Category: Syria

  • Syria Escapes U.N. Sanctions, But Not Turkey’s

    Syria Escapes U.N. Sanctions, But Not Turkey’s

    Posted by Tony Karon

    Nobody ought to be surprised by the Russian and Chinese vetoes of a U.N. Security Council resolution condemning Syria’s brutal crackdown on its citizenry and hinting that sanctions could be invoked if repression continues. That sanctions threat had been watered down in the hope of winning Russian and Chinese consent, but to no avail — Moscow and Beijing see themselves as having been burned by the Western powers on Libya, making them view authorization of any action against Syria as opening the way to yet another military intervention. While the Russian and Chinese position was backed by other important Security Council members who shared their view on Libya, a crucial exception was Turkey — which not only supported the resolution, but vowed to impose its own sanctions on Syria despite the U.N. vote.

    “During this season of change, the people of the Middle East can now see clearly which nations have chosen to ignore their calls for democracy and instead prop up desperate, cruel dictators,” huffed U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. Susan Rice — perhaps oblivious to the irony that the people of the Middle East have also taken note of which nations are supporting and which are opposing the Palestinians’ efforts to claim their rights at the U.N.

    Rice suggested that Russia’s veto was motivated by its desire to continue selling arms to the Assad regime, but China, Brazil, India and South Africa all joined Moscow in opposing the resolution, and none of them does a significant arms trade with Syria. Instead, like Russia, they made clear that their own votes were based on the Libya experience, where the Security Council’s authorization of a mission to protect civilians had been used as cover for a military campaign for regime change: As those countries see it, Libya was an object lesson in Western powers abusing U.N. authorization for action, and exceeding its limits, in order to pursue their own agenda. Hence their folded arms in the face of Syria’s ongoing brutality.

    Western leaders accuse the opponents of the resolution of supporting the Assad regime, which may well be true to a greater or lesser extent for some of them. They’re certainly more inclined to share the Assad regime’s view that the conflict unfolding in Syria — like the one in Libya — is a civil war. That may have become a self-fulfilling prophecy as the repression meted out by the regime against non-violent protestors amplifies calls for an armed struggle against Assad. The regime is casting the conflict as a sectarian Islamist insurgency, and doing its best to provoke such, in the hope of shoring up its support among the Alawite and Christian minorities. Seven months into the rebellion, the city of Homs has seen opposition elements arm themselves, in clashes that have indeed taken on a sectarian character, pitting Sunni opposition groups against Alawites. That helps Assad cast the opposition as a mortal threat to Alawites and Christians, and also helps the likes of Russia present the situation as a civil war rather than a people vs. dictatorship scenario.

    Libya notwithstanding, however, the Russians, Chinese and their allies have little reason to fear Western military intervention in Syria. Tiny Libya was low-hanging fruit, with prized oil assets and a danger of refugees flooding into southern Europe, and little potential spillover in its immediate neighborhood. Syria is altogether more substantial, with the regime maintaining a solid base of support, and a mortal assault on it raising potentially cataclysmic consequences for Israel, Lebanon and Iraq (even Turkey, to a lesser extent). And then there’s the fact that the U.S. and its NATO allies are all tapped out when it comes to expeditionary warfare, looking to end their entanglements in Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya amid a growing economic crisis that trims their strategic ambitions. All along, the U.S. and its allies have tried to send the Syrian opposition the message that they shouldn’t, in fact, operate on the assumption that they can expect a military intervention to save them.

    One bright spot for the U.S. — and for the Syrian opposition — is the position of Turkey, Syria’s most powerful neighbor and one of its largest trading partners. Underscoring its increasingly assertive and independent regional role — which has vexed Washington on issues such as Israel and Iran, where Ankara has challenged U.S. policy — Turkey is taking a lead in moves to pressure the Assad regime to halt its repression. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan broke with his BRIC allies (Russia, China, India and South Africa) to strongly support the Security Council resolution, and chided those who opposed it.

    “The Syrian administration should have received a warning,” Erdogan said Wednesday of the vote, during a visit to South Africa (which abstained in the Security Council. “The people of that country do not need to endure a merciless, shameless, tyrannical regime that bombs its own country from the sea. My heart remains with those struggling for freedom. South Africans have been in that position.”

