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Category: Europe

  • Turkish Intelligence Activities under Increased Public Scrutiny in Turkey and Greece

    Turkish Intelligence Activities under Increased Public Scrutiny in Turkey and Greece

    6/22/2008 (Balkanalysis.com)

    By Ioannis Michaletos and Christopher Deliso

    A number of high-impact incidents over the past few months have revealed that the historic feuding of Turkey and Greece is not a thing of the past. Some of these have been well-known, and overtly demonstrated in political events. Others have however received little mention, leaving the public curious to know what is going on behind the scenes.

    At the same time, procedural issues concerning the Turkish intelligence service’s jurisdiction and allowed methods have also been the subject of intense scrutiny among the Turkish public and media in recent weeks, raising dark memories of past indiscretions such as mass wiretapping scandals from an aggressive intelligence apparatus.

    Most recently, Turkey has demonstrated political gamesmanship by blocking the direct cooperation of NATO with the EU’s justice and security advisory mission in Kosovo, EULEX, which hopes to take a larger role in the self-declared Balkan country since the enactment of a Kosovo constitution on June 15. The EU’s gain has come to the detriment of UNMIK, the UN’s nine-year-old mission in Kosovo, which has been restricted further in its mandate by these ‘facts on the ground.’ The Turkish move comes as opposition to Cyprus, an EU but not NATO member: Turkey had already blocked the Greek Cypriots from sending peacekeepers to Kosovo. According to Deutsche Welle, “The move makes it unclear how the KFOR-EULEX relationship can now function on an official level.”

    There are clear interrelations with other regional issues as well. France, notably, has supported Greece on the Macedonia name issue, with President Sarkozy’s avowed Hellenism perhaps bolstered by his country’s sale of billions in arms to Greece. The two countries held a joint military exercise in May. As Balkanalysis.com reported last year, France has also been keenly interested in reported oil deposits off the coast of Cyprus, which the country opened to foreign exploration last year- despite vociferous Turkish protests. At the same time, Israel is threatening war with Iran, something that would not fail to impact on both Turkey and Greece in different ways. It is abundantly clear that the present moment is a very complex and volatile one in the Balkans and East Mediterranean.

    Turkey’s modern intelligence service, Millî İstihbarat Teşkilâtı (‘National Intelligence Organization,’ abbreviated MIT) was established by parliament on July 22, 1965, with Law no. 644. It was envisioned as being run by an undersecretary reporting to the prime minister. The body specifically replaced the Milli Emniyet Hizmeti (MAH). Earlier intelligence organizations dated back to the time of Ataturk, and before him, the Ottoman Empire. However, whereas Ataturk’s era led his developing country to emulate the leading European countries’ intelligence services, the Cold War reality of the 1960’s inspired key NATO ally Turkey to follow the American and NATO models especially. MIT headquarters today consists of a gardened compound in the suburbs of Ankara with a total surface area of more than 300 hectares, of course, very well secured.

    The murky activities of the organization have fascinated the Turkish public for decades. On the domestic front, Turks in early June became transfixed by a legal battle over the MIT’s wiretapping rights and simultaneous claims from a political party, the Republican People’s Party (CHP), that claimed a wiretapping operation had been carried out against it by the government. This claim appeared following the publication, in late May, of a transcript was published in the newspaper Vakit of a private meeting held between Secretary-General Önder Sav and a guest in his office.

    According to Turkish newspaper Zaman, the incident “struck a chord in the recent memory of the nation, which has seen many a wiretapping scandal in years past.” However, it was soon proven to be a false allegation, Vakit reported, as it turned out that Sav had simply forgotten to turn off his phone after speaking with a journalist. The intrepid reporter then simply proceeded to transcribe what he heard over the following 42 minutes of Sav’s meeting. Former Interior Minister Sadettin Tantan, who ironically was involved in earlier similar scandals, lamented that continual rumors of bugging will continue indefinitely, so long as the country continues to lack a proper legal apparatus. Tantan pointed out other cases, including one in Greece, in which the authorities were able to control indiscretions through the kind of proper legislation enforcement he believes is missing in Turkey. According to the article in Zaman, he stated:

    “Intelligence services, institutions and even ordinary people have access to the possibilities of high-tech products. It is really difficult to struggle with these people under the article that defines the crimes committed through the overstepping of legal powers. There is no infrastructure in Turkey regarding this matter. The Turkish legal system has no security department. And this gap can be filled by national and foreign forces. We even don’t know what foreign [intelligence] services have been wiretapping. When similar scandals broke out in Germany, Austria, England, France, Switzerland and Denmark, these countries took very serious steps with regard to communications security. It is evident that some officials in Turkey have been engaging in professional misconduct.”

