Congo Denis Sassou-Nguesso at the China-Africa Summit in Beijing in November 2006.

    The bank, which is one of the top financiers of development and infrastructure projects in Africa, gives Turkey a good platform from where to open new areas of co-operation. Turkey has made inroads into Africa’s transport sector with scheduled flights of its national flag carrier Turkish Airlines to regional hubs of Addis Ababa, Khartoum, Lagos and Johannesburg.

    Istanbul also plans to venture into Africa’s maritime sector with investment in key facilities such as the Port of Mombasa to spur trade in the hinterland.
    Besides, Turkey is already involved in multi-million dollar humanitarian and development assistance to a number of African countries through TICA.

    Major beneficiaries of this assistance include Sudan, Ethiopia and Senegal. TICA says plans are underway to move into new areas of development cooperation such as health, water sanitation, education, technical training, environmental protection and transportation.

    Funds for Africa

    Turkish humanitarian and development assistance to Africa has been growing steadily with the Official Development Assistance (ODA) totalling $700 million in the last three years.

    “To this end, we have set up several dedicated funds for Africa. The latest initiative is the allocation of $50 million to finance development in Africa over the next five years,” Mr Babacan said.

     Istanbul has also recently set up a $20 million development financing pool for the Least Developed Countries (LDC), Small Island Developing States (SIDS) and Land Locked Developing Countries (LLDC).

    In return, Turkey is looking for political support from Africa to realise her dreams of winning a non-permanent seat in the UN Security Council.

    “We see our prospective membership in the security council as an opportunity that will allow us to contribute even further to the achievement of our common objectives under the UN,” the minister said.

    Turkey’s candidature for the UN seat is for the 2009 to 2010 term. Turkey served for a one-year term in the Security Council in 1961. India too pegged its economic support for Africa to backing for a permanent seat in the expanded UN Security Council, signalling Africa’s growing influence in global agenda.

    Intense lobbying for UN reforms that would open the door for greater representation of the developing world in key global institutions has been ongoing since the mid 1990s.

    Those in the race for a permanent seat at the Security Council include Germany, Japan, Egypt, Brazil, and South Africa. Successful countries will join US, China, Britain, France and Russia in the exclusive club of members who wield veto power at the UN.

    Joint trade pacts

    India has already announced plans to offer preferential market access to 50 developing countries, 34 in Africa. The arrangement covers 94 per cent of India’s total tariff lines and provides preferential market access on tariff lines that comprise 92.5 per cent of global exports of all least developed countries.
     
    The scheme covers several products of interest to Africa including cotton, cocoa, aluminium, copper, cashew nuts, sugar, ready-made garments, fish fillets and non-industrial diamonds.

    India further pledged to offer additional lines of credit amounting to $5.4 billion both bilaterally and to the regional economic communities of Africa.

    Trade experts would be looking up to what Turkey would offer African nations to win their confidence in pursuing further joint trade and co-operation pacts.

    In the last five years, Kenya’s imports from India have risen from Sh14 billion in 2002 to Sh38 billion in 2006 while China’s have increased from Sh6 billion to Sh27 billion making them increasingly important trading partners. Kenya’s exports to these countries remains under Sh4 billion.

  • Isolated Armenia leans on Iran

    Isolated Armenia leans on Iran

    By Robin Forestier, BBC News, Yerevan

    Deep in the cellar of the Noy Brandy factory in Yerevan, Armenia, there is a pungent, but not unpleasant

    Noy Brandy's wine-tasting sessions are popular with Iranian tourists

    smell of ageing, fortified wine.

    On an upturned wooden cask sit a dozen glasses, and a bottle of 1944 sherry. The company’s wine-tasting sessions are popular with tourists and most of them, according to tour guide Anna, come from Iran.

    “Ten metres underground, they think Allah is out of range,” she smiles. “They don’t want to taste the wine, they want to drink it.”

    Across town, Omid Mojahed is one such Iranian looking for more than just a taste of Armenia. He is a 28-year-old student and an entrepreneur at heart.

    He spends most of his time away from his books, working on his businesses, which include a travel agency working exclusively in the Iranian market.

    “In summer I think that 90% of tourists are Iranian. Armenia is so close by and has attractive things – cafes and nightclubs, and beautiful Lake Sevan.”

    Omid has also just opened a Persian restaurant, catering for locals as well as Iranian expats, keen for some home cuisine.

    Gathered at the bar around a smoking pipe, a group of Iranian students are relaxing after their exams.

    Twenty-year-old Mehdez explains that Armenia is popular with thousands of young people who cannot get a place in Iran’s over-subscribed higher education system.

    “I chose to study in Yerevan because it’s an easier situation. Here we have more freedom,” she says.

    “But of course anything that we do here, we can do in Iran – just not in public.”

    Geographic isolation

    Part of that freedom includes an increasingly liberalised economy, and that makes Armenia attractive to foreign investment.

    The Armenian capital is hardly an international economic powerhouse, but there are signs that Iranian investors sense an opportunity.

    On one street, many of the stores are Iranian-run. One of them is owned by Muhammad Rahimi.

    Muhammad Rahimi benefits from Armenia's dependence on Iran

    He started trading household goods 10 years ago. Business, he says, gets better and better. Practically every item he sells – from pots and pans to air-fresheners – has been imported from Iran.

    Like many of his compatriots, Muhammad benefits from Armenia’s geographical isolation.

    War with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh in the 1990s led to the closure of its borders with Azerbaijan and an unsympathetic Turkey.

    That leaves landlocked Armenia looking towards Georgia to the north, and Iran to the south.

    “Georgia, economically, is worse than Armenia,” says Alexander Iskandarian, director of the Caucasus Media Institute.

    “But Iran has a population of 70 million and it has oil and gas. It’s rich by regional standards, so you should have normal relations with them. It’s dangerous not to do so.”

