Category: EU Members

European Council decided to open accession negotiations with Turkey on 17 Dec. 2004

  • Turkish accession adds spark to French election

    Turkish accession adds spark to French election

    By Ben Hall in Paris

    ft1France’s political parties clashed this week over the question of Turkish membership of the European Union, providing a polemical spark to an otherwise lacklustre European parliament election campaign.

    Nicolas Sarkozy, the French president, was accused by his opponents of lying to voters by campaigning against Turkey joining the block even though he allowed negotiations on its accession to enter a new phase during France’s presidency of the EU last year.

    Mr Sarkozy’s governing centre-right UMP party has made Turkey a theme of its campaign to the point of ensuring that its leading candidates issue formal -declarations promising not to let Turkey in.

    In a speech on Europe this month, Mr Sarkozy made much of his well-established opposition to Turkey’s membership saying the country did not have the “vocation” to join.

    Instead, he called for a “privileged partnership”, the same relationship he espouses for Russia, which is not even a candidate.

    Benoît Hamon, spokesman for the opposition Socialist party which supports Turkish accession, accused Mr Sarkozy of “lying” to the public because the president had “systematically given his backing to the pursuit of the negotiation process”.

    Two new “chapters”, or policy areas, that form part of Turkey’s accession process entry application were opened up to negotiation during the French EU -presidency.

    Paris has allowed the negotiation process to continue, thereby avoiding a direct confrontation with Ankara and supporters of Turkish membership within the EU, but is against opening up chapters which it judges only relevant to full membership, such as the question of monetary union.

    Philippe de Villiers, a -conservative eurosceptic, pointed out that Mr Sarkozy had also ensured that a requirement for a French referendum on all new EU entrants was dropped in last year’s reform of the constitution, removing a potential French obstacle to eventual Turkish membership.

    The row over Turkey has injected an element of -interest into a low profile campaign in which the main parties seem reluctant to engage in confrontation.

    The UMP does not want the campaign to turn into a referendum on Mr Sarkozy’s handling of the economic crisis while the Socialists, under the new leadership of Martine Aubry, are hesitant about investing themselves fully in a battle they appear destined to lose. Recent opinion polls put the UMP on 28 per cent and the Socialists on 22 per cent.

    Mr Sarkozy’s electioneering on the Turkish question is carefully calculated. With voters preoccupied with the economy, turnout is expected to fall well below 43 per cent, the rate at the last elections in 2004.

    The UMP needs to mobilise its core voters while wooing those tempted to vote for eurosceptic and far-right candidates who together could win 12 per cent, polls suggest.

  • BNP and Greek Connection Unleashed

    BNP and Greek Connection Unleashed

    THIS chilling picture shows BNP deputy leader Simon Darby being given a NAZI SALUTE at a fascist rally.

     

    Three extremists flashed the banned Hitler-style sign to the British far-right boss outside the event in Italy.

     

    Our exclusive snap fuels fears of danger ahead as the British National Party gains popularity in the recession.

     

    Darby, leading a drive for seats at the European Parliament elections in June, was following Stratos Karanikolau, from the Greek nationalist Proti Grammi (Front Line) party.

    They were joined by MEPs Roberto Fiore, a convicted terrorist, and Holocaust denier Bruno Gollnisch at the 400-strong meeting in Milan.

     

    Last night Labour MP Jon Cruddas said: “This shows the BNP are a gang of thugs parading as politicians.”

     

    bnp-greek-2

    POLITICAL LINE-UP: Gollnisch, Fiore, Karanikolau and Darby

    News Of the World

  • Italy and Turkey: A strategic alliance

    Italy and Turkey: A strategic alliance

    An article by Hon. Ignazio La Russa, Italian Minister of Defence

    itaturkThe friendship and the solid alliance between