    And such scolding will carry more weight in Pretoria coming from Turkey, given its positions on the Palestinian vote, Iran and even the Libya intervention, than it does coming from Washington. Nor was the Turkish leader ready to accept the Security Council’s verdict as the last word. Instead, he promised, Turkey will immediately impose new sanctions of its own, in concert with European Union countries.

    via Syria Escapes U.N. Sanctions, But Not Turkey’s – Global Spin – TIME.com.

  • Turkey Plans Military Exercise on Syrian Border

    By AYLA ALBAYRAK

    ISTANBUL—Turkey said on Tuesday that it would hold military exercises close to the Syrian border and that Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan would disclose steps to be taken against Damascus when he visits refugee camps in the area in the coming days.

    The moves came as Col. Riad al As’ad, a former Syrian military officer, reported to have been detained by Turkey and handed over to Damascus, surfaced in Turkey and denied the reports.

    The Turkish armed forces said on its website Tuesday that it would conduct military exercises in Hatay province, close to the Syrian border, from Wednesday through Oct. 13. The exercise, which the website called routine, would involve a mechanized brigade and some 700 reservists.

    “We cannot remain spectators to developments in Syria any longer. There are serious deaths and (attacks) against innocent, oppressed people,” Mr. Erdogan told reporters during a visit to South Africa on Tuesday, Turkey’s state news agency, Anadolu Ajansi, reported.

    Mr. Erdogan expressed Turkey’s support for a draft resolution on Syria at the United Nations Security Council. He also said he would visit camps in Hatay where some 7,500 Syrians have taken refuge from turmoil across the border, either this weekend or next week.

    “Then we will make our assessment as Turkey and make a statement,” Mr. Erdogan said, Anadolu reported. A Turkish official said it remained uncertain whether that would involve sanctions.

    Turkish officials feel under pressure to act, given the lack of further options available to governments in the U.S. and Europe. Ankara is enforcing an arms embargo, but has been reluctant to impose economic sanctions that might harm primarily Turkish and Syrian businessmen, rather than the regime of President Bashar al-Assad. Turkey exported $1 billion of goods to Syria in the first six months of the year, slightly up from the year-earlier period despite the turmoil, according to figures from the Turkish Exporters’ Assembly.

    Turkey’s government had exceptionally warm relations with the Assad regime—the Erdogan and Assad families even went on vacation together in 2008—but relations turned sour this year when Mr. Assad ignored Turkish pressure to end the crackdown on opponents and institute changes.

    Col. As’ad, who defected and fled to Turkey about three months ago, leads Syria’s main military defectors group, the Free Syrian Army, after merging it with another dissident army group last month, said Omar Idlibi, a spokesperson for the Local Coordination Committees, an activist network.

    Col. As’ad combined his group with the Free Officers Movement, led by Col. Hussein Harmoush and based in Turkey along the Syrian border. That group was dealt a serious setback in September when Col. Harmoush appeared on Syrian state television, appearing to confess that his movement didn’t actually exist.

    Activists say they believe he was either tricked back into Syria by covert intelligence officers, where he was captured by forces there, or handed over by Turkish authorities.

    “We did not hand over anyone,” said a spokesman for the Turkish foreign ministry. He said the rumors had begun in the Syrian press when Col. As’ad became ill and was taken by ambulance from his refugee camp to a hospital, accompanied by Turkish health officials.

    Col. As’ad said Tuesday that he was living unmolested in Turkey, Anadolu reported. “Turkish authorities have not applied any pressure or violence on us,” he said.

    Army defectors have multiplied in recent weeks and are increasingly claiming responsibility for attacks on security forces. Last week, activists said defectors in al-Rastan, a town north of Homs, destroyed about a dozen tanks. Dissident soldiers, mostly low-ranking Sunni conscripts, say they are keeping their light weapons with them and urging other soldiers to defect to protect civilians. There haven’t yet been any announced defections from higher-ranking Alawite soldiers, who form the military’s backbone and are Assad loyalists.

    —Nour Malas in Dubai and Marc Champion in Istanbul contributed to this article.

    via Turkey Plans Military Exercise on Syrian Border – WSJ.com.

  • The Istanbul Statement

    Ghassan Charbel

    With the announcement of the founding statement establishing the Opposition National Council, the Syrian crisis has entered a new phase that is both more difficult and more dangerous. This conclusion can be reached by examining the factions that have come under the broadest umbrella declared by the opposition since the outbreak of the protests. It is also significant that the announcement was made in Istanbul, or in other words, in a country that neighbors Syria, and a country that until recently, was a close ally of the Syrian regime to an extent at which it was thought that a permanent coalition between the two countries had existed.

