Category: Israel

  • U.S. Group Stirs Debate on Being ‘Pro-Israel’

    U.S. Group Stirs Debate on Being ‘Pro-Israel’

    By ETHAN BRONNER

     

    israeli criticism
    Rina Castelnuovo for The New York Times – A fortified shelter in Sderot, Israel. Israelis are feeling increasingly insecure about any criticism they believe could help enemies.

    JERUSALEM — On one side were members of the Israeli Parliament and advocates who argued that there was only one legitimate way to support Israel from abroad — unconditionally. On the other were those who insisted that love and devotion did not mean withholding criticism.

    For an electric two hours on Wednesday, the sides fought bitterly inside a parliamentary hearing room. As they spoke, tensions on the Gaza border rose and turmoil spread across the Middle East; hours later a bomb went off in Jerusalem, killing one person and wounding dozens. Israelis are feeling increasingly insecure about any criticism they believe could help their enemies.

    At the center of the parliamentary debate was a three-year-old American advocacy group, J Street, which calls itself pro-Israel and pro-peace, a left-leaning alternative to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, or Aipac, the pro-Israel lobbying group in the United States. J Street opposes Israeli settlements in the West Bank and urged President Obama not to veto an antisettlement resolution in the United Nations Security Council recently.

    The conveners of Wednesday’s hearing, a hawkish Likud legislator named Danny Danon and a conservative colleague from the centrist Kadima party, Otniel Schneller, wanted to expose J Street for what they believed it to be — a group of self-doubting American Jews more worried about what their neighbors say than what is good for the state of Israel.

    “This is a dispute between those who care what non-Jews will say and those who believe in being a light unto nations, between the mentality of exile and that of redemption,” Mr. Schneller said. “J Street is not a Zionist organization. It offers love with strings attached. They say, ‘We love you only if you behave the way we like.’ ”

    Jeremy Ben-Ami, J Street’s founder, came from Washington to defend his group, which claims about 170,000 supporters.

    “We should work through our differences with respect, vibrant discussion and open dialogue,” he told the legislators. “It only weakens Israel and the Jewish people to make differences of opinion into something greater and to accuse those who criticize Israeli policy of being anti-Israel or worse.”

    The committee meeting, which drew a crowd and often descended into shouting matches, was unprecedented, according to many Israelis. No one could recall a debate inside Israel’s Parliament examining whether an American group calling itself pro-Israel was living up to the name.

    But another parliamentary committee hearing is planned on a similar topic — whether the foreign news media are covering Israel fairly. The focus of that debate will be a comparison of news media coverage of the recent killings of five members of a settler family with the coverage of the Israeli takeover last year of a Gaza-bound flotilla in which nine activists were killed by commandos.

    Both hearings are part of a larger trend in this year’s Parliament — a turn rightward. Two laws passed this week have been widely condemned by civil liberty groups and advocates on the left. The first is known as “the Nakba bill,” in reference to the Arabic word for “catastrophe” commonly used by Arabs to describe the birth of Israel in 1948. Arabs who are Israeli citizens often commemorate Israeli independence by noting their losses — the destruction of hundreds of villages and the exile of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians.

    The new law allows the Finance Ministry to remove funds from municipalities or groups if they commemorate Independence Day here as a day of mourning or reject Israel as a Jewish and democratic state. The original bill, which produced much alarm and was altered, would have imposed prison sentences.

    The second new law that has drawn criticism from the left establishes admissions committees for small communities in the Negev and Galilee, areas with large Arab populations. The new law says that communities with 400 or fewer families may set up committees to screen potential residents for whether they fit in socially. At the last minute, a rider was added barring discrimination based on race, gender or nationality, but critics contend it will still serve to keep Arabs out of Jewish communities.

    It is precisely such developments in Israel that J Street leaders say are driving many American Jews, especially younger ones, from devotion to Israel. Therefore, they say, J Street has a vital role in advocating its views here and in bridging the gap between liberal American Jews and an increasingly nationalistic Israeli society.

    David Gilo, who is the chairman of J Street, said in the hearing that the contract that had long existed between Israel and Jews abroad — one of unconditional support — was expiring and a new one was being drafted. He argued that the new contract was good not only for those abroad but for Israel as well, since it would bring into the fold those who would otherwise be alienated. “The new contract cannot be based on unilateral dictation of what is right, who is right and who is wrong,” he said. “Only agreement on common values and a genuine attempt to understand where each party comes from can reinstate an Israeli-American Jewish partnership.”