    After the exposure of a wiretapping scandal in 1996, parliamentarian Sabri Ergül and 19 other deputies from his CHP party deputies submitted a resolution demanding a parliamentary investigation. According to Zaman, Ergül recently stated that a “famous intelligence official” told the commission that “everybody was being wiretapped.” According to this officer’s secret testimony, “there were bugs in the houses of prime ministers, ministers, opposition leaders and that even opposition leaders had one another wiretapped.”

    Ergül continued, noting the officer’s claims that “there was such fierce competition between intelligence services [in 1996]. That’s why they sometimes exposed their weak sides. For instance, a fight between the Police Department, the Gendarmerie Intelligence Organization [JITEM] and MIT came to light in those days. Those wiretapped before started having others wiretapped when they came to power. We even found out that directors of state institutions were wiretapping ministers. All of the bidding processes going on for public properties used to be wiretapped.”

    Nevertheless, significant legal challenges have indeed been raised in recent weeks on the issue of wiretapping. On June 5, Hurriyet reported that Turkey’s Supreme Court overturned on appeals a decision of the High Criminal Court that had authorized the Turkish police (gendarmerie) with country-wide monitoring, “saying no institutions can be given an authority that covers monitoring in the entire country.” According to Justice Minister Mehmet Ali Sahin “the decision by the Supreme Court was quite extensive. My personal view is that the decision will cover the National Intelligence Organization and police, too.” The issue arose when the Justice Ministry objected to the criminal court’s authorization of the MIT and the gendarmerie to tap all phone, SMS and email traffic, citing potential abuse of authority and international human rights conventions.

    Naturally, given a turbulent common history, the issue of Turkish intelligence methods and practices is also of interest to many Greeks, and the subject is the subject of periodic discussion in the Greek media. However, as is inevitable in such scenarios the testimony of genuine experts is often confounded by uninformed speculation and conjecture. As in Turkey, where the public has reacted at various levels of hysteria regarding the most recent wiretapping charges- which turned out to be false – so it is in Greece that the public is prepared to expect the worst from its historic neighbor.

    The role of Turkish intelligence in large-scale human trafficking has also captivated the Greek public in recent months. In the early morning hours of Friday, April 25, a Greek coast guard vessel in the Eastern Aegean captured a Turkish craft which was carrying illegal Asian immigrants, some 3.5 nautical miles off the island of Lesvos. Also in the boat was a 38-year-old Turkish Army officer, Serkan Kaya. According to EmprosNet and other Greek news reports citing Greek intelligence sources, Kaya is a special unit operator who was also involved with the Turkish MIT. These reports claimed that Kaya was involved in the human trafficking partially in order to launch an intelligence gathering activity in the Greek islands. Moreover the Turkish officer was carrying with him Army credentials and a special weapon “used only by secret services,” that identified him with the security apparatus of Turkey.

    An interesting aspect of the role of the Turkish secret services in trafficking via the Aegean is illustrated by American demands, first made in 2006, to establish a customs control facility in Turkish port cities, beginning with Izmir. The request, so far stonewalled, is part of a program, the Customs Container Security Initiative, envisioned for over 30 foreign countries. In these countries, the US would like the ability to inspect all maritime traffic bound for American shores, to secure against nuclear components and other possible terrorist weapons.

    While several other countries have gone along with the American initiative, Turket has not. In fact, it has been the MIT in particular that has refused the US demands, reports Zaman, “over concerns of the ramifications for Turkey’s sovereignty rights. In a letter sent to the Undersecretariat for Customs and Foreign Trade, MIT enumerated its concerns, saying such a system could turn into an environment for espionage activity… Although the number of containers shipped from Istanbul to the US is three times the number of containers shipped from Izmir, it is not known why the US wanted Izmir to be the first port for such a system.” Whether Greek lobbying or concerns raised by the Greek intelligence services in Washington had anything to do with this choice would be an interesting question for researchers to explore.

