Category: Syria

  • What Will Be the Real Costs of Turkey’s Involvement in Syria?

    What Will Be the Real Costs of Turkey’s Involvement in Syria?

    Demonstrators hold a banner as police use a water cannon and tear gas to disperse them during a protest against a government attempt to railroad a new education bill through parliament in Ankara March 29, 2012. (photo by REUTERS/Umit Bektas)
    By: Jihad al-Zein posted on Tuesday, Sep 18, 2012

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    Is Turkey’s position today on the Syrian situation — and what has resulted from the revolution against the Baathist regime — the same as that of Pakistan toward Afghanistan, a position that has remained the same since the latter fell under Soviet occupation?

    About this Article

    Summary:

    Turkey’s stance on the Syrian crisis, having called for Bashar al-Assad’s removal, has sparked a polarization on religious and racial grounds that threatens Turkey’s modernity and secularism, writes Jihad al-Zein. For all the fear of a rising Islamist movement, the real headache facing Ankara is how to deal with Turkey’s Kurds and Alawites.

    Publisher: An-Nahar (Lebanon)
    Original Title:
    Will the Syrian Revolution Destroy Turkey as the Afghani Wars Destroyed Pakistan?
    Author: Jihad al-Zein
    Published on: Tuesday, Sep 18, 2012
    Translated on: Tuesday, Sep 18, 2012
    Translated by: Naria Tanoukhi and Rani Geha

    Categories : Turkey

    What potential repercussions could such a position have on Turkey? This article will attempt to answer this question in two parts, today and on Thursday [September 20].

    By virtue of its modernization achievements, Turkey is a country with a vast bourgeois elite as well as a large middle class. The latter carries the traditions of internal cohesion which stem from two sources: the state — meaning the Turkish nation — and the Western notion of the state.

    However, these two segments of society, which are characterized by both capitalism and globalization, do not trust that lower segments of society — which make up the majority of society — are able to preserve cohesion.

    Today, warnings abound against the increasing risk of internal disintegration. These warnings are not only being voiced by media commentators and opposition politicians — despite the significance of these voices — but by economic figures as well.

    With unprecedented levels of openness, they are touching on topics such as the competency of the Turkish army in confronting the Turkish insurgency, and making calls for reconsidering its combat and training composition.

    In a recent speech, Umit Boyner, president of the Turkish Industrialists and Businessmen Association (TUSIAD), expressed her concern regarding the return of “authoritarianism” to political life in Turkey.

    On Friday [September 14], she said that the sharp polarization, hatred and hostility could destroy all of Turkey’s achievements in social, political and economic areas. This kind of warning implies that this body, which is seen as the strongest representative of prominent businessmen, is beginning to feel the threat of the current political stage on higher economic interests, and it is even threatening the structure of the entire country.

    Among the topics that are creating mounting tension and surprising those who follow Turkish affairs, myself included, is the issue of Turkish Alawites. During the recent period — especially since the outbreak of the Syrian revolution and the start of clashes between rebel forces and the authorities — Turkish Alawites have developed their own positions and made movements, specifically those in the Province of Hatay.

    In this province, Turkish Alawites have held demonstrations and have often clashed with Syrian refugees. A large Turkish (and Kurdish) Alawite minority lives in other areas in Anatolia, extending to Istanbul. This minority is estimated to constitute 12-15% of the 75 million Turkish citizens, according to some non-Alawites, and 20-25%, according to some Alawite institutions that now speak on behalf of that population.

    As I have said repeatedly, the exact number of Alawites inside Turkey lies somewhere between these conflicting figures, as is the case with the percentage of Copts in Egypt or the Shiites in Pakistan.

    However, the point worth raising is related to the prevalent idea often circulated verbally or in writing by Arab or Western observers of Turkish affairs, which is that the Arab Alawites in the areas of Iskenderun, Antakya and Ersuz differ religiously from the Turkish Alawites — the idea that they are not one “confession.”

    This widespread stereotype, I humbly claim based on my personal observations and readings, is incorrect. There may be some differences in their rituals as a result of nationalist Turkish-Arab-Kurdish (and Albanian) differences, but the content of the teachings is one.

    This is evidenced by the accounts of many Turkish and Western sociologists, who have publications in the Turkish language or translated into English in Turkish libraries. Some of these sociologists have attended religious gatherings, described them and reported on some of the sect’s religious texts.