    Nachman Shai, a member of Parliament from Kadima, said at the hearing that J Street represented an important part of American Jewry, and that Israel should not turn a blind eye to it.

    Shlomo Avineri, a political scientist at Hebrew University who did not attend the hearing, said J Street was in a problematic position because “it is very difficult to be an advocacy group while criticizing the subject of your advocacy. It is difficult to say we are the greatest supporters of Israel but on every issue that arises we are on the other side.”

    He added that the extreme right in Israel had always insisted that criticism of Israeli policy was unpatriotic. Now, the extreme right has more power than ever in the country’s history, he said, giving its views a greater platform.

    Mr. Danon, the Likud chairman of the committee holding the hearing, said he would put to a vote in the coming two weeks a resolution calling J Street pro-Palestinian, asking it to “purge from its ranks” anti-Zionist elements and urging Israeli government officials to refrain from contact with it.

    Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has consistently refused to meet with J Street officials.

    Mr. Ben-Ami of J Street said afterward: “This is a time of real uncertainty and threat in Israel, and what we saw at the hearing is part of a larger trend of Israel turning in on itself. It is redefining who is a Jew, redefining who is a citizen and now redefining who is a friend.”

    www.nytimes.com, 24 March 2011

    More on J Street:

  • The emergence of Turkey’s hidden Jews

    The emergence of Turkey’s hidden Jews

    The False MesiahsBy MICHAEL FREUND

    Fundamentally Freund: the Donmeh community, numbering several thousand people, descends from followers of the false messiah Shabtai Zvi.

    Recently, at a small synagogue in New Jersey, a Jewish tragedy more than three centuries old came to an abrupt and long-awaited end.

    Standing before a rabbinical court, a “hidden Jew” from Turkey closed an historical circle by emerging from the shadows of the past and formally returning to the Jewish people.

    The young man in question, who now goes by his Hebrew name of Ari, is a member of the Donmeh, a community numbering several thousand people who are descendants of the followers of the false messiah Shabtai Zvi.

    It might sound fanciful, or even far-fetched, but after all these years, there are still people who believe that he will yet return to redeem Israel.

    In the 17th century, Zvi stormed onto the Jewish scene, raising hopes of redemption and electrifying Jews the world over. Armed with immense charisma, he traveled to various Jewish communities and promised that the long-awaited deliverance from exile was at hand.

    But his messianic career came to a crushing end when the Ottoman sultan presented him with a dire choice: convert to Islam or die by the sword. The would-be claimant to King David’s throne tossed heroism aside and became a Muslim, along with 300 families who were among his most loyal adherents.

    While they ostensibly practiced Islam, the Donmeh (also known as the Ma’aminim, Hebrew for “believers”) nonetheless continued to observe a mystical form of Judaism in secret.

    Scholars such as Gershom Scholem wrote extensively about the Donmeh, and the University of California’s Marc David Baer recently published an important new study about them.

    Until today, some of these Sabbateans preserve various Jewish customs, such as celebration of the festivals, study of the Zohar, and even the recital of portions of the book of Psalms each day. And they still follow the “18 Commandments” handed down to them by Shabtai Zvi, which includes an absolute prohibition on intermarriage.

    For many years, they concentrated in the Greek city of Salonika, until they were expelled to Turkey in 1923-24 as part of the population exchanges between the two countries. This painful chapter in their history turned out to be a blessing in disguise, because it saved them from the fate that befell Greek Jewry, most of whom were murdered by the Nazis.

    But despite the Donmeh’s conversion to Islam and the passage of more than 300 years, they are still viewed with suspicion by Turkish Muslims, and are frequent targets of the country’s press, which accuses them of being part of an international Zionist conspiracy.

    So it is no surprise that the Donmeh turned inward and essentially went underground, in effect leading double lives to survive. Though many of them have assimilated into Turkish society, several thousand still reside in cities such as Istanbul and Izmir.

    TWO YEARS ago, on a visit to Istanbul, I met with some members of the younger generation of Donmeh, including Ari. Given the current state of Turkish- Israeli relations, I cannot divulge identifying details about them, other than to say they all expressed a deep yearning to return to Judaism.

