Category: Syria

  • Christian Exodus from Syria Raises Hopes for Resurrection in Turkey

    Christian Exodus from Syria Raises Hopes for Resurrection in Turkey

    Christian Exodus from Syria Raises Hopes for Resurrection in Turkey

    Civil war pushes more Christian refugees into nearby Armenia and Turkey.

    Melissa Steffan

    Escalating violence in northern Syria is forcing Christians to flee their homeland and take refuge in nearby regions of Armenia and Turkey.

    The New York Times reports that several hundred Syrian Christian refugees have arrived in Turkey throughout the past few weeks, heading for “the monasteries and towns of Mardin and Midyat in Tur Abdin, an ancient region in southeastern Turkey, less than 50 kilometers, or 30 miles, from the Syrian border that is the historical heartland of the Syriac Orthodox Church.”

    The exodus from Syria is raising hopes of resurrecting the Christian presence in southeastern Turkey, which “is still dotted with Syriac churches like Mor Gabriel, which was founded in the year 397 and is one of the oldest active monasteries in the world today,” reports the Times. “But apart from the monks, very few Syriacs remain.”

    USA Today also reports that an “estimated 7,000 of Syria’s Christian-Armenian community have arrived in Armenia since the start of the uprising.” Christian refugees have headed for Aleppo, which is now the temporary home for nearly 8 in 10 of the Syrian Christians in Armenia.

    CT previously has reported on Syria, including how many Christians backed Assad’s regime and have been working to avert an all-out civil war. CT has also noted the legal troubles of Mor Gabriel.

    CT has also reported on Syriac Christians, who speak Aramaic (the language of Jesus), and “religicide” in the Middle East.

    posted by Melissa Steffan | Comments (0)

    via Christianity Today Gleanings: Christian Exodus from Syria Raises Hopes for Resurrection in Turkey.

  • Syria’s opposition to chose provisional PM in Istanbul

    Syria’s opposition to chose provisional PM in Istanbul

    CAIRO | Fri Feb 22, 2013 1:15pm EST

    Demonstrators chant slogans and wave Syrian opposition flags during a protest against Syria's President Bashar al-Assad in Aleppo

    (Reuters) – Syria’s National Coalition will meet in Istanbul on March 2 to chose a prime minister to head a provisional government to operate in rebel-held areas of the country, a coalition source said on Friday.

    The date was set after a compromise was reached between a bloc in the coalition that includes the powerful Muslim Brotherhood and other members who favor speedy formation of a government, the source told Reuters at the end of a two-day meeting of the coalition in Cairo.

    (Reporting by Khaled Yacoub Oweis; Editing by Jon Hemming)

    via Syria’s opposition to chose provisional PM in Istanbul: source | Reuters.

  • Has Turkey reached a dead-end in Syria?

    Has Turkey reached a dead-end in Syria?

    Has Turkey reached a dead-end in Syria?

    FIRDEVS ROBINSON

    A bomb blast in Cilvegozu confirmed that free passage for arms and fighters across the Syrian border is creating complex spillovers in Turkey. The administration’s humanitarian stance has been uncontroversial, but reports that Turkey has encouraged targeted violence in northern Syria illustrate the interests at play.

    On February the 11th  2013,  the 700th day of the Syrian uprising,  the Cilvegozu crossing near the Turkish town of Reyhanli was rocked with a deadly blast.  A parked minibus with Syrian number plates exploded at the busiest border gate between Turkey and Syria, killing 14 people and injuring many others. Turkey’s Interior Minister Muammer Guler said it came from Syria. “The terrorist act  was probably carried out by a Syrian but it was too early to apportion blame”.

    Turkish media didn’t hesitate to speculate. Most assumed it was the work of the Syrian regime; others suspected the jihadi groups and a few wondered if it could have been an accident involving fighters on their way to Syria. A Syrian National Council opposition delegation due in the area at the time claimed they were the real target. Turkish authorities and the military put out conflicting accounts of the situation.

    Whoever was behind it, the attack has raised serious questions about security.

    The site of the explosion lies opposite the Syrian border post of Bab al-Hawa. It was captured by the rebels last July. Since then, it has been the main crossing for people and vehicles, controlled by the opposition forces on the Syrian side.

    This was not the first time the Syrian conflict cost lives in Turkey. On 22 June 2012, Syria shot down a Turkish jet near the Turkish-Syrian border, killing two pilots. In October 2012, Syrian mortar shells landed inside Turkey.  Five people died.