    Here, two things are to be taken into account:

    First, when the modern Turkish state was born in 1923, millions of Anatolian peasants — including Alawites — moved to the big cities, especially Istanbul, Izmir and Ankara. This resulted in a new phenomenon among the Alawites.

    They publicly opened centers of worship in the big cities, calling these centers dirjas. There, they conducted their prayers, or at least the portion of which they chose to make public — what they called their “interpretation of Islam.” The relative Alawite openness about their religion was the result of Turkish democratic, social and economic modernity.

    I visited the Asian portion of Istanbul along with Folia Atasan, a Sunni Turkish friend and a sociology professor and researcher specializing in religious social studies. I saw what goes on in the dirjas there. I saw the Alawites practice their “very private ”religious rituals not in secret, but in public.

    Second, the Ottoman-era historic divisions of the Alawites in Turkey came from two sources: the popular base and the elite. The popular base are the historically isolated mountain peasants, which are the majority. The elite are of Sunni-Sufi-Bektashi origin, to which the Sunni Janissaries belonged. After the Janissaries in Istanbul were dissolved in 1826, they became a secretive Alawite sect found in the cities, especially the Balkan cities.

    Two things resulted from the Turkish experience. First of all, the Alawites became more socially integrated, whereby Alawite rituals became more public. Secondly, a unified Turkish trans-ethnic identity appeared. The Alawites spread out throughout Turkey.

    Even though they have always requested religious recognition, they have never had political demands. In the current political atmosphere, we should monitor the rise of the fundamentalist Sunni currents in the region and see whether they will have positive or negative effects in light of the Turkish involvement in the Arab transformation.

    The Islamist rise is a long-term danger to the Turkish modernist experience. It is not an imminent danger, despite the warnings of Turkish commentators. The bigger danger to Turkey’s cohesion and territorial integrity is the worsening Kurdish issue and the military confrontations happening in many areas.

    A commentator for Azzaman newspaper, Ihsan Dagi, said that the Justice and Development Party (AKP) now considers the Kurds to be “the new other” after it triumphed over “the first other,” i.e. the military guardianship over the state and society.

    He also said that the Kurds will be a major issue for Turkey for a long time to come. With the escalation of the armed Kurdish operations, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and the AKP have adopted an ultra-nationalist classical “Ataturkian” discourse with regard to the Kurdish issue. Some Turkish intellectuals even spoke of “a change in the party’s identity.”

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  • Syrian Anti-Assad Rebel Groups Funded by Saudi Arabia, Qatar

    Syrian Anti-Assad Rebel Groups Funded by Saudi Arabia, Qatar

    Syrian rebels take position during clashes with regime forces in the northern city of Aleppo on Sept. 14, 2012

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    Vast swaths of northern Syria, especially in the province of Idlib, have slipped out of the hands of President Bashar Assad, if not quite out of his reach. The area is now a de facto liberated zone, though the daily attacks by Damascus’ air force and the shelling from the handful of checkpoints and bases regime forces have fallen back to are reminders that the rebel hold on the territory remains fluid and fragile.

    What is remarkable is that this substantial strip of “free” Syria has been patched together in the past 18 months by military defectors, students, tradesmen, farmers and pharmacists who have not only withstood the Syrian army’s withering fire but in some instances repelled it using a hodgepodge of limited, light weaponry. The feat is even more amazing when one considers the disarray among the outside powers supplying arms to the loosely allied band of rebels.

    (PHOTOS: Syria’s Year of Chaos and Photos of a Slow-Motion War)

    As TIME reports here, disorder and distrust plague two of the rebels’ international patrons: Saudi Arabia and Qatar. The two Gulf powerhouses are no longer on the same page when it comes to determining who among the plethora of mushrooming Syrian rebel groups should be armed. The rift surfaced in August, with the alleged Saudi and Qatari representatives in charge of funneling free weaponry to the rebels clearly backing different factions among the groups — including various shades of secular and Islamist militias — under the broad umbrella that is the Free Syrian Army (FSA).

    The middlemen of the two countries operate out of Turkey, the regional military power. Ankara has been quite public with its denunciation of Assad even as it denies any involvement in shuffling weapons across the border to Syrian rebels. It claims its territory is not being used to do so. And yet, as TIME reported in June, a secretive group operates something like a command center in Istanbul, directing the distribution of vital military supplies believed to be provided by Saudi Arabia and Qatar and transported with the help of Turkish intelligence to the Syrian border and then to the rebels. Further reporting has revealed more details of the operation, the politics and favoritism that undermine the task of creating a unified rebel force out of the wide array of groups trying to topple the Assad regime.