    When I met them in the lobby of a small hotel, Ari in particular seemed especially nervous. He was constantly peering around the room, initially afraid of being seen with a kippa-wearing Jew from Israel.

    He told me of the mistreatment the Donmeh endure in the Turkish media, and said, “I am tired of hiding and I am tired of pretending. I want to be a Jew – I want to return to my people.”

    When I probed him about his Jewish knowledge, I was astonished to see how conversant he was with various kabbalistic concepts. And I’m not referring to the pseudo-Kabbala practiced by Madonna and others in Hollywood, but to the real thing.

    Ari later showed me around the city, pointing out the Donmeh cemetery and other sites central to the community’s hidden life. With an obvious sense of frustration, he explained how Turkey’s Jewish community will not go near the Donmeh issue, fearful of the reaction this might evoke.

    “I am caught between two worlds,” he said. “The Turks see me as a Jew, but the Jews will not accept me.”

    But all that changed a few weeks ago, when Ari took the brave step of traveling to America to undergo a return to Judaism. After the rabbis examined his case, taking into account the fact that his ancestors had only married among themselves, they welcomed Ari back into the fold.

    Speaking to me shortly afterward, Ari could not contain his emotions: “It is a miracle – I am now an ‘official’ Jew, after all these years!” The following Sabbath, he was honored at a New York-area synagogue with carrying the Torah before the congregation. He held the scroll tightly and lovingly in his hands, cradling it like a newborn infant as tears of joy and relief trickled down his cheeks.

    Ari is not alone. There are many other young Donmeh also looking to find their way back, and it behooves the Jewish people to help them. Whatever mistakes their ancestors may have committed, the Donmeh of today have clung to their Jewish heritage and kept it alive. Those who wish to reclaim their roots should be enabled to do so.

    Welcome back to our people, Ari, and may your return pave the way for other Donmeh.

    The writer serves as chairman of Shavei Israel (www.shavei.org), a Jerusalem-based group that assists “lost Jews” seeking to return to the Jewish people.

    www.jpost.com, 23.03.2011

  • Israel passes controversial funding law

    Israel passes controversial funding law

    Nakba Day
    Nakba Day – as Palestinians call it – is an important date in the political calendar

    By Bethany Bell

    BBC News, Jerusalem

    The Israeli parliament has passed a law that allows the state to deny funding to institutions that question the country’s existence as a Jewish state.

    Civil rights groups say the law restricts the freedom of expression of Israel’s Arab minority, which makes up about a fifth of Israel’s population.

    The controversial law brought in by the far-right Yisrael Beiteinu party was passed by a vote of 37 to 25.

    The new law has been called the Nakba bill, the Arabic word for catastrophe.

    Palestinians use the term to refer to the creation of the state of Israel in 1948, when hundreds of thousands of them fled or were forced from their homes.

    Under the new law, groups involved in activities that deny Israel’s existence as a Jewish state can be prevented from receiving public funding.

    Those activities include marking Israel’s Independence Day as a day of mourning.

    Civil rights and Israeli Arab politicians say the law is undemocratic and unfairly singles out Israel’s Arab citizens.

    The current version of the law is more moderate than the original, which called for prison sentences for anyone holding Nakba memorial events.

    www.bbc.co.uk, 23 March 2011

  • Netanyahu in Russia after Israel bus blast

    Netanyahu in Russia after Israel bus blast

    Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Thursday arrived in Moscow for talks with the Russian leadership after a deadly bus bombing in Jerusalem threatened an escalation of Middle East violence.
    Netanyahu was expected to ask Russia not to give any support to Israel’s foes Iran …More
    A woman was killed and more than 30 people wounded when a bomb ripped through a bus in Jerusalem on Wednesday, hours after militants vowed revenge for two deadly Israeli raids on Gaza.

    The bombing also came several hours after two Grad rockets fired by Gaza militants hit the southern city of Beersheva.

    Netanyahu, who landed in Moscow in the early morning of Thursday, was later in the day due to meet with Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov.

    He was expected to ask Russia not to give any support to Israel’s foes Iran and Syria, amid contiuned Israeli concern about Russian ties with Tehran and its latest pledge to ship advanced anti-ship missiles to Syria.