    This same conclusion can be reached by evoking a key paragraph in the statement that said, “The Syrian National Council is a frame for the Syrian revolution both inside and outside the country. It provides the necessary support for the realization of the aspirations of our people for the overthrow of the regime, including its head, and establishing a civil state without discrimination on the basis of ethnicity, gender, religion or political beliefs…The Council is open to all Syrians who adhere to the principles and goals of the peaceful revolution”.

    It is clear from the statement that the declared framework is not interested in negotiating with the regime nor does it anticipate any steps for reforms to be taken by the latter. The goal it has set forth is clear, namely, to topple the regime, all its symbols included. This means that any wager on a third way through negotiation that would entail coexisting with the regime has been abandoned, even if the latter should agree to sacrifice the domination of the Baath Party and the security services over the state and society. In this sense, this part of the statement represents a favorable response to the slogans raised by the protesters, slogans that have become ever more radical and belligerent since the authorities resorted to the excessive use of force in their crackdown on the demonstrations.

    A close look at what the Syrian authorities have achieved in the past six months reveals the significance of the move that Istanbul witnessed yesterday.

    Immediately after the protests first broke out, the authorities sought to apply the lessons learnt from other arenas in the Arab Spring. The regime thus barred the opposition from holding any permanent and safe sit-ins, i.e. a kind of a Tahrir Square that could attract young people and the media. The regime also prevented the protesters from controlling any city that would play the role of the Syrian protests’ equivalent of Benghazi, i.e. hosting a transitional national council. The Syrian authorities also thwarted any deterioration in border regions through which aid of all kinds could have been smuggled to the protesters. In another respect, the regime, through its relations with Russia, China and other countries, has managed to preclude a resolution in the Security Council condemning its actions, a resolution that could possibly facilitate any Western or international sanctions against the regime. By contrast, the opposition was confused and nonplussed, and this was clear through the series of the conferences it has held. Over six months, a certain equation emerged on the ground that indicates a protracted conflict is afoot: Neither are the protests capable of overthrowing the key symbols of the regime, nor is the regime able to put an end to the protests.

    The move in Istanbul may not have important or rapid repercussions on the outcome of the ongoing confrontation on the streets of Syrian cities and towns, but its foreign implications should not take long to emerge. It is no secret that some countries that wanted to go further in their condemnation of the Syrian authorities, had spoken of the opposition’s lack of a recognized rallying frame. Here, the Istanbul statement may represent an opportunity for these countries to go further and endorse comprehensive change in Syria. This applies to some Arab and Islamic countries, and also to countries outside the region.

    If it received broad international recognition, the Syrian National Council would be better equipped to address the Arab League, the United Nations and the world. Similarly, it would be better able to demand protection for the protesters by ‘putting into effect certain articles in international law”. Here, it is worth keeping a close lid on Turkish steps in the upcoming period of time. What is certain is that the confrontation in Syria is heading towards a more crucial and foreboding chapter than what we have seen in recent months.

    via Dar Al Hayat – The Istanbul Statement.

  • Syria Opposition launched a National Council in Istanbul

    Syria Opposition launched a National Council in Istanbul

    Syria Opposition launched a National Council in Istanbul

    (Dp-news)

    Syria Opission 77aISTANBUL- Syrian dissidents meeting in Turkey have formally announced the creation of the final Syrian National Council. The structure and aims of this council were announced Sunday at a news conference in Istanbul.

    Opposition figure and Paris-based Burhan Ghalioun, one of the main opposition figures abroad, read out the founding statement of the council, which was signed by major Syrian opposition figures.

    “The Syrian Council is open to all Syrians. It is an independent group personifying the sovereignty of the Syrian people in their struggle for liberty,” Ghalioun said.

    SNC aims “to unify all groups at Syria opposition and looks at pushing forward on ground protests inside the country to topple the regime and establish the new democratic Syrian civil state.” according to its statement.

    Ghalioun said that peaceful means are the only solutions to the conflict in Syria.

    Ghalioun assured that the aims of the council were to present a united opposition front and overthrow Syria’s regime. The newly formed council rejected foreign intervention but asked for U.N. articles that would protect civilians in the country.

    It has also vowed to push for the creation of a democratically elected civilian state and to fulfill the aspiration and goals of the Syrian revolution that started six months ago.

    Syrian NC statement also rejected any foreign interference in Syria and urged the international community to recognize the legitimacy of the group.