    (The FSA is nominally headed by Riad al-As’aad, who is based in Turkey. Neither As’aad nor his chief FSA rival General Mustafa Sheikh are party to the Istanbul control room that supplies and arms rebels who operate under the FSA banner. The two men each have their own sources of funding and are independently distributing money and weapons to selected FSA units.)

    via Syrian Anti-Assad Rebel Groups Funded by Saudi Arabia, Qatar | World | TIME.com.

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  • Turkey Supports Terrorism: Erdogan scores own-goal on Syria crisis

    Turkey Supports Terrorism: Erdogan scores own-goal on Syria crisis

    By Finian Cunningham
    Global Research, September 07, 2012
    Press TV September 18, 2012
    Region: Middle East & North Africa
    In-depth Report: SYRIA: NATO’S NEXT WAR?
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    Contrary to what the Western mainstream media portray, the armed militias in Syria are not fighting for democracy or freedom on behalf of the Syrian people. Indeed, credible sources report that the Syrian population is living under a reign of terror imposed by these militias, which have resorted to massacring villages, public beheadings, no-warning car bombs that even target funerals, kidnapping of families, attacking hospitals and news broadcasters, and turning mosques and churches into sniper posts.”

    Before taking up a career in politics, Turkey’s Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan was known in his younger days as a semi-professional soccer player. Now, it seems, his erstwhile footballing skills are letting him down badly as he scores one own-goal after another on the political field.

    The 58-year-old Turkish leader this week denounced his former personal friend, Syria’s President Bashar al-Assad, as a “terrorist.”

    Erdogan told a gathering of his ruling Justice and Development Party: “The regime in Syria has now become a terrorist state.” Recently, the Turkish premier also declared that President Assad had “lost all legitimacy” and therefore “must go.”

    However, on every issue, Erdogan’s fiery words and actions have a knack of rebounding with self-inflicted damage to his own integrity and that of his government.

    Ironically, at the same time that Erdogan was denouncing Syria as a “terrorist state,” some 400 members of the self-styled Free Syrian Army were gathering in Turkey’s Hatay Province for a three-day summit. The agenda? How to sharpen their campaign of terror on Syria to overthrow the government in Damascus.

    For the past 17 months, the Turkish government and military have been brazenly assisting the armed militias waging a foreign-backed covert war of aggression against the neighboring Syrian state and people.

    Turkey has provided the criminal war effort with land bases, logistics and surveillance, personnel training and weapons, including anti-aircraft missiles, according to recent reports.

    Contrary to what the Western mainstream media portray, the armed militias in Syria are not fighting for democracy or freedom on behalf of the Syrian people. Indeed, credible sources report that the Syrian population is living under a reign of terror imposed by these militias, which have resorted to massacring villages, public beheadings, no-warning car bombs that even target funerals, kidnapping of families, attacking hospitals and news broadcasters, and turning mosques and churches into sniper posts.

    The so-called Free Syrian Army, which is now reportedly re-branding itself as the Syrian National Army in part to distance itself from these atrocities, may include nationals and defectors, such as the former general Mohammed al-Haj Ali and colonel Riad al-Asaad, but the ranks are brimming with mercenaries from several countries affiliated with Western and Saudi-backed Sunni extremists, such as the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group and the mercurial al-Qaeda.

    The Syrian government claims that the country is the victim of a foreign conspiracy of destabilization and regime change [which] are, as the evidence shows, factually correct.

    This means that Turkey and its NATO allies, the US, Britain, France and Germany, along with the Saudi, Qatari and Israeli arms suppliers, are co-conspirators in an unprovoked, criminal war of aggression against a sovereign state. In short, state terrorism.

    Recep Tayyip Erdogan, for one, therefore stands accused of having very serious blood on his hands. He is liable to face charges of state terrorism and complicity in causing the deaths of thousands of civilians. In this light, his excoriation of Syria’s Assad sounds rather more like the words of a man who is talking into a mirror.

    But Erdogan’s own-goals are rebounding in other ways too. His treacherous subversion against Syria is provoking a public backlash within Turkey against his ruling party. Polls and protests show that the Turkish people are deeply opposed to Erdogan’s neo-Ottomanism. His former popularity is melting rapidly like snow in spring as the Turkish Labor Party and other opposition parties condemn the Ankara government for “engaging in terrorism.”

