Category: EU Members

European Council decided to open accession negotiations with Turkey on 17 Dec. 2004

  • Turkey Concerned on Islamophobic Poster

    Turkey Concerned on Islamophobic Poster

    Turkey Concerned on Islamophobic Poster

    Tuesday, 11 September 2012

    A poster campaign by Germany’s Interior Ministry to advertise a hotline for those worried that a friend or family member may be turning to radical Islam has met with strong criticism from Turkish officials.

    Citing German Prime Minister Angela Merkel’s decision to disable a court decision prohibiting circumcision, the Turkish Deputy Prime Minister Bekir Bozdağ has called on her to again take steps against her interior ministry’s latest initiative. “I hope she will not let this campaign be launched,” Bozdağ told reporters yesterday, adding that the law of the state should stand against real criminals and terrorists, “instead of incriminating innocent people.” The campaign has been founded under the “Security Partnership Initiative” by Germany’s Interior Ministry. Bozdağ said the campaign was an affront to Muslims “since it sees Muslim people as a security concern.”

    “On the one hand you say you will fight against Islamophobia, on the other hand you take steps that result in Islamophobia capturing all parts of society,” he added. The posters read “Missing” above a portrait of a young man or woman, and read: “This is our son Ahmad. We miss him, because we don’t recognize him anymore. He is withdrawing more and more, becoming more radical every day. We are afraid of losing him altogether to religious fanatics and terrorist groups. If you think like us, get in contact with the radicalization counseling centers.”

    Meanwhile, officials from Turkey’s Turks Abroad and Relative Communities Directorate, the Foreign Ministry, the Justice Ministry, the European Union Ministry, and the Directorate-General for Religious Affairs (Diyanet) held a meeting yesterday in order to discuss precautions related to the negative repercussions of such a campaign.

    Report on Possible Attacks

    In a separate development, German law enforcement agencies have warned in a secret report that attacks by neo-Nazi elements “should be expected” against foreigners, Jewish institutions and state representatives, “such as politicians, public figures, and police officers,” Der Spiegel reported Sept. 9.
    A secret report issued by the Federal Office of Criminal Investigation in July warned that the attacks could come from neo-Nazi individuals or groups and may include arson attacks, possibly on refugee hostels and Jewish community buildings.

  • Four Bulgarians arrested for producing fake alcohol in Istanbul

    Four Bulgarians arrested for producing fake alcohol in Istanbul

    Four Bulgarians arrested for producing fake alcohol in Istanbul

    08 September 2012 | 14:21 | FOCUS News Agency

    Home / Bulgaria

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    Istanbul. Istanbul police arrested a group dealing with illegal production of alcohol. Detainees were nine members of the group, four of whom are Bulgarian citizens. The police checked out four addresses in the districts Kumburgaz, Avdzhalar and Kyuchyukchekmedzhe within the course of a special operation involving over 50 police officers.

    Two sheds for producing fake alcohol and three warehouses were found. There were 200,000 fake labels and stamps, 63 boxes of finished goods, 100,000 empty bottles and 20 barrels of ethanol. Turkish police said the total value of counterfeit alcohol is more than one million Turkish Liras.

    There are doubts that the Russian tourists who died last year from poisoning by fake alcohol in the Turkish resort town of Bodrum have consumed false alcohol produced by arrested group.

    via Four Bulgarians arrested for producing fake alcohol in Istanbul – FOCUS Information Agency.

  • Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says

    Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says

    Turkey’s bid to join the European Union is “stalled” and Cyprus is to blame, EU President Herman Van Rompuy said.

    Cyprus, its northern part occupied by the Turkish army, has used its veto power as an EU member to freeze Turkey’s entry talks since mid-2010. The Cypriot government now holds the EU’s six-month rotating presidency, making progress before 2013 unlikely.

    “Were it not for some challenges from one of the members of the European Union, Cyprus, we would have made more progress when it comes to Turkey,” Van Rompuy told a Brussels conference today. “I acknowledge that negotiations on enlargement are stalled for the time being because one of the members of the club has problems with the process.”

    Since opening the entry negotiations in 2005, Turkey has completed talks in only one of 35 EU policy areas. Its failure to advance contrasts with Croatia, which started the process at the same time and is scheduled to join the bloc in July 2013.

    “Intensive discussions are ongoing and I hope to visit Turkey to get that message across,” Van Rompuy said.

    via Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says – Businessweek.

  • Turkey Warns France over Genocide Education

    Turkey Warns France over Genocide Education

    Turkey Warns France over Genocide Education

    Turkish embassy in Paris Erd2

    Turkish Embassy in Paris

    PARIS—Turkish Embassy in France sent a diplomatic note to France over the latter’s decision to include the Armenian Genocide within France’s secondary school curriculum, protesting the move and accusing France of using “fake documents” in the textbooks, reported Today’s Zaman.