    One recent claim that got attention in Athens was made by Greek journalist Aris Spinos, a well-known specialist in security matters. He spoke about the subject of Turkish intelligence practices in the first week of May 2008, on the late show of Greek nationwide television network, Extra Channel. Spinos claimed that certain private clinics in Ankara are actually owned by MIT, which uses them to perform plastic surgery on its best spies who are then sent ‘in disguise’ for missions abroad, something in line with the Soviet KGB model.

    Greeks have also claimed in recent years that MIT agents persuaded tourists from other countries to spy for Turkey. Usually, cases were reported during tourist season, when tourists come back and forth between places such as Bodrum-Kos (2 miles apart), or between islands like Lesvos, Chios and Samos and their respective Turkish port destinations, to try to capture videos and photos with Greek military bases, in order to sell them to the Turks and receive payments- sometimes, allegedly, in the form of paid vacations. However, this sort of speculation is the least likely to be corroborated and the most prone to exaggeration and misuse.

    Greek experts have also disclosed other aspects of the MIT’s believed operating habits. According to several articles in the Greek journal Stratigiki, the MIT has a special psy-ops unit, named TIB that has an extensive network in Europe and especially in Germany, where the largest Turkish diaspora in Europe resides. It is a large sector that employs academics, journalists and Turkish diaspora professionals, functioning broadly along the lines of Israel’s MOSSAD. Similarly, it is widely assumed that domestically the MIT maintains a very large network of civilian informants that span all levels of society and professional life in Turkey- something that goes back to the Cold War and likely even earlier.

    Following the collapse of the Soviet bloc and the resulting anxiety for both Turkey and Greece, a ‘hot’ period ensued between 1989-1996, when a ‘secret war’ erupted between Greek and Turkish intelligence services, that involved assassinations, arson, high-level psychological attacks, and heavy espionage activity. The Turks accused Greece on supporting the Kurdish PKK fighters (PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan was later protected in Greece and Greek diplomatic installations until being kidnapped by the Turks in Kenya in 1998). The tensions escalated to the point of potential armed conflict over the contested islet of Imia near Kalymnos in early 1996.

    Today, numerous unfolding events indicate that Greek and Turkish machinations are going to be amplified by the actions of larger powers. For example, Israel recently conducted a robust air force exercise over Greek waters, which American and other analysts interpreted as a warning of an impending strike against Iran. Turkey, on the other hand, has had to develop closer ties with Iranian security services, as both countries share the problem of Kurdish separatists. How the fortunes of Greece and Turkey would wax or wane in the event of an Israeli (and, potentially, American) war with Iran is just one of the many fascinating questions to emerge from this. Given the complexity and high stakes of international relations in the Balkans and Middle East today, it appears likely that the traditional war of one-upsmanship between Greece and Turkey will continue into the foreseeable future, and that their intelligence services will, as always, be at the forefront of this battle.

    Source: Balkanalysis.com, 6/22/2008

  • Russia-Turkey: Blue Stream is not enough

    Russia-Turkey: Blue Stream is not enough

    01/07/2008 19:45

    MOSCOW. (RIA Novosti political commentator Andrei Fedyashin) – Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov is to hold talks with his Turkish counterpart Ali Babacan when he visits Ankara on July 2.

    He will be also received by President Abdullah Gul and Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Such a high-level welcome usually indicates that the host side attaches great importance to a visit, or that the trip is a prelude to a visit by the head of state. In some cases, both are true. A visit by President Dmitry Medvedev to Turkey, our major Black Sea neighbor and Russia’s special trade and economic partner, would be timely.

    Russia and Turkey have many issues to discuss, apart from their routine agenda: settlement in the Middle East, Iraq, and on Cyprus; the Iranian nuclear program; the situation in the South Caucasus and Central Asia, and Kosovo. One of the major issues is trade and economic cooperation.

    Trade between the two countries is booming. Last year, it was $22.5 billion, and in the first four months of this year, it soared more than 60% to reach $10.6 billion. Russian-Turkish trade in 2008 is expected to break all records of 2007. Russia accounts for a quarter of all projects built by Turkish companies abroad. Last year, they were awarded three billion dollars worth of contracts.