    The terrorism that Erdogan and his planners are unleashing in Syria is recoiling with a refugee crisis that is placing an acute strain on Turkish economic resources. The UN says that the numbers fleeing to Turkey may soon reach 200,000. These people are fleeing from violence that Erdogan is in part personally responsible for. The frustration voiced by the premier and his foreign minister, Ahmet Davutoglu, over the lack of action from the US, France and Britain to back “safe havens” for refugees in Syria is a sign that Erdogan fears that his supposed Western allies are conniving to dump that humanitarian crisis on Turkey. His fears on that score are very real given the duplicitous track record of these powers.

    A further rebounding problem is the resurgence in Turkey’s decades-long battle with Kurdish separatists in the PKK. In recent weeks, the death toll among Turkish troops has steadily increased in line with guerrilla attacks as the PKK takes advantage of the cross-border chaos engendered by Erdogan. Turkey’s Kurdish problem threatens to once again flare up into a full-blown war after years of smoldering out of sight. The PKK may be labeled as “terrorists” by the US State Department, but Turkish governments down through the decades stand accused themselves of terrorism and genocidal policy against the Kurdish people living in the southeastern provinces.

    Some 40,000 people are estimated to have died in the Turkish state’s internal terror campaign against the Kurds since the 1970s, a campaign that has involved aerial bombing of villages, scorched-earth tactics and displacement of over three million people. This murderous state repression is a major reason why the European Union has for years balked at admitting membership to Ankara. This long sought-after goal for Turkey’s political and business classes is probably made all the more remote in the wake of the Erdogan government’s machinations in Syria with its repercussions of reopening Kurdish wounds.

    But perhaps the final match-loser for Erdogan from his recent tirade against Syria as “a terrorist state” is the unwelcome reminder that those words provoke concerning Turkey’s own nefarious history of genocides, not only against Kurds, but also against Armenians, Assyrians and Greeks. These are genocides that occurred less than a hundred years ago, with death tolls that reach into the millions and recall grainy images of appalling human suffering from death marches and starvation. To this day, the Turkish authorities deny that the genocides ever took place and would prefer that the world did not mention such heinous events. But one paradox from Turkey’s self-serving intervention in Syria is that the world is being reminded of Turkey’s own dark, terroristic past.

    Ironically, before his back-stabbing escapades over Syria, Recep Tayyip Erdogan had gained much goodwill among ordinary people and governments across the Middle East and beyond as an honest broker with regard to Iran and the Palestinian plight. Now, that popular goodwill seems to have all but vanished as Erdogan sinks more and more into schemes of treachery and state terrorism.

    The Turkish footballer-turned-politician may live to rue the day when international public opinion finally gives him the red card for foul play.

  • Syria’s Bashar Assad Finds Solid Support Among Alawites in Turkey

    Syria’s Bashar Assad Finds Solid Support Among Alawites in Turkey

    The Alawite Towns That Support Syria’s Assad — in Turkey

    Even as the regime’s Alawite support erodes, the President of Syria finds vocal support among his co-religionists in Turkey

    By Steven Sotloff / Antakya, Turkey | September 10, 2012 | 2

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    An Assad carpet for sale in Harbiyya, on Sept. 6, 2012.

    Steven Sotloff

    A Bashar Assad carpet for sale in Harbiyya, Turkey, on Sept. 6, 2012

    While the Alawites of Syria may not be monolithic in their support of their fellow Alawite President Bashar Assad, the dictator can find near unanimous backing among members of the sect across the border in a region that is part of Turkey. In 1939, Syria’s colonial master, France, ceded the Syrian province of Alexandretta and its population of over 120,000 — most of whom were Alawites, also known as Alawis — to Turkey. Known today as Hatay, the region’s inhabitants are equally divided between Alawites and orthodox Sunnis, along with a small number of Christians. For decades, an uneasy truce reigned between the sects. But since the outbreak of the revolution in 2011, the Turkish Alawites, who number around 500,000, have increasingly taken to the streets to express their support for the Assad regime.