    In the note, sent to the France’s Foreign and Education ministries, Turkey demanded in that the French authorities revise what they call “objective” data provided in the textbooks. The letters also called into questions the text of telegrams sent by then Ottoman minister Talat Pasha that prove the mass killings of Armenians were done in a systematic and deliberate way. The embassy said the telegraphs were fake.

    The Armenian Genocide section in the French textbook include material from a book by Aram Andonian, an Armenian from İstanbul, titled “The Memoirs of Naim Bey: Turkish Official Documents Relating to the Deportation and the Massacres of Armenians,” which is also known as the “Talat Pasha telegrams” and was originally published in 1920.

    Andonian was deported during the Genocide, and wrote in his memoir that with the assistance of Naim Bey in Aleppo, he published the telegrams of Talat Pasha, which outline the systematic plan to annihilate the entire Armenian population.

    Ankara’s letters also warned that the section in the French textbook will “inflame hatred between the two nations.”

    Last week, notorious Genocide-denying Turkish Minister of EU Affairs said Turkey doesn’t know what Genocide is, claiming, once again, that there was never a Genocide in Turkey’s history.

    Egemen Bagis comments came during the opening ceremony of an educational facility, where he also expressed his opposition to a decision in France to include the Armenian Genocide as part of French public school curriculum.

    “If only all countries’ past had been simple and transparent just like Turkey’s past. No genocides have occurred in Turkey’s history. What’s genocide? Turkey doesn’t know what genocide is,” Bagis told the Milliyet daily.

    Bagis claimed that Turks are proud of their history and forebears.

    France announced that it has included a chapter about the Armenian Genocide in secondary school textbooks, which will be used across the country.

    Bagis was quick to voice Turkey’s “strong protest” over this decision urging Paris to not test bilateral relations “once again,” reported the Hurriyet newspaper.

    “I call on the French authorities to intensify efforts to resolve the Nagorno Karabakh conflict in the framework of OSCE Minsk Group rather than distort the historical facts,” Bagis said.

    Chairman of the Turkish Parliament’s powerful education committee Navi Avcı told Today’s Zaman in a recent interview that “the erosion of French culture and the shift toward the radical right in French politics that started with Sarkozy continues to have a negative impact on the French education system.” “I just hope that sensible French intellectuals will raise their voices against this kind of provocative move that will plant seeds of hate in the minds of young people in France,” he added.

    The embassy also attached a detailed historical report on the 1915 events in its letter to the French Education Ministry. It claimed that two books, referenced in the chapter of the French textbooks include fake historical documents and Armenian activists whose academic credentials are unknown.

    The Turkish Embassy stressed in the letters that French citizens of Turkish descent will be negatively affected by the inclusion of the section.

    via Turkey Warns France over Genocide Education | Asbarez Armenian News.

  • Turkey ‘not serious’ about match invite

    Turkey ‘not serious’ about match invite

    By Jacqueline Agathocleous Published on September 4, 2012

    AEL Limassol Europa League match, Cyprus, Fenerbahce, football, government, government spokesman Stefanos Stefanou, President Demetris Christofias, Turkish EU negotiator Egemen Bagis

    THE GOVERNMENT yesterday dismissed as ‘cynical and lacking seriousness,’ an informal invitation to President Demetris Christofias from Turkey’s EU negotiator Egemen Bagis to watch AEL Limassol’s Europa League match with Turkish team Fenerbahce together.

    Bagis, was quoted in a Turkish daily yesterday saying that Christofias was “looking for a reason to come to Istanbul”.

    So he said Christofias should talk to Turkish Cypriot leader Dervis Eroglu about the possibility of visiting the country together to watch the November 8 match. But under one condition, he added: “I will be happy to be the host provided that they will come together and sit at the same table.”

    But the government was not impressed.

    “Mr Bagis is attempting to impress by sarcastically sending out a non-serious invitation for a football match,” government spokesman Stefanos Stefanou said yesterday. “This is not serious behaviour from a minister and if the Turkish politicians adopt it, then they too lack seriousness.”

    “Mr Eroglu, if he so desires, can watch the AEL-Fenerbahce game which will be played in Cyprus,” said Stefanou. “The President of the Republic and Mr Eroglu can watch it together in their country, as citizens of the Republic of Cyprus.”

    Fenerbahce is scheduled to arrive in Cyprus on October 25.

    In his interview yesterday, Bagis also raised the possibility of protests against the Turkish club in Cyprus. “When Galatasaray went there, they had major troubles,” Bagis said.

    Last year, during a game between Apollon Limassol’s and Galatasaray’s women’s volleyball teams, local fans threw debris onto the court. Similar troubles occurred during a basketball match between APOEL Nicosia and Pinar Karsiyaka.