    But an Israeli official in Moscow said Netanyahu would make the bus bombing the focus of his meetings, with other topics suggested by Russia such as the Middle East peace process taking a secondary role.

    Senior officials said that Israel’s intelligence agencies were investigating whether Hamas was behind the Jerusalem bombing and whether it was linked to the recent upsurge in violence in the Gaza Strip.

    If it was discovered that Hamas dispatched a cell to carry out the Jerusalem attack in response to the Gaza violence, Israel would view that as a real escalation, the officials said.

    “Israel is not interested in an escalation and if there is one it will be the work of Hamas,” said a senior Israeli official speaking on condition of anonymity.

    Russia called the bombing a “barbaric act of terror” that must not be allowed to destabilise the Middle East peace process.

    Before departing for Russia, Netanyahu warned that anyone who attacks Israel will learn it has an “iron will.”

    “There are those who… are trying to test our will and our determination, and they will discover that this government and the army and the Israeli people have an iron will to defend the country,” Netanyahu told reporters as he stood on the tarmac before boarding his flight.

    A Kremlin source told the ITAR-TASS agency meanwhile that the talks would also touch on the unrest in Libya and instability elsewhere in the Arab world.

  • The bodyguard: A Turkish-Israeli love story

    The bodyguard: A Turkish-Israeli love story

    the bodyguard
    A blooming romance in Turkey Photo: Herzl Yosef

    Turkish bodyguard, Israeli consulate employee in Istanbul meet at airport, fall in love. Now his mission doubles: Protect diplomat and wife

    Itamar Eichner

    They met at the Istanbul airport, exchanging glances when she was an Israeli diplomat working at the Israeli Consulate, and he worked as a local security guard for El-Al. When flights to Turkey were suspended, the Turkish guard became her personal bodyguard, and a love story began to unfold. Just recently they got married and decided to move to Israel.

    R. is a longtime employee of the Foreign Ministry who previously worked for such former foreign ministers as Ariel Sharon, Benjamin Netanyahu and Silvan Shalom. In the past few years she has been serving as an Israeli diplomat at the Israeli Consulate in Turkey. Along with her colleagues she faced harsh protests following Operation Cast Lead, which damaged the relations between the two countries. Not once did the diplomats receive death threats causing them to work from home or return to Israel.

    R. met V., a Turkish Jew, while flying to Israel. He was an El-Al security guard stationed in Istanbul and was hired by the Israeli consul. A few years ago, when El-Al stopped all flights to Turkey, V. became a guard for the colsulate, working closely with R.

    Every step of the way

    Just like the famous Hollywood film “The Bodyguard”, which tells the tale of a romantic love story between bodyguard Kevin Costner and star Whitney Houston, R. and V. became romantically involved and the affair turned into a blossoming relationship.

    Initially they kept their love a secret, but when they decided to get married they faced a problem – according to Foreign Ministry policy couples cannot work together in the same delegation.

    R. filed a special request to allow V. to continue to work alongside her at the consulate in Turkey. A special Foreign Ministry committee looked into the matter and granted her unique request, seeing as the two had only a few more months to serve together.

    Recently the two arrived in Israel for a visit and exchanged vows in Jerusalem. They have been living together since then, and now V. plans to make aliyah and build their new home in Israel.

    All they’ve dreamed of

    R.’s friends say she is very happy working in Turkey. According to them, she has been known to refuse marriage proposals before, “but now this big love has changed her plans and love is blossoming.”

    R.’s colleague at the Foreign Ministry said: “She looks happy and it’s really wonderful that such an affair developed in a country like Turkey, where the service is pretty difficult these days. Their marriage is also a source of pride in the Turkish Jewish community, which is suffering from complicated security issues.”

    The Foreign Ministry was quick to point out the symbolism of the new situation: “Now he’s a bodyguard with a two-part mission: Protect her life as a diplomat and as his wife.” R. wished to remain anonymous and does not want to discuss what she calls a private affair.

    Joy and happiness

    Foreign Ministry elements explained they cannot tell someone who they can or cannot marry. “We have to examine things when it comes to the local employee, and in this case we decided to leave him at the consulate and not hurt them,” an official said.