    It is a pity, then, that the visit will be marred by the latest tourist scandal, whereby Turkish firms refused to provide accommodation for Russian tourists who had already sent them their money. But such problems are inevitable when the flow of the Russian tourists is rapidly on the rise. This sensitive issue will not be at the top of the agenda, but Mr. Lavrov will have to talk about the record of Turkish companies in fulfilling their commitments to their Russian partners. The situation here leaves much to be desired, and the problems are not confined to the tourism industry.

    This year, Russia has blacklisted foreign companies that are not complying with their obligations to Russian partners, and avoiding implementation of rulings by international commercial courts of arbitration. The compilers of the blacklist have not disclosed the number of Turkish companies on their register, but it is rumored that there are dozens of them. It is rather difficult to monitor companies with a bad record because in Turkey a host of firms (legal entities) may be registered in the name of one individual. Therefore, while checking on the reliability of future partners, Russian businessmen are advised to ignore the name of the company, and to pay closer attention to its owners and managers. This will help them discard a dishonest partner.

    Many Russian medium-sized businesses are reluctant to deal with Turkey because it is next to impossible for foreigners to win a suit against dishonest Turkish companies. The national courts prefer to help their compatriots. Turkish companies are also adept at the mechanism of bankruptcy to dodge the implementation of legal decisions, meaning foreigners seldom receive any money even if they do win a case in court.

    Although these problems pose a real and substantial impediment to the development of partnership, Turkey and Russia have more important problems to discuss. Fundamentally, the established system of trade and economic ties has long become too narrow for Moscow and Ankara. For the last ten years it was based on the famous Blue Stream project. It is certainly unique and was well managed. It was the backbone for all other projects, and even determined our foreign policy partnership at both regional and global levels. But now it has become too small to embrace our new projects. For all the optimistic figures and facts, reliance on Blue Stream is likely to become a stumbling block to widening cooperation. Russia and Turkey have to put it on a new level.

    They should expand their contacts in such major spheres as the nuclear power industry. The Atomstroyexport (Russia’s nuclear power equipment and service export monopoly) is ready to provide Turkey with a project for the construction of a nuclear power plant (NPP) that will be less expensive and more reliable than its American counterparts. Such NPPs will help Turkey to consolidate its positions at the regional energy market, especially considering Iran’s nuclear energy problems. Moscow has long been hinting to Ankara that it is best to give priority to economic expediency, especially in the energy industry.

    The two countries will not be able to strip their relations of politics. But it would be sensible to thoroughly weigh all economic and political issues. Russia has long been ready for this.

  • Cosmopolitan Anxieties: Turkish Challenges to Citizenship and Belonging

    Cosmopolitan Anxieties: Turkish Challenges to Citizenship and Belonging

    From: “[iso-8859-1] Besým Can ZIRH”
    List Editor: Mark Stein
    Editor’s Subject: H-TURK: New Book: Cosmopolitan Anxieties: Turkish Challenges to Citizenship and Belonging in Germany [B C Zirh]
    Author’s Subject: H-TURK: New Book: Cosmopolitan Anxieties: Turkish Challenges to Citizenship and Belonging in Germany [B C Zirh]
    Date Written: Fri, 27 Jun 2008 06:59:36 -0400
    Date Posted: Fri, 27 Jun 2008 06:59:36 -0400

    Cosmopolitan Anxieties: Turkish Challenges to Citizenship and Belonging in Germany
    Ruth Mandel, Duke University Press.

    In Cosmopolitan Anxieties, Ruth Mandel explores Germany’s relation to the more than two million Turkish immigrants and their descendants living within its borders. Based on her two decades
    of ethnographic research in Berlin, she argues that Germany’s reactions to the postwar Turkish diaspora have been charged, inconsistent, and resonant of past problematic encounters with a Jewish “other.” Mandel examines the tensions in Germany between race-based ideologies of blood and belonging on the one hand and ambitions of multicultural tolerance and cosmopolitanism on the other. She does so by juxtaposing the experiences of Turkish immigrants, Jews, and “ethnic Germans” in relation to issues including Islam, Germany’s Nazi past, and its radically altered position as a unified country in the post–Cold War era.