    If anyone still doubted the extent of the spillover of the Syrian crisis into Turkey, the Cilvegozu attack should have made it clear.

    Yet, Ahmet Davutoglu, the architect of Turkey’s foreign policy, told the national daily Milliyet  that the recent attack might have been executed by those wanting to drag Turkey into the Syrian conflict.

    The leader of the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, called on the government to make a “satisfactory” explanation for the bomb attack and asked why their local CHP deputy was not allowed to see the video footage of the bombing. “With your Syria policy, you dragged Turkey  into a swamp” he said, adding “If you meddle in another country’s internal affairs, they will come and meddle in yours, too”.

    Mr Davutoglu responded angrily. “As if the real culprit is not Assad or the terrorists; they blame the government for opening the borders to refugees. What kind of opposition is this?” he asked.

    It is not only the main opposition that has been critical of Turkey allowing free passage and flow of weapons to Syrian opposition. Local people living close to the border have long been complaining about the presence of Syrian and other foreign militants, freely moving in and out of the area.

    Turkey denies it has been supplying arms to the Syrian opposition.

    Feed with one hand, arm with the other

    There are more than 200 thousand Syrian refugees inside Turkey. Authorities do not allow the UNCHR or other international organisations to control these. Syrian civilians fleeing their government’s brutal attacks are well-looked after in Turkish camps. Shelter and support provided to the refugees by the government have not been controversial.  Even though the opinion polls indicate that there isn’t any desire for a military confrontation with the Syrian regime, the Turkish public is welcoming and generous towards the Syrian refugees.

    According to the Finance Minister Mehmet Simsek, Turkey has already spent more than 600 million dollars. 344 million dollars of that came from the state budget, and the rest from the local authorities. During my recent visit to western Turkey, I came across Syrian families settled in towns far away from the border regions and looked after by local administrations.

    So, it is not the humanitarian effort that is attracting criticism. It is the “act now, think later” approach of the government that is causing concern.

    Turkey’s foreign policy in recent years has been characterised with a series of miscalculations. Failure to fully assess the possible consequences of its active anti-Assad policy meant that Turkey has been dragged into the conflict in a way that it did not expect.

    Syria has proved to be a tough test for the institutional capacity of Turkish bureaucracy. The quality of Turkey’s intelligence and the efficiency of the various agencies sharing and analyzing available information have also come under scrutiny.

    The deepening crisis in Syria has exposed the lack of checks and balances in Turkey.

    The apparent lack of consultation between the decision makers and the experienced diplomats was one factor for this lack of foresight. Heavily self-censoring media and its failure to lead a healthy public debate on crucial national interest and security issues were the others.

    It has not been possible to challenge the Prime Minister Erdogan’s leadership style on foreign policy decision-making.  No serious questions were asked when Mr Erdogan promised to go to Damascus in the shortest possible time, if Allah wills to embrace their brothers. “That day is close. We will pray near the grave of Salahaddin Ayyubi and pray in the Umayyad Mosque” Erdogan said in June 2012.

    Eight months on, with no sign of Assad being toppled, criticizing the government’s policy is an even more hazardous activity. As for questioning the Syria policy, along with the usual minefields of the Kurds and the religious brotherhoods, this can land a Turkish journalist in trouble.

    It is no secret that Syria has become the number one destination for jihadists anywhere in the world and the Turkish public hears this not from its own mass media but from the international broadcasters such as the BBC.

    It was only days before the Cilvegozu attack that the BBC’s James Reynoldsshowed a bombmaking factory inside Turkey, with the explosives taken over the border to be used in Syria against pro-Assad targets.

    Ghaith Abdul-Ahad’s recent report How to Start a Battalion (in Five Easy Lessons) was another eye opener for many about Turkey’s role in Syria.

    Turkey sees the emergence of an autonomous Kurdish region along its Syrian border as the biggest threat to its national security. The civil war in Syria has heightened tensions between Turkey and its ethnic Kurdish population but it also focused the government’s attention on the urgency of a peaceful  solution.

    So, just as the Erdogan government is leading efforts to negotiate a settlement with its own insurgents, the PKK, another questionable tactic emerges.