    This is not the first love affair between an Israeli diplomat serving abroad and a local resident. The former ambassador to Amman fell in love with a German citizen and the two got married; the Georgian ambassador married a local woman; an Israeli diplomat serving in Japan married a Japanese woman; and the Consul General to Istanbul married a Turkish woman.

    In the past there have also been cases of Israeli security guards working in embassies who married local women. However this is the first time an Israeli diplomat married her local bodyguard.

    www.ynetnews.com

  • Tony Blair: We can’t just be spectators in this revolution

    Tony Blair: We can’t just be spectators in this revolution

    BOP KA

    The following op-ed by Tony Blair first appeared in The Times and the Wall Street Journalon Saturday 19th March 2010

    The crisis in Libya has forced back on to the agenda all the tough choices of modern-day foreign policy. Should we intervene? Do we do so for moral reasons as well as those of national interests? How do we balance the need for a policy that is strong, assertive and well articulated with the desire not to appear overmighty and arrogant, disrespecting others and their culture?

    Two preliminary points must be made. In today’s world the distinction between moral outrage and strategic interests can be false. In a region where our strategic interests are dramatically and profoundly engaged, it is unlikely that the effect of a regime going rogue and brutalising its own people will remain isolated within its own borders. If Colonel Gaddafi were allowed to kill large numbers of Libyans to squash the hope of a different Libya, we shouldn’t be under any illusion. We could end up with a pariah government at odds with the international community — wounded but still alive and dangerous. We would send a signal of Western impotence in an area that analyses such signals keenly. We would dismay those agitating for freedom, boosting opposition factions hostile to us.

    This underlines the other preliminary point: inaction is also a decision, a policy with consequence. The wish to keep out of it all is entirely understandable; but it is every bit as much a decision as acting.

    So the decision to impose a no-fly zone and authorise all necessary measures to protect threatened civilians comes not a moment too soon. It is a shift to a policy of intervention that I welcome. Such a policy will be difficult and unpredictable. But it is surely better than watching in real time as the Libyan people’s legitimate aspiration for a better form of government and way of life is snuffed out by tanks and planes.

    Events in Libya cannot be divorced from what is happening across the Middle East. It is here that Western policy is still evolving. The implications are vast.

    Decisions taken now will define attitudes to us for a generation; they will also heavily influence the outcomes. They will have to be taken, as ever, with imperfect knowledge and the impossibility of accurate foresight.

    The key to making those decisions is to develop a strategic framework for helping to shape this revolutionary change sweeping the region. We need a policy that is clear, explicable and that marries our principles to the concerns of realpolitik. It also has to recognise that we are not spectators in what is happening. History, attitude and interests all dictate that we are players.

    First, there is no doubt that the best, most secure, most stable future for the Middle East lies in the spread of democracy, the rule of law and human rights. These are not “Western” values; they are the universal values of the human spirit. People of the Middle East are no different in that sense from the people of Europe or America.

    Second, however, getting there is a lot more complex than it was for Eastern Europeans when the Soviet Union collapsed. In that case you had hollowed-out regimes that were despised by a people eager for change and, vitally, agreed as to the type of society the change should produce. They looked over the Wall, saw the West and said: that’s what we want. By and large, that is what they now have.

    In the Middle East those protesting agree completely on removing existing regimes, but then thoroughly disagree on the future. There are two competing visions. One represents modernising elements who essentially want to share the freedom and democracy we have; the other, Islamist elements who have quite a different conception of how change should go.

    In saying this, I am not “demonising” the Muslim Brotherhood or ignoring that they too have their reformists. But there is no point, either, in being naive. Some of those wanting change want it precisely because they regard the existing regimes as not merely too oppressive but too pro-Western; and their solutions are a long way from what would provide modern and peaceful societies.

    So our policy has to be very clear: we are not just for change; we are for modern, democratic change, based on the principles and values intrinsic to democracy. That does not just mean the right to vote, but the rule of law, free speech, freedom of religion and free markets too.

    Third, working in that framework, we should differentiate when dealing with different countries. This too will require difficult decisions in instances where things are often not clean and simple, but messy and complex.

    In the case of Libya, there is no way out being offered to its people. It is status quo or nothing. When Libya changed its external policy — renouncing terrorism, co-operating against al-Qaeda, giving up its nuclear and chemical weapons programme — I believe we were right to alter our relationship with it. At the onset of the popular uprising, the Gaddafi regime could have decided to agree a proper and credible process of internal change. I urged Colonel Gaddafi to take that route out. Instead he decided to crush it by force. No credible path to a better constitution was put forward.