    Mandel explains that within Germany the popular understanding of what it means to be German is often conflated with citizenship, so that a German citizen of Turkish background can never
    be a “real German.” This conflation of blood and citizenship was dramatically illustrated when, during the 1990s, nearly two million “ethnic Germans” from Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union arrived in Germany with a legal and social status far superior to that of “Turks” who had lived in the country for decades. Mandel analyzes how representations of Turkish difference are appropriated or rejected by Turks living in Germany; how subsequent generations of Turkish immigrants are exploring new configurations of identity and citizenship through literature, film, hip-hop, and fashion; and how migrants returning to Turkey find themselves fundamentally changed by their experiences in Germany. She maintains that until difference is accepted as unproblematic, there will continue to be serious tension regarding resident foreigners, despite recurrent attempts to realize a more inclusive and “demotic” cosmopolitan vision of Germany.

  • “Political disaster” warning over EU-Turkey talks

    “Political disaster” warning over EU-Turkey talks

    Turkey and the EU: Still talking

    The European Union cannot afford to lose Turkey’s interest in struggling accession talks, MPs have warned.

    A report by the Commons’ business and enterprise committee expresses concern that the process is in danger of stalling.

    Disputes over Cyprus, the current constitutional crisis about the status of the ruling AK party and the slow pace of existing negotiations are all endangering the target date of 2014 for Turkey’s accession to the EU, MPs say.

    They are worried that Turkish perceptions of EU membership are being negatively affected by European leaders making clear their opposition to any such link-up.

    Such signals, reducing the will to negotiate by Turkish leaders, would result in a “political disaster”, they warn.

    “Whatever its domestic challenges, Turkey has been pursuing reform,” the report says.

    “The EU can afford neither the political nor the economic consequences of a decision by Turkey, however reluctant, to turn its back on Europe.”

    Turkey’s economy has progressed well since 2001 and it has made progress in changing its governance to fit with European norms.

    MPs say these are facilitating businesses’ work with the country but warn that this positive progress may be undone by open hostility to accession at this stage.

    Committee chairman Peter Luff said: “The greatest danger we see is that Turkey may come to believe that the negotiations are not being conducted in good faith, and that accession will never be possible. We believe this would be a great loss to both sides.”

    The Foreign Office said it would not comment on the report in advance of its publication.

    Source: www.politics.co.uk, 30 Jun 2008

    disaster-warning-over-eu-turkey-talks-$1229476.htm
  • Turkey has trouble facing up to its past

    Turkey has trouble facing up to its past

    Hanim Tosun last saw her husband Fehmi in 1995 as he was being dragged into a car outside their home by men in civilian clothes who she is convinced were government agents.
    Foto: AP
    Hanim Tosun’s husband allegedly disappeared under police custody and she last saw him in 1995 as suspected state agents in civilian clothes dragged him into a car outside their home.
    His disappearance is among hundreds of old allegations of state-linked abductions and murders in a country that – even as it seeks entry into Europe’s club of democracies – seems unable or unwilling to fully confront its history of authoritarianism.
    Schlagworte
    Turkey abductions murders disappearance history authoritarian government

    The culprits in these cases will probably never be identified. Back then, investigations were few and convictions fewer, and now there is little appetite to delve into the ugly past.

    Turkey has curbed the worst excesses of its security forces, with the help of Western-style reforms and a drop in combat with Kurdish rebels and other militants. But authorities still deny official involvement in 1990s-era „disappearances“ or summary executions of Kurds and leftists allegedly taken into government custody – who are estimated to number 800 by one Turkish rights group.
    Some families of the disappeared still are pursuing the cases, but they are a minority since challenging the Turkish state can lead to prosecution and jail time.
    „This cause will never end for me,“ said Hanim Tosun, whose husband had spent three years in prison for links to the Kurdish rebel group PKK before his abduction. „If this is a state run by the rule of law, then they should return the body.“
    Last month, she attended a forum on the missing held by the Human Rights Association, a Turkish nongovernment organization. Tosun belonged to the Saturday Mothers, a group that gathered weekly holding up photos of the missing in protests similar to those held by relatives of those who vanished in the so-called Dirty War in Argentina in the 1970s and ’80s.
    The Turkish group ended rallies in 1999 after a police crackdown. The demonstrators, who were sometimes arrested, claimed the publicity contributed to a virtual end to such disappearances.
    The European Union says Turkey, which has a history of military coups, must improve its human rights record if it wants to be a member. Progress has been notable if uneven. Turkey is torn between the reformist push for transparency and an entrenched tendency to override the rights of individuals who are seen as threats to the state.
    Elements of this conflict are evident in Turkey’s current political divide, in which the top court, a bastion of the secular elite, is considering whether to ban the Islam-oriented ruling party, which has a strong majority in parliament. Both sides in the dispute claim to be champions of the democratic ideals enshrined in the constitution, itself the byproduct of a 1980 military coup.
    GRAFIK
    .
    Two actors painted in blue enact a scene of a abduction in front of the European Parliament in Belgium. Amnesty International was organizing the action to mark the International Day in Support of Victims of Torture.