    Bagis gave assurances that the Greek Cypriot team would not face such trouble in Istanbul.

    “They should not be worried, they will be hosted in Istanbul in the best way possible,” Bagis said. “I personally guarantee that there will not be any problem.”

    via Turkey ‘not serious’ about match invite – Cyprus Mail.

  • Review – Turkey and the European Union

    Review – Turkey and the European Union

    Turkey and the European Union
    By: Selcen Öner
    Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2011

    0739148591

    In Turkey and the European Union, Selcen Öner takes the issue of Turkey and its pursuit of membership in the European Union, which has a long and tenuous history, and isolates for analysis one of the most contentious elements, the role of identity. In doing so, she highlights how the question of Turkey’s membership in the European Union (EU) has been a catalyst for driving the debate about what European identity means. This work, which was mostly researched and written prior to 2008, provides an interesting commentary on two issues which remain unresolved: first, what is Europe and what does it mean to be European, and, second, what is the relationship of Turkey to the European Union. These two questions, while in some senses independent of each other, have become intertwined through Turkey’s accession process, and Öner notes that “the interactions between Europe and the Turks have been always [sic] influential on construction of European identity and Turkish identity” (192). Thus, Öner’s consideration of the construction of identity is a relevant and helpful effort in understanding the current debates over Turkey’s accession to the European Union.

    Book Summary

    The concept of “Europe” is used in various places throughout history as a geographical, cultural, and a political term, and Öner begins with an attempt to elucidate what the idea of “Europe” is. In early Greek usage, the term marked out Athens and Sparta from other parts of Greece. It was then later expanded to distinguish the continent from Africa and Asia (3-4). By the Middle Ages, Europe became closely connected with the idea of Christendom. At this point, Öner introduces a concept to which she returns multiple times throughout the book: the idea of the “other” being the basis for identity. The “other” of Europe was not a fixed entity and would change during different periods and “especially from the fifteenth until the eighteenth century, the ‘Ottoman Turks’ became the ‘other’ of Europe” (5).  In the aftermath of the Enlightenment the idea of Europe moved beyond its connection with Christendom to the European state system. This state system and, in time, the political ideas that accompanied it came to be associated with what Europe was.

    In analyzing the role of identity, Öner adopts a social constructivist approach to the issue. She provides a basic introduction to the approach of social constructivism and interacts with the work of Wendt, among others, in showing the importance of identity. For Öner, social constructivism provides the best theoretical vantage point for considering the “transformatory process of integration and helps to understand how the integration process affects states’ identity, interests and behaviour” (41). The process of constructing the European Union in particular is not simply one of integrating institutions but is a construction process of ideas, identities and norms. In the post-World War II era, “Europe” and “European identity” refer primarily to an individual or group’s orientation towards the EU while EU identity is related to the EU’s presence in the world (49). Neither of these is a fixed term but are continually changing through what Öner terms as “The construction process”  which for “EU identity refers to […] a collective identity among its Member States and their level of acting with one voice about different international issues.[…] European identity refers to a collective identity among the citizens of the EU which may be differentiated between civic and cultural European identity” (53). Which of these two identities becomes dominant– civic or cultural –will be an important factor in shaping the future of the EU. While on the hand the “main characteristic” of Europe in cultural and religious terms is “diversity,” (55) in terms of civic identity and shared values the identity is rather strong (58). Within the EU there is a debate over which of these two provides the stronger or more lasting basis for European identity. This process of cultivating European identity is not meant to replace national identity, but rather there is a need in some sense for the European identity to be incorporated into the identity of the member states (40, 72-75).

    These concepts of identity have been cultivated through various efforts and institutions of the EU project. The EU project “has been mostly an elite driven process” and as such there has been a gap between the general public perception and the opinions of the elites as these efforts have met with variegated success. Öner considers the roles of different EU institutions from the European Commission and European Parliament to the European Court of Justice and European Council and Council of Ministers. An interesting observation here is that while younger generations are typically more likely to have positive feelings towards the EU, they also have greater expectations. While the EU project arose in post-War Europe, “the young generations found peace as already given, thus they expect new measures from the EU that can positively affect their daily lives” (108). This has the potential for increased feelings of identification, but if the EU fails to deliver in this regard- and the economic challenges of the past few years have raised this concern- then the value of the EU project may also come under greater scrutiny. Writing almost prophetically of the challenges that Europe is facing at present Öner says “If there will be crucial socioeconomic problems in the EU, it will negatively influence the level of support of the general public to the EU which can be a big challenge for the future of the EU” (114). The benefits of the EU will need to be made more tangible to secure the support of the general public and make up the gap between them and the elites if there is to be an increase in feelings of European identity.