    By contrast, round the Gulf, countries are reforming in the right direction. The pace may need to quicken but here it is right to support such a process and to stand by our allies. Even in Bahrain, although there can be no justification for the use of violence against unarmed civilians, there is a strong case for supporting the process of negotiation led by the Crown Prince that does offer a means of peaceful transition to constitutional monarchy. This is not realpolitik over principle. It is a recognition that it is infinitely preferable to encourage reform that happens with stability than to push societies into a revolution whose motivations will be mixed and whose outcome will be uncertain.

    Fourth, in respect of Tunisia and Egypt, they now need our help. Protests don’t resolve policy questions. Demonstrations aren’t the same as governments. It is up to the emerging leaders of those nations to decide their political systems. But that is only one part of their challenge. They have young populations, often without jobs. Whatever the long-term benefits of political change, the short-term cost, in investment and the economy, will be big. This will require capital. It will also require the right policy framework, public sector reform and economic change that will sometimes be painful and controversial. Otherwise be clear: the danger is that in two or three years the political change is unmatched by economic progress and then in the disillusion that follows, extreme elements start to get traction. So talk of a Marshall Plan-type initiative is not overexcitable. It is completely to the point.

    Fifth, we ignore the importance of the peace process between Israelis and Palestinians at our peril. This absolutely must be revitalised and relaunched. I know it is said that this wasn’t the issue behind the uprisings. That is true. But we are deluding ourselves if we don’t think that its outcome matters profoundly to the region and the direction in which it develops. In any event, the change impacts immediately and directly on the parties. For Israel it makes peace all the more essential; it also sharpens acutely its security challenge. For the Palestinians it gives them a chance to be part of the democratic change sweeping the region, but only if they are on the march to statehood. If not they are highly vulnerable to their cause being hijacked yet again by extremists.

    Sixth, we should keep up pressure on the regime in Iran. We should be open and forthright in supporting change in Tehran. If there were such change, it would be possibly the single most important factor in stimulating optimism about change elsewhere. Tehran’s present influence is negative, destabilising and damaging. It needs to know what our red lines are and that we intend to enforce them.

    Finally, in the Middle East religion matters. Nothing in this region can be fully explained or understood without analysing the fundamental struggle within Islam. That struggle can only ultimately be resolved by Muslims. But how non-Muslims have a dialogue and, if possible, a partnership with Islam can influence crucially the debate between reform and reaction.

    This is a large agenda. Some will object to the very notion of our having such an agenda: “Leave them to solve their own problems.” The difficulty is that their problems swiftly become ours. That is the nature of the interdependent world we inhabit today.

    Others will say we should be careful of forming “our agenda”: it will be “resented”; we will heighten “anti-Western feeling”, “remember Iraq and Afghanistan” and so on.

    One essential part of handling this right is to liberate ourselves from a posture of apology that is not merely foolish but contrary to the long-term prospects of the region. Of course you can debate whether the decisions to go to war in Iraq or Afghanistan were right. But the idea that the prolonged nature of both battles invalidates intervention or is the “West’s” fault is not only wrong, it is at the root of why we find what is happening today not just in the Middle East but also in Pakistan and elsewhere so perplexing. The reason why Iraq was hard, Afghanistan remains hard and Pakistan, a nation with established institutions, is in difficulty, is not because the people don’t want democracy. They do. They have shown it time and again. It is because cultural and social modernisation has not taken hold in these countries, and proper religion has been perverted to breed fanatics, not democrats.

    What this means is not that we turn away from encouraging democracy; but rather that we do so with our eyes open and our minds fully aware of the need for a comprehensive agenda so the change that occurs is the change that people really want and need.

    Some years ago, under the previous US Administration, there was a concept called the Greater Middle East Initiative, about how to help to bring about change in the region. The circumstances of the time were not propitious. They are today. We should politely but firmly resist those who tell us this is not our business. It is. In dealing with it, we should show respect, but also strength, the courage of our convictions, and the self- confident belief we can achieve them.

    www.tonyblairoffice.org, Mar 18, 2011