    The U.S. State Department said in March that there were no reports of „politically motivated disappearances“ in Turkey last year, but cited other problems including torture and some instances of unlawful killings by security forces. The European Commission has said „legislative safeguards“ were improving Turkey’s human rights situation, citing a „downward trend“ in torture cases. „Impunity remains an area of concern,“ a European report said. „There is a lack of prompt, impartial and independent investigations into allegations of human rights violations by members of security forces.“

    Turkey has said state-sponsored abuses were not systematic at the height of the guerrilla war in the 1990s, despite evidence of atrocities by both sides. Officials suggested that some who disappeared did so by choice as members of underground groups and that others perished in internal conflicts between rival rebel factions.
    „Authorities are doing everything they can to find people who were reported missing by their families,“ a senior Interior Ministry official said on condition of anonymity because he is not authorized to speak to the media.
    In some cases, the government has agreed to pay settlements and acknowledged inadequate inquiries. Families that took these deals had mixed feelings, pleased with winning a concession but aware that the government considered the cases closed to deeper inquiry.
    The family of Fehmi Tosun went to the European Court of Human Rights, whose decisions are binding on Turkey. The court withdrew from the case after Turkey agreed to pay Euro 40,000 in a so-called friendly settlement.
    Tosun was grabbed around 7 p.m. on Oct. 19, 1995, and his wife provided the license plate of the car to police. She was alerted to the abduction by one of her children, and cited witnesses as saying the kidnappers had walkie talkies.
    „I went out to the balcony and saw their shadows,“ Hanim Tosun said. „Then I saw a white car. My husband was being dragged into it. He raised his head and called for help, saying that they were kidnapping him and going to kill him. … He was trying not to get in the car. One of the men had a gun. My son ran downstairs. I did the same too, but I was slower.“
    The family of Hasan Ocak, a leftist with alleged links to illegal groups, last spoke to him on March 21, 1995, when he telephoned to say he would bring fish home for dinner. His body, with signs of torture, was found in a cemetery two months later.
    Ocak disappeared during a period of deadly clashes between police and protesters in Istanbul. Detainees later said they had seen him at the anti-terrorist branch of the security forces in the city. Ocak had previously been detained and tortured, according to his family.
    In 2004, Europe’s human rights court said Ocak’s family should be paid Euro 25,000 because Turkey had failed to adequately investigate his death, but added it could not conclude that the state had killed him. Like Tosun’s family, Ocak’s family took the money, but still argued that justice still had not been achieved.
    „What we wanted was prosecution of those who were really responsible,“ said Ocak’s sister, Maside. She said the ruling amounted to a political „gesture“ to a candidate for EU membership.
    „It is fortunate that we have a grave to visit because other people don’t even have that,“ said Maside.
    –––
    Associated Press writers C. Onur Ant in Istanbul and Selcan Hacaoglu in Ankara contributed to this report.__._,_.___
  • Turkish Embassy in Washington DC Launches Podcast Series

    Turkish Embassy in Washington DC Launches Podcast Series

    Turkish Embassy Podcast Series features Insights on Turkey from Leading Policy Makers, Analysts and DiplomatsThe podcast featuring Minister Babacan’s Atlantic Council address offers an insightful overview of Turkey’s diplomatic efforts in the Middle East, as well as updates on Turkey’s E.U. accession bid, and its relationship with the key traditional and emerging players in the global arena.


    At the ATC conference, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, General Brent Scowcroft (Chairman of the American Turkish Council), Mehmet Simsek (Turkey’s Minister of State for Economic Affairs), and Ferit Sahenk (Chairman of the Turkish-U.S. Business Council), shared their thoughts on the nature and evolution of the bilateral relationship and on current economic and political circumstances that affect it.
    To download the podcast, please visit Turkish Embassy Web Site