    The council “is a frame for the opposition and the peaceful revolution and represents the revolution inside and outside,” Burhan Ghalioun, the chairman of almost 230-member council, told reporters in Istanbul.

    Ghalioun said he had no worries about gaining the support of the international community and that the council expected to have a busy schedule of meetings with friendly countries.

    In turn, Basma Kadhmani said that Syrian NC consists of three main bodies, a General Assembly, a Secretariat and Executive Committee.

    Kadhmani said “Committee consists of 5 Muslim Brotherhood, 4 Damascus Announcement, 9 Independents, 4 Kurds, 6 local Activists and 1 Assyrian.”

    Many Syrian opposition groups, committees and parties have already signed the announcement; Damascus Announcement, Muslim Brotherhood, Local Coordination Committees, General Council of Syrian Revolution in addition to many independent activists inside and outside Syria.

    The Syrian National Council was first founded in the Turkish city in late August, when a group of Syrian opposition and activists had announced the creation of the primary Syrian National Council.

    The Syrian government has banned most foreign journalists from entering the country and placed heavy restrictions on local media coverage, making it difficult to independently verify events and death toll on the ground.

    The UN estimates that about 2,700 people have been killed in a violent government crackdown on pro-reform protests that began mid-March.

    The government says that the movement against President al-Assad`s regime does not have popular support and blames violence on “armed terrorist groups”. It says that more than 700 soldiers and police have been killed in the uprising.

    via Syria Opposition launched a National Council in Istanbul | English | NEWS | DayPress.

  • The Kurdish Question

    The Kurdish Question

    By Alexander Weinstock

    SATURDAY OCTOBER 01, 2011

    2306502491 6267238542 o
    Photographer: Dan Phiffer
    In Istanbul, a crowd demonstrating in support of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), facing a police line.

    Settled in the Middle East since ancient times, the Kurds remain the largest ethnic group without a state of their own in the region. About 35 million are split between Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey, with small diaspora groups primarily in Armenia and Azerbaijan. The Kurds’ present situation is rooted in the decision to partition areas of the former Ottoman Empire by Great Britain and France after World War I. Today, the Kurdish people struggle for self-determination and the recognition of their ethnic identity within nations where they have significant populations. For example, it is illegal for them to speak their language in Turkey, and the country’s constitution provides for only one ethnic designation, Turkish, thus disavowing the very concept of Kurdish ethnicity. There is little consensus between the many Kurdish groups as to how best to achieve their goals. Overall, Kurdish history in all four states with native Kurdish populations over the last hundred years has been mostly marked by cultural discrimination from ruling regimes, spotted with frequent rebellious uprisings that were violently suppressed.

    The different roots of Kurdish nationalism

    The Kurds are a distinct ethnic group of Iranian origin with their own language and culture. In modern history, they are also united by a desire for greater autonomy, and, ideally, a state of their own, as well as a shared history of discrimination and oppression from each regime in question. “Self-determination is the right of the Kurdish people,” said Iraq’s president Mr. Jalal Talabani, an ethnic Kurd, in an interview with Le Figaro, published on October 31, 2006.

    The causes of clashes between Kurdish minorities and central governments have been different in each country. Kurdish nationalism in Turkey was primarily a reaction to Turkish nationalism in the newly-founded republic. The country’s course toward secularization under the Kemalist ideology (a movement developed by the Turkish national movement leader, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk), which emphasized the absence of religious influence from all public institutions, conflicted with the devout Muslim Kurds’ world view and was a major reason for the rise of the nationalist movement.

    Iranian Kurds always bore some discrimination, according to Amnesty International, such as inability to register newborns with certain Kurdish names and difficulty obtaining employment or adequate housing. Such policies reached their zenith in 1979 with the Islamic Revolution. The desire of nearly 2.5 million Sunni Kurds for regional autonomy caused Ayatollah Khomeini, spiritual leader of predominantly Shia Iran, to declare jihad (holy war) against them. Shia Kurds, on the other hand, were untouched by the Ayatollah’s decree and did not face discrimination from the Iranian government. Neither have they ever really desired autonomy or independence from Iran due to religious homogeneity with the rest of the population. Shia Kurds have held or currently hold key positions in the Iranian political hierarchy, such as First Vice President Mohammad-Reza Rahimi and former Foreign Minister Karim Sanjabi. In fact, in recent history, the Sunni denomination of Islam has traditionally been discriminated against in Iran regardless of the ethnic group involved. For example, according to Sunni-News, in March of this year, Iranian authorities have forbidden the annual forum of Sunni students set to be held in the town of Zehan.

    Ethnic, rather than religious, differences were the cause of the Kurdish nationalist movement in Iraq, according to the analysis of Ms. Denise Natali, a lecturer at the Center for Law and Politics at Salahaddin University in Iraqi Kurdistan, in her book The Kurds and the State. She cites a forceful “Aribization” campaign, which started in 1963 with the rise of the Ba’ath party to power. The initiative involved the ban of the Kurdish language, deportation and ethnic cleansing. The government did propose a plan, which provided for a degree of Kurdish autonomy in 1970. However, according to Mr. George Harris, a Near East history scholar at the Middle East Institute, this was combined with a forceful resettlement program, in which the government tried to settle traditionally Kurdish areas with citizens of Arab ethnicity. The Kurds comprise a lesser percentage of the population in Syria than in the other countries as most of them emigrated from neighboring Turkey. It is for this reason that Syrian Kurds have long been regarded as foreigners by the ruling Ba’ath regime, and thus, were not allowed to participate in elections or travel abroad as Syrian citizens. They were extended some civil liberties as a result of the protests last winter, but some, like the Syrian Kurdish opposition activist Mr. Shirzad Al-Yazidi in an interview with Asharq Alawsat newspaper, call to “look to the recent declaration of democratic autonomy in the Kurdish region of Turkey” as a model for attaining a greater degree of independence for Syrian Kurds. Unlike their Turkish or Iraqi counterparts, however, Syrian Kurds do not seek independence, but rather a wider spectrum of civil rights within the country, such as equal employment opportunities. Mr. Fawzi Shingar, a Syrian Kurdish leader, remarked to Rudaw in English that despite the lack of a common agenda between the many Kurdish groups, “no Kurdish party wants independence from Syria because the Kurds are an inseparable part of the country.”

    The struggle for Kurdish independence has often been violent. In the interwar period, Turkey saw an average of three revolts per year. The most well-known of the militant groups, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), has been in existence for 33 years and has been leading an armed struggle against the Turks for 27 years. Their official agenda is independence from Turkey and possible unification with other Kurdish-populated areas in Iran, Iraq and Syria. The PKK is labeled a terrorist organization by the United States and the European Union for its violent actions such as the suicide bombing in Ankara in 2007. In her 2007 book Blood and Belief, Reuters political analyst Ms. Aliza Marcus contends that the PKK guerillas would stop fighting if offered amnesty and certain liberties for Turkey’s Kurdish population. Ms. Marcus also notes that any legitimacy to their demands is countered by their fervent devotion to PKK’s recently retired leader Mr. Abdullah Ocalan, who stressed armed struggle as a means for complete secession of Northern Kurdistan from Turkey.

    Other militant groups include the Free Life Party of Kurdistan (PJAK), which has been in regular confrontations with the Iranian government. The most recent incident, as reported by Reuters, occurred last July, involving the assassination of General Abbas Kasemi of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, an elite division in the Iranian army. Iran responded with an armed incursion of 5,000 men into northeastern Iraq’s Kurdish region, accusing the head of Iraqi Kurdistan of illegally sponsoring PJAK activity. Several towns were shelled by Iranian artillery. Despite constant assurances of a victory made by either side, the conflict went on until complete PJAK surrender on September 29.

    The statehood question

    What is to be done about this situation? Some, like British journalist Mr. David Osler of Lloyd’s List, compare the Kurdish problem to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Naturally, such a comparison brings to mind the familiar one-state vs. two-state solutions. Mr. Daniel Greenfield, a journalist for The Kurdistan Tribune, strongly advocates a completely independent Kurdistan, stating that it would be otherwise impossible for Turkey to enter the EU. “Only by allowing an autonomous Kurdish state within the borders of occupied Northern Kurdistan, will Turkey gain stability and peace,” writes Mr. Greenfield in a blog post from June 20, 2011. He asserts that Turkey’s acceptance into the EU without resolving the Kurdish question will exacerbate ethnic conflicts and undermine the EU’s credibility. However, there are matters other than the Kurdish question that bar Turkey’s entrance into the EU, such as the issues of Cyprus and foreign relations with Greece.

    The Kurds find themselves in a complicated situation, at least geopolitically speaking, considering the sheer number of nations and potential negotiations involved. Taken within the greater scope of all of Kurdistan, a two-state solution entails carving out sizable portions of Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey. This means that each Kurdish minority will have to negotiate with its respective government, and none of these states are inclined to simply give up territory. Iraqi Kurds are in constant contest with the central government for the oil-rich region of Kirkuk. The Kurds inhabit a large portion of Turkey. Syria, with the partition of the country under the French Mandate still fresh in the nation’s consciousness, will most likely not agree to give a piece of its land to its Kurdish residents, despite recent advances such as President Bashar Al-Assad’s granting of Syrian citizenship to the country’s large Kurdish population.

    As such, more moderate solutions have been proposed. Mr. Michael Gunter, a professor of political science at Tennessee Technological University, in his 2007 book The Kurds Ascending, sees the solution in an education system that provides a belief “in democracy for all people regardless of ethnic affinity.” Dr. Gunes Tezcur, who teaches political science at Loyola University, points to more serious issues that must first be resolved. In particular, he recommends the cutting of funding from Iraqi Kurds to militant groups such as the Kurdish Freedom Falcons and PKK in Turkey and an acknowledgement of the Turkish government’s civil rights violations by the EU. Some experts, like Yale University’s political science lecturer Mr. Matthew Kocher, believe more moderate solutions have a better chance of success in satisfying all sides involved to some degree than four separate and costly two-state solutions. “The median Kurdish voter probably supported center-right Turkish political parties,” writes Mr. Kocher in his 2002 paper “The Decline of PKK and the Viability of a One-State Solution in Turkey,” which was published in the MOST Journal on Multicultural Studies. He describes the position of Turkish Kurds regarding integration into the state. In light of the Syrian Kurds’ attitude of remaining within Syria voiced by Mr. Shingar and the autonomy granted to Iraqi Kurds by Iraq’s new constitution, it is possible that one-state solutions are gaining popularity. This is indeed a step toward settlement, even though more remains to be done for reconciliation.

  • Turkey May Freeze Assad’s Assets; Libya’s Qaddafi Still at Large

    Turkey May Freeze Assad’s Assets; Libya’s Qaddafi Still at Large

    By Miles Weiss

    Oct. 2 (Bloomberg) — Syria is facing mounting pressure for political reform as Turkey signaled it might freeze some $500 million in assets belonging to President Bashar al-Assad.

    Turkey, which has imposed an air, land and sea blockade on its neighbor, would freeze all of Assad’s assets, including his bank accounts, if the United Nations enacts an embargo on Syria, Milliyet reported. The Turkish Finance Ministry’s criminal investigation unit is following Syrian banking activities in the country, the Istanbul-based newspaper reported.

    White House National Security Advisor Tom Donilon issued a statement yesterday thanking Saudi Arabia’s King Abdullah, along with the Gulf Cooperation Council, for opposing the violence in Syria. More than 3,600 Syrian civilians have been killed since political protests began in March, according to figures compiled by Ammar Qurabi of the National Organization for Human Rights in Syria.

    The country’s death toll rose by 14 yesterday, Al Jazeera reported, citing local activists. According to the Al Jazeera news agency, Syrian police shot dead 7 protesters across the country yesterday after killing 32 on Friday.

    The Syrian army took control of the town of Rastan and detained 3,000 people yesterday as soldiers who had defected to join the activists withdrew from the town to Hama, Al Arabiya said. The former soldiers left in an attempt to spare civilians from random shelling by government troops, Walid Abdel Qader, a Syrian opposition figure, told the news service.

    In Libya, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s military mission is nearing completion and its involvement there could begin winding down as soon as this coming week, the Associated Press reported. Army General Carter Ham, the top U.S. commander for Africa, told the AP that U.S. military chiefs will likely provide NATO officials in Brussels with their assessments on Libya late in the week.

    Muammar Qaddafi, the deposed Libyan leader, remains at large. The National Transitional Council, Libya’s interim government, plans to seek a two-day truce to allow civilians to depart from Gaddafi’s hometown of Sirte, Reuters reported, citing the council’s chairman. Civilians have been leaving Sirte as interim government forces and NATO warplanes shell Gaddafi loyalists.

    –Editors: Ann Hughey, Christian Thompson.

    To contact the reporter on this story: Miles Weiss in Washington at mweiss@bloomberg.net

    To contact the editor responsible for this story: Mark Silva at msilva34@bloomberg.net

    via Turkey May Freeze Assad’s Assets; Libya’s Qaddafi Still at Large – Businessweek.