    There are reliable reports that Turkey has recently been encouraging jihadi fighters to confront the Kurdish militia known as the Kurdish Democratic Union Party, or PYD, in the northern Syrian town of Ras al-Ayn.  Ras al-Ayn is just across the border from the Turkish town of Ceylanpinar and the Turkish sources also confirm increasing movement of militants at this crossing.

    The escalation of the civil war, the opening of new fronts and turning the already brutal war into an even more savage one will not help anyone.

    Time to think again?

    Turkey has already alienated some of its traditional allies by allowing itself to become a jihadist congregating point. The perception of Turkey as a key power contributing to the radicalising of the conflict in Syria is growing. For a country that has suffered from long years of violence perpetrated by extremists who found shelter in neighbouring countries, Turkey now needs to be very careful not to be seen to be doing the same.

    Turkey has been a significant player in this conflict right from the start. Some of its policies have had long term consequences both for itself and for the region.

    Now is the time for Turkey and other powers engaged in the Syrian conflict to come forward and to assist in undoing the harm that has been caused in part by their national or sectarian interests.

    The priority for everyone concerned about Syria should be to stop the appalling levels of violence and destruction.

    Getting rid of the Assad regime that had embarrassed and ignored Turkey should not be a matter of honour for Ankara.  It is up to the Syrians to do that. There are plenty of opposition activists struggling to create a democratic and independent Syria that will not repeat the mistakes of Iraq and Afghanistan.  Even though they are grateful for the humanitarian support they received from their neighbour, increasingly, they, too, are getting impatient with Turkey for bringing its proxy-war onto their lands.

  • Female Syrian refugees in Turkey being sold to Arab states: Turkish politician

    Female Syrian refugees in Turkey being sold to Arab states: Turkish politician

    The deputy chairman of the Turkish opposition Republican People’s Party, Faruq Logoglu, says female Syrian refugees in Turkish camps are being sold to rich sheikhs in Arab countries.

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    Syrian refugee women and children walk along the fence of their camp on the Syrian border near the east Turkish village of Apaydin, December 12, 2012.

     

     

    Addressing the parliament on Tuesday, the Turkish official criticized the violation of human rights in the refugee camps in Turkey, saying women and girls are being sent to neighboring rich Arab states in exchange for money, Turkish Taraf daily reported on Tuesday.

    He said refugee children from Syria are also being trained to use guns and are sent to Syria to fight against Syrian government forces.

    Turkey is home to 180,000 of the Syrian refugees in camps in the south of the country.

    According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), 75 percent of the Syrian refugees who have taken shelter in Turkey are women and children.

    The Turkish Republican People’s Party has repeatedly pronounced its opposition to Turkey’s stance on Syria, calling for an end to the Syrian conflict and a diplomatic solution to the ongoing crisis in the country.

    Since the start of the unrest in Syria, Turkey has thrown its weight behind the militants fighting the Syrian government.

    Syria has been experienced unrest for almost two years, which has claimed the lives of many people, including large numbers of security forces.

    The Syrian government says the chaos, which began in the country in March 2011, is being orchestrated from outside and there are reports that a very large number of the armed militants are foreign nationals.

    AO/HJL

    via PressTV – Female Syrian refugees in Turkey being sold to Arab states: Turkish politician.

  • Syria opposition warns Turkey against military intervention

    Syria opposition warns Turkey against military intervention

    The leader of the foreign-backed Syria opposition coalition, Ahmed Moaz al-Khatib, says any military intervention by Turkey in Syria would pose a great danger to the entire Middle East.

    Leader of the foreign-backed Syrian opposition coalition Ahmed Moaz al-Khatib (file photo)
    Leader of the foreign-backed Syrian opposition coalition Ahmed Moaz al-Khatib (file photo)

    Speaking in an interview with Anatolia News Agency on Tuesday, he noted that deceitful forces are determined to trigger war in the region in order to keep the Muslim world contained in a desert for centuries, reiterating that he is opposed to foreign military intervention in Syria.

    “Turkey’s military intervention in Syria will result in the engagement of the regional powers, above all Iran, which will then cause the conflict to spread to the Persian Gulf, and this would be a great threat to the entire region,” he added.

    Ankara has openly voiced support for the militants fighting against Damascus.

    Commenting on negotiating with President Bashar al-Assad, Khatib said, “We offered negotiating with Bashar al-Assad’s government not for the political and military benefits, but to save the lives of people and end the violence and clashes.”