    In a carpet shop in the village of Harbiyya in Hatay, the rugs portray familiar personages: Turkey’s first leader Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, with his penetrating eyes, next to the flowing curls of Ali, the Prophet Muhammad’s cousin and son-in-law who is venerated by Shi‘ite Muslims, including the Alawites. But one carpet stands out among the lot — that of Syrian President Assad. In this Alawite village within Turkey, the beleaguered leader who has been labeled a war criminal by the West is more popular than Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

    (PHOTOS: Syrians Flee into Turkey)

    The Alawite communities in Turkey and Syria have been torn by the latter’s 18-month civil war. Sect members in Turkey have thrown their weight behind the Syrian regime even as Prime Minister Erdogan has denounced Assad’s “attempted genocide” of defenseless civilians. Harbiyya residents have no qualms about their support for Assad. “In Syria, there is democracy,” explains restaurateur Riyad Aslan Yurek. “There is a freedom there that is absent in other Arab countries.” For Yurek, the allure of Syria lies in its secularism. He contrasts the liberties there with the austere Islam that reigns in Saudi Arabia, where he labored for five years. “After Friday prayers, the Saudis would execute drug dealers and amputate the hands of thieves,” he recounts. “This extremism does not exist in Syria.”

    Alawite activists are vocal in their support of Assad in Hatay’s capital. Every day in the city of Antakya, a group of students in their 20s collect signatures at a table located in the downtown pedestrian mall, calling for an end to the Syrian conflict. The men take turns shouting out slogans such as “We don’t want America’s imperial war!” and “No to the shedding of blood in Syria!” Some passersby ignore the loud cries, while others are curiously intrigued by the petition drive. When an American journalist stops to ask about the group’s activities, though, a burly man in his 30s hisses him away, shouting, “America is funding terrorists in Syria!”

    Later, one of the volunteers, Ilena Coksoyler, explains the group’s frustrations. “We watch television at night and see the [rebel] terrorists hanging Alawi soldiers and yelling, ‘God is Great!’” the 25-year-old education student notes. “We are afraid for the Alawis in Syria and afraid that the foreign terrorists will try to do the same here in Turkey.”

    (MORE: Eyewitness from Homs: An Alawite Refugee Warns of Sectarian War in Syria)

    Foreign fighters from countries like Libya and Saudi Arabia have indeed been spotted in the city. But last week the Turkish daily Today’s Zaman revealed that a local organization is trying to recruit Turkish Alawites to fight on the side of the Syrian regime. Alawites in Turkey deny that any such mobilization has taken place, but they sympathize with the need to protect their brethren in Syria.

    Many in this city claim that the foreign fighters trickling into Syria are injecting fanatic ideas into Syrian society. “Bashar is fighting al-Qaeda, who want to create an Islamic emirate in Syria,” explains Nizam Ozar. “He is killing terrorists who are threatening the security of the state.” It is a refrain heard throughout the small tourist village dotted with hotels that welcome foreigners who go there to see the waterfalls. Residents assert that the Saudi Arabian and Qatari funds fueling the rebellion are being doled out to radicals who want to destroy the secular state the Assad family cultivated over 40 years.

    “The Syrians are using the refugee camps [in Turkey, which house Syrians fleeing the conflict] to set up training bases,” explains Ozar, before excusing himself to welcome some tourists to his trinket shop. “At night the fighters sneak into Syria and kill the soldiers,” he comments when he returns. “Turkey allows this and this makes us angry.”

    MORE: Syrian Refugees in Turkey: Song of the One-Legged Revolutionary

    Related Topics:

    via Syria’s Bashar Assad Finds Solid Support Among Alawites in Turkey | World | TIME.com.

  • Turkish Airline Flying Al-Qaeda from Pakistan to Syrian Borders

    Turkish Airline Flying Al-Qaeda from Pakistan to Syrian Borders

    Turkish Airline Flying Al-Qaeda from Pakistan to Syrian Borders

    TEHRAN (FNA)- Turkey’s national air carrier, Turkish Air, has been transiting Al-Qaeda and Taliban militants from North Waziristan in Pakistan to the Turkish borders with Syria, sources revealed on Saturday, mentioning that the last group were flown to Hatay on a Turkish Air Airbus flight No. 709 on September 10, 2012.

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    “The Turkish intelligence agency sent 93 Al-Qaeda and Taliban terrorists from Waziristan to Hatay province near the border with Syria on a Turkish Air Airbus flight No. 709 on September 10, 2012 and via the Karachi-Istanbul flight route,” the source told FNA on Saturday, adding that the flight had a short stop in Istanbul.

    The 93 terrorists transited to the Turkish border with Syria included Al-Qaeda militants from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Yemen, Pakistan, Afghanistan and a group of Arabs residing in Waziristan, he added.