    Yet trade turnover between the two countries remains modest, at just $200m (£100m) a year, according to the economic department at the Iranian embassy.

    US disapproval

    That has not stopped the United States from expressing concern about Armenia’s ties with its neighbour. Those ties include the new Iran-Armenia gas pipeline, frequent bilateral talks and state visits, not to mention a sizeable Armenian minority in northern Iran.

    In this year’s Country Reports on Terrorism, the US state department said warming relations between the two countries made Armenia “reluctant to criticise publicly objectionable Iranian conduct”.

    The little country courts the Americans, Europeans and Russians. It is a difficult balancing act to follow.

    But Armenia’s unique relationship with the regional power – Iran – is one it cannot afford to abandon.

    Iranian students say they enjoy more freedom in Armenia

    Moreover, the two countries are united by a shared sense of isolation from the rest of the world.

    “Let’s not forget that Armenia is in a virtual blockade. We attach great importance to our relations with Iran. One can choose one’s friends but not one’s neighbours,” says Armen Movsisyan, Armenia’s minister of energy.

    For those Iranians who have chosen to make a home in Armenia, geopolitics may not be foremost in their minds, but they are equally as pragmatic as the politicians.

    “I’m no expert in international relations. All I know is we always had good relations with Armenia and that’s why I like working here,” says the trader Muhammad Rahimi.

    Back in his restaurant, Omid Mojahed has no plans to leave while the going is good.

    “Everything will be okay for me here, that’s why I prefer to stay,” he says.

    “I like Armenian people, and it’s difficult for me to want to leave my friends. When you come to Yerevan for a month, you will stay in Yerevan forever!”

    Source: BBC, 24 July 2008

  • Jordan set to launch huge water project

    Jordan set to launch huge water project

    AMMAN (AFP) — Thirsty Jordan announced on Sunday that a Turkish firm will begin work next week on a near-billion-dollar project to supply the capital with water from an ancient southern aquifer.Water Minister Raed Abu Soud said GAMA Energy will next Sunday launch the 990-million-dollar plan to extract 100 million cubic metres (3.5 billion cubic feet) of water a year from the 300,000-year-old Disi aquifer 325 kilometres (200 miles) south of Amman.

    Infrastructure work on the much-delayed project in the desert kingdom is expected to take around four years, the state-run Petra news agency quoted Abu Soud as saying.

    This will include using 250,000 tonnes of steel and digging 55 wells to pump water from Disi to Amman, where per capita daily consumption of its 2.2-million population is 160 litres (42 gallons), he said.

    Jordan’s overall population of nearly six million is growing by almost 3.5 percent annually, and it is one of the world’s 10 most water-impoverished countries, relying mainly on rainfall to meet its needs.

    “A radical solution to Jordan’s chronic water problems is the Red-Dead Canal project, expected to provide Jordan with 500 million cubic metres (17.5 billion cubic feet) of water” annually, Abu Soud said.

    He was referring to a multi-billion dollar plan to build a massive canal to channel water from the Red Sea to the slowly evaporating Dead Sea, the lowest point on earth, and to construct a desalination plant.

    The demand for water is constantly rising in Jordan, which has seen an influx of around 750,000 Iraqi refugees since the US-led invasion of its eastern neighbour in 2003.

    Current water consumption is some 900 million cubic metres (31.5 billion cubic feet) per annum.

    The water ministry says Jordan, where 92 percent of the land is desert, will need 1.6 billion cubic metres (56 billion cubic feet) of water a year to meet its requirements by 2015.

    Source: AFP, 27 July 2008

  • Turk who saved Jews from Auschwitz remembered

    Turk who saved Jews from Auschwitz remembered

    RHODES, Greece (AFP) — Dozens of families from around the world gathered Saturday on the Greek island of Rhodes to pay tribute to the man who in 1944 saved 40 Jews from being deported to a Nazi concentration camps.

    Selahattin Ulkumen, Turkish consul general on the island in 1943, is remembered for his role in saving the Turkish Jews by persuading a German general to release them the day before they were due to be transported to Auschwitz.

    Nearly 2,500 Jews from Rhodes and the nearby island of Kos were deported on July 24, 1944. All but 150 perished in the Nazi gas chambers or concentration camps.

    However, some months later Ulkumen persuaded the German general on the island to release the 40 Turkish Jews, by reminding him of Turkey’s neutrality.

    “I was 13 years old and I can still picture the long discussions in front of us between Selahattin Ulkumen and the German general,” said Sami Modiano, one of the deportees who survived.

    Ulkumen’s 64-year-old son, Mehmet, joined the commemoration and was presented with a plaque by the president of the Central Jewish Council of Greece, Moisis Constantinis.

    Ulkumen was arrested at the end of 1944 by the Germans after Turkey sided with the Allies. The Turkish consulate on Rhodes was subsequently bombed and his wife, pregnant with Mehmet, and two employees were wounded. His wife died a week after giving birth.

    None of the Holocaust survivors ever returned to live on the island.

    An attempt to re-establish the Jewish community there in the 1950s by settling families from different Greek regions did not have much success and the island’s Jewish population currently stands at no more than 40, said secretary of the Rhodes Jewish community Carmen Levi.

    Concentration camp survivor Stella Levi said she made the journey to her birthplace from her home in New York every year.

    This tribute “is a historic moment for the Jews of Rhodes,” she said.

    Once dubbed “Little Jerusalem” Rhodes took in several hundred Jews expelled from Spain and Portugal in the 15th century who joined those already on the island.

    Between the two world wars, the Jewish population of the island reached about 6,000.

    Some 67,000 Greek Jews perished in the Holocaust, 86 percent of the country’s entire Jewish community.

    Source: AFP, 27 July 2008