    On January 30, Khatib announced that he is ready for “direct discussions” with representatives of the Syrian government in Cairo, Tunis or Istanbul.

    However, he added that there are “basic conditions” before holding talks with the Syrian officials over the crisis in the Arab country.

    The so-called Syrian National Coalition and other foreign-backed opposition groups had stressed in the past that the Syrian president must step down before any negotiations.

    Syria has been experiencing unrest since March 2011. Many people, including large numbers of security forces, have been killed in the turmoil.

    The Syrian government has said that the chaos is being orchestrated from outside the country, and that a very large number of the militants operating in the country are foreign nationals.

    PG/SS

    via PressTV – Syria opposition warns Turkey against military intervention.

  • Turkey-Iran Ties Strained  By Iraq, Syria

    Turkey-Iran Ties Strained By Iraq, Syria

    Turkey's Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu and his Iranian counterpart Ali Akbar Salehi attend a news conference in Ankara
    Turkey’s Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu and his Iranian counterpart, Ali Akbar Salehi (L), attend a news conference in Ankara, Jan. 19, 2012. (photo by REUTERS/Umit Bektas)

    Semih Idiz for Al-Monitor Turkey Pulse. Posted on February 19.

    Ask diplomats from both countries and they will say Turkish-Iranian relations rest on a solid foundation, despite occasional turbulence and attempts by “nefarious western countries” to spoil them. But the situation is not that rosy with Ankara and Tehran increasingly competing for influence in the Middle East, rather than cooperating to stabilize the region.

    About This Article

    Summary :

    Tehran and Ankara are struggling to keep up appearances as differences over Iran and Syria begin to take a toll on their bilateral relationship, writes Semih Idiz.

    Author: Semih Idiz
    Posted on : February 19 2013

    Take Syria, for example, a topic that both countries diverge on radically. Tehran continues to support President Bashar al Assad as a matter of vital importance for its regional interests. Ankara, on the other hand, continues to support Syrian groups fighting to depose Assad and overturn his regime.

    Given this situation, Turkey and Iran are now accusing each other of prolonging the Syrian crisis. In a rare confession Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu even admitted, only a few days ago, that he had what appears to be a futile phone conversation on the topic with his Iranian counterpart Ali Akbar Salehi.

    “I discussed Syria with the Iranian foreign minister, but we cannot agree.” Davutoglu told reporters bluntly after a meeting of the Turkey-EU Join Parliamentary Commission in Ankara on Feb. 14. He nevertheless added that “they would keep the lines of communication open” with Tehran.

    But this is not the only problem between the two countries. Tehran is also disappointed with Turkey for ostensibly bowing to pressures from the US in order to facilitate what Iranian officials claim are Western and Israeli military plans for the region. Tehran is also unhappy over the fact that Turkey’s trade with Iran has started to drop because of US pressures, a fact that is particularly noticeable in the dramatic fall seen in Turkey’s crude oil imports from Iran.

    This fact is particularly noteworthy since officials from both countries frequently pointed to the growing levels of trade in the past, when trying to show just how “excellent,” ties between the two countries were despite pressures on Ankara to comply with Western sanctions on Iran.

    Looking back over these past three decades one does see that lines of communication between the two countries have remained open and that ties have weathered many storms. This was especially the case in the 1980s and 1990s when staunchly secularist Turkish governments frequently accused Tehran of trying to export its Islamic revolution to Turkey.

    Great hopes were raised in Ankara and Tehran for taking these ties even further after the advent of the Islamist Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey in 2002. The AKP’s Islamist roots did in fact turn Ankara into a staunch supporter of Tehran against its Western critics and enemies who were, and still are, concerned that Iran is trying to become a regional nuclear power.

    Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan annoyed Washington and Turkey’s NATO allies at that state when he  frequently suggested that he could not understand why those who possessed nuclear weapons where trying to prevent Iran from getting them. Erdogan’s first target was Israel, of course, but his remarks were clearly aimed at the US, too.

    Turkey also achieved what it believed at the time to be major international coup for Turkish diplomacy, when, together with Brazil, it negotiated a swap deal in May 2010 with Tehran for Iran’s stock of enriched uranium. In Tehran, a jubilant Davutoglu said after the announcement of the deal that there was no longer any need for any UN sanctions against Iran, a remark taken in the West as a clear sign of Turkey’s advocacy of Iran.