    The source, who asked to remain anonymous due to the sensitivity of his information, further revealed that the Turkish intelligence agency is coordinating its measures with the CIA and the Saudi and Qatari secret services.

    FNA dispatches from Pakistan said new al-Qaeda members were trained in North Waziristan until a few days ago and then sent to Syria, but now they are transferring their command center to the borders between Turkey and Syria as a first step to be followed by a last move directly into the restive parts of Syria on the other side of the border.

    The al-Qaeda, backed by Turkey, the US and its regional Arab allies, had set up a new camp in Northern Waziristan in Pakistan to train Salafi and Jihadi terrorists and dispatched them to Syria via Turkish borders.

    “A new Al-Qaeda has been created in the region through the financial and logistical backup of Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and a number of western states, specially the US,” a source told FNA earlier this month.

    Ali Mahdian told FNA that the US and the British governments have been playing with the al-Qaeda through their Arab proxy regimes in the region in a bid to materialize their goals, specially in Syria.

    He said the Saudi and Qatari regimes serve as interlocutors to facilitate the CIA and MI6 plans in Syria through instigating terrorist operations by Salafi and Arab Jihadi groups, adding that the terrorists do not know that they actually exercise the US plans.

    “Turkey has also been misusing extremist Salafis and Al-Qaeda terrorists to intensify the crisis in Syria and it has recently augmented its efforts in this regard by helping the new Al-Qaeda branch set up a camp in Northern Waziristan in Pakistan to train Al-Qaeda and Taliban members as well as Turkish Salafis and Arab Jihadis who are later sent to Syria for terrorist operations,” said the source.

    He said the camp in Waziristan is not just a training center, but a command center for terrorist operations against Syria.

    Yet, the source said the US and Britain are looking at the new Al-Qaeda force as an instrument to attain their goals and do not intend to support them to ascend to power, “because if Salafi elements in Syria ascend to power, they will create many problems for the US, the Western states and Turkey in future”.

    “Thus, the US, Britain and Turkey are looking at the Al-Qaeda as a tactical instrument,” he said, and warned of the regional and global repercussions of the US and Turkish aid to the Al-Qaeda and Salafi groups.

    “Unfortunately, these group of countries have just focused on the short-term benefits that the Salafis and the Al-Qaeda can provide for them and ignore the perils of this support in the long run,” he said.

    “At present, the western countries, specially Britain which hosts and controls the Jihadi Salafi groups throughout the world are paving the ground for these extremists to leave their homes – mostly in Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the Untied Arab Emirates (UAE) as well as those who live in Europe and the US – for Waziristan,” the source added.

    In relevant remarks, Syrian Prime Minister Wael al-Halqi last week blamed certain states, the Salafis and the Al-Qaeda for terrorist operations which have claimed the lives of thousands of people in his country, and said terrorist groups supported by certain foreign actors are misusing differences in his country to bring Syria into turmoil.

    Addressing the 16th heads-of-state summit of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) here in Tehran on Thursday, the Syrian premier noted terrorist attacks on his nation, and said the “terrorists are backed up by certain foreign states”.

    “Many countries allege to be supporting peaceful solutions in Syria, but they oppose Annan’s plan in practice,” he said, and cautioned, “The responsibility for the failure of this plan lies on their shoulder as they strove to keep the Syrian crisis going and falsified events.”

    “The world should know that the Syrian crisis, in fact, rises from foreign meddling. Certain well-known countries from inside and outside the region are seeking instability of Syria,” the Syrian prime minister complained.

    Elaborating on the recent developments in Syria, al-Halqi said, “It has been proved that foreign-backed terrorist groups have been misusing events and killing the innocent people.”

    “These terrorists include Salafis and Al-Qaeda Takfiri groups,” he reiterated, and added, “Those states that support terrorism and oppose talks should be given moral and economic punishments as they are part of the problem in Syria.”

    Syria has been experiencing unrest since March 2011 with organized attacks by well-armed gangs against Syrian police forces and border guards being reported across the country.

    In October, calm was eventually restored in the Arab state after President Assad started a reform initiative in the country, but Israel, the US and its Arab allies are seeking hard to bring the country into chaos through any possible means. Tel Aviv, Washington and some Arab capitals have been staging various plots in the hope of stirring unrests in Syria once again.