    It is only at this point, after identifying the origins of the idea of European identity and some of the challenges and efforts being made to increase these feelings that Öner turns to the question of Turkey’s membership. The interaction between Turks and Europe has been lengthy. Öner cites a good summary of this history:  “Turks have been in Europe ‘geographically since their arrival in Asia Minor in the eleventh century, economically since the sixteenth century as trade routes expanded and politically since the nineteenth century when the Ottoman Empire was included in the Concert of Europe” (117). Despite the long history of interaction, the idea of Turks being European has never been widespread. Turks have been excluded from Europe for a variety of reasons, on the basis of religion from the early modern period through end of the nineteenth century, on the basis of civilization from the end of the nineteenth century through the end of World War I and on the basis of culture from the end of the Cold War to the present (118). While at some points in history Turks were constructed as the “other” of European identity that has not been the case since the 1950s, but neither have they been constructed as “European” (119). Rather, in most of the instances and substantiated by interviews Öner conducted Turkey was somewhere in between, seen neither as the “other” nor as being fully European (120-122).

    This issue of identity has been one of the major arguments put forward by opponents of Turkey’s EU membership. In order to be granted candidate status it was necessary for Turkey to fulfill the Copenhagen political criteria. In October 2005 it was deemed that Turkey had fulfilled these obligations and formal negotiations were opened. The “Europeaness” of Turkey, however, remains a major question. And “the more Turkey fulfills the Copenhagen criteria and adopts the EU acquis to its legislation, the more cultural argument of belonging to European civilization tend to be important in the debate on Turkey’s membership [sic]” (125). As Turkey comes into greater alignment in terms of political institutions and structures the other obstacles to its membership will become more evident. Turkey’s membership has become a focal point for identifying those who are against deeper integration and those who support a more comprehensive level of integration of the member states. As was evidenced in the interviews carried out with a variety of European Ministers Turkey’s membership will be both a “challenge and a contribution” to the make-up of the EU (152-153). The interaction between the two throughout the membership process has been such that neither side has been left unchanged. While there is great focus on the transformation of Turkey to come into alignment with EU norms, the process has also influenced the construction process of European identity (179-180). In Öner’s analysis, if in the end Turkey were to be integrated into the EU, then European identity must be primarily based on a civic basis. If, however, European identity is mainly on a cultural basis, then Turkey will probably not be integrated. Thus the nature of European identity is an important factor in determining the outcome of Turkey’s EU membership process.

    Strengths and Weaknesses

    The work by Öner offers another vantage point on the issue of Turkey and its pursuit of membership in the European Union, wading into issues of identity politics which oftentimes are under the surface of the political rhetoric she brings those to the surface. In this instance, the issue of identity, while not by any means the only critical factor, is certainly an issue of major significance. Öner interacts with a large number of sources and provides a theoretical grounding in social constructivism for her arguments. This brings a level of credibility and perspective to her arguments. Another major strength is the number of interviews conducted with European Ministers of Parliament from a variety of different national and political backgrounds. These interviews provide a firsthand glimpse into the thinking of some of the decision makers in the EU. Coupled together with the statistics from the Eurobarometer surveys, Öner is able to provide a glimpse at both public opinion and the perspective of elites on the issue.

    One of the major issues that the book seemed to lack was a clear voice from the author. The work was well-researched, but in many places the flow of the argument was not well-structured. The reader is left to interpret exactly what the author is trying to communicate at a particular point. In some instances, such as demonstrating the ambiguity of European identity throughout history, this lack of clarity was acceptable, but at other places it seriously takes away from the value of the work. Öner’s work would have been greatly strengthened had the author’s voice and argumentation been more clearly demonstrated throughout the work.  Another potential weakness of the book is that it is largely based on a PhD. thesis completed in 2008, though updated and revised for the 2011 publication, and the financial crisis in Europe and around the world, the frantic speed of political events in Turkey, the uprisings in the Middle East among other issues are not accounted for in this work. Obviously, no book will be completely current but the limited references to things that have happened post-2008 is another weakness of the work.

    Conclusion

    Do issues of identity matter in international politics? In this case, the answer would seem to be yes. Öner provides a comprehensive overview of how the issue of European identity has been a key aspect in the process of Turkey’s EU membership and how Turkey has been a key influencer of what it means to be European. While other factors, such as the economic troubles of the Eurozone or questions about the incorporation of a such a large population may eventually be the cause for Turkey joining or not joining the EU, the issue of identity will certainly be a part of the story. One of the key features of this process has been that the question of Turkey joining the EU has been the catalyst to expose what being “European” means. This is a concept that is under continual construction and Turkey is both a challenge and a contributor to that process.

    J. Paul Barker is an Associate Editor of e-IR. He has a B.A. in History and a M.A. in Cross-Cultural Studies. He is currently studying in Istanbul, Turkey for a M.A. in International Relations.