    But Washington rejected the Turkish-Brazilian deal and none of Turkey’s NATO allies were prepared to support it either. Instead, the US started applying pressure on Ankara to comply with the sanctions against Tehran, and to allow the stationing of NATO’s advanced anti-missile radar systems in Turkey — a vital part of the US-led missile defense shield project targeting Iran.

    Weighing its NATO membership against advocacy of Iran’s rights, Ankara eventually complied with this request in November 2011 and allowed the deployment of this radar system in the town of Kurecik, in eastern Turkey. Erdogan and Davutoglu insisted vehemently then, and still do, that the radar was not against Iran, citing the fact that no NATO document relating to it referred to any country as a target.

    American and NATO officials, however, made it clear through various statements that Iran was indeed the prime target. Meanwhile no one in Tehran accepted the Erdogan-Davutoglu line either. In the end, this deployment turned out to be a critical turning point in Turkish-Iranian relations that have since also come under added pressure due to the Syrian crisis.

    The strong opposition by Iran to the deployment of Patriot missiles against a possible attack from Syria is also related to this topic. Tehran says the Patriots are in Turkey for the long haul adding that their real mission is to guard the radar system in Kurecik against a possible attack from Iran. Ranking Iranian military officials have made it clear that if Israel attacks Iran, all US and NATO facilities in the region will be considered legitimate targets.

    Meanwhile Turkey’s tense relations with the pro-Iranian Maliki government in Baghdad, as Ankara continues to deepen political and economic ties with Northern Iraqi Kurds, are also fueling Iranian suspicions over Turkey’s regional intentions. Tehran is making its dissatisfaction over this known, too.

    The Kurdish daily Rudaw reported recently that Iran had “warned Iraq’s autonomous Kurds against thinking about independence, harming relations with the Shiite government in Baghdad and getting too close to Turkey.”

    This message was reportedly transmitted by Qasem Soleimani, the commander of Iran’s powerful Al Quds Force, to a delegation from Northern Iraq which recently visited Tehran. Al Quds is said to have enormous influence in Iraq, and is reportedly also helping the Assad regime in Syria fight against opposition forces.

    “You should not think about the division of Iraq and harming Kurdish-Shiite relations” Soleimani reportedly told a delegation from the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), one of the two major parties in Kurdish Northern Iraq.

    The PUK delegation is said to have included Kosrat Rasul Ali, the party’s acting leader, its deputy secretary general Barham Salih and Khasraw Gul Muhammad, a member of the party’s leadership council. All three are highly influential figures in Northern Iraq.

    Meanwhile, Baram Majeed Khan, a PUK advisor on Iranian affairs, was quoted saying “Iran is worried about the fact that the Kurdistan Region has strong economic and commercial ties with Turkey” and adding, “Iran feels that Turkey has crept into the Kurdistan Region more than it should.”

    Meanwhile, Iranian officials are said to be deeply disappointed with the 29% drop in crude oil exports by Turkey from Iran in December 2012, compared to the previous month, after Washington effectively blocked a “gold-for-oil” deal between the two countries.

    Ankara could circumvent Western sanctions against Tehran by means of that deal under which oil and gas purchased by Turkey would be paid for in Turkish liras lodged in Halkbank, a state owned Turkish bank. Iranian operators would then buy gold bullion on the Turkish market with that money and transport it overland to Iran.

    According to Reuters, a new provision of US sanctions which came into force on Feb. 6, effectively tightens control on sales of precious metals to Iran and also prevents Halkbank from processing oil payments for Iran by other countries.

    Clearly, the lines of communication between Ankara and Tehran will remain open, but these developments belie the rosy picture diplomat are trying to paint for Turkish-Iranians relations which are marked increasingly with rivalry rather than amity.

    Semih İdiz is a contributing writer for Al-Monitor’s Turkey Pulse. A journalist who has been covering diplomacy and foreign-policy issues for major Turkish newspapers for 30 years, his opinion pieces can be followed in the English language Hurriyet Daily News. He can also be read in Taraf. His articles have been published in The Financial Times, the Times, Mediterranean Quarterly and Foreign Policy magazine, and he is a frequent contributor to BBC World, VOA, NPR, Deutche Welle, various Israeli media organizations and Al Jazeera.

    Read more: http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2013/02/turkey-iran-tensions-rise-syria.html#ixzz2LQrdcliz