    The US and its western and regional allies have long sought to topple Bashar al-Assad and his ruling system. Media reports said that the Syrian rebels and terrorist groups have received significantly more and better weapons in recent weeks, a crime paid for by the Persian Gulf Arab states and coordinated by the United States.

    The US daily, Washington Post, reported in May that the Syrian rebels and terrorist groups battling the President Bashar al-Assad’s government have received significantly more and better weapons in recent weeks, a crime paid for by the Persian Gulf Arab states and coordinated by the United States.

    The newspaper, quoting opposition activists and US and foreign officials, reported that Obama administration officials emphasized the administration has expanded contacts with opposition military forces to provide the Persian Gulf nations with assessments of rebel credibility and command-and-control infrastructure.

    Opposition activists who several months ago said the rebels were running out of ammunition said in May that the flow of weapons – most bought on the black market in neighboring countries or from elements of the Syrian military in the past – has significantly increased after a decision by Saudi Arabia, Qatar and other Persian Gulf states to provide millions of dollars in funding each month.

    Special Thanks to: FNA Bureau in Islamabad, FNA Bureau in Kabul, FNA Bureau in Damascus

  • In Turkey, Alawite sect sides with Syria’s Assad

    In Turkey, Alawite sect sides with Syria’s Assad

    View Photo Gallery — Syrian refugees flock to Turkey and Jordan: Tens of thousands of Syrian refugees have spilled across the border into Turkey and Jordan since the 17-month uprising in their homeland began.

    MARSAUT SYRIA WASHPOST18 1346893440

    By William Booth, Published: September 14

    SAMANDAG, Turkey — When the first families of Syrian war refugees straggled into this seaside city a few months ago, the locals offered a wary welcome.

    Last week, they kicked them all out.

    This ancient pilgrimage town in southern Turkey is populated by Alawites, adherents of a heterodox offshoot of Shiite Islam, who share their faith with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. The Syrian leader has filled the upper ranks of his military, security services and feared shabiha militia with fellow Alawites.

    Although Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has thrown his support behind the Syrian rebels in their armed uprising against Assad, the Turkish street is revealing itself to be more divided about what is happening in Syria and along its borders.

    Many Turks are proud that their government is giving a hand to those in need, but the main opposition leaders are warning that the country is being dragged into a sectarian conflict. The business community is also rattled.

    Here in the Hatay province, where Turkey’s small Alawite population is centered, critics of the government’s role in the 18-month conflict next door are especially vocal.

    “We are sure there are foreign fighters here, all the extremists and all the terrorists,” said Ali Yeral, a prominent religious leader of the Alawite sect in the southern Turkish city of Antakya. “They spend the day drinking tea, and at night they cross the border to kill our relatives” in Syria.

    Yeral and other Alawite activists repeat stories, impossible to verify and likely not true, that nevertheless illustrate the level of animosity they feel about the 120,000 Syrians living in refugee camps and rented apartments in Turkey.

    “We have heard them say after they get finished with the government of Assad, they will come for us and cut our heads off,” Yeral said. “They are Libyans, Saudis, Syrians. They are all terrorists. And they say to our girls, ‘I will have you in my bed and your father’s villa will be mine.’ ”

    In Antakya, with its large Alawite population, Turks have staged street demonstrations, their most recent Tuesday, in support of their co-religionist Assad.

    Protesters are calling on the Turkish government not only to oust the 40,000 displaced Syrians living in houses across Turkey but also to empty the 11 refugee camps along the Turkish-Syrian border, where an additional 80,000 Syrians languish in tent cities.

    Most of the Syrian refugees, and most of the Syrian rebel fighters, are Sunni Muslims. Many Alawites, like the Christians in Syria, have seen Assad as a bulwark against a Sunni Islamist takeover.

    Feeling the heat, the Turkish government last week quietly announced that it would begin to ask Syrians without passports to enter camps and those with passports to move away from the border.

    The officials promised that the refugee camps would remain open and welcome those fleeing the bombing and fighting in Syria.

    Turkish officials said there are good reasons for the tough policy — secure borders and knowledge of who’s coming and going — but Selcuk Unal, a Foreign Ministry spokesman, said “local tensions” played a role in the decision to move refugees deeper into Turkey.

    via In Turkey, Alawite sect sides with Syria’s Assad – The Washington Post.

    https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/middle_east/in-turkey-alawite-sect-sides-with-syrias-assad/2012/09/14/97e73500-fdd8-11e1-98c6-ec0a0a93f8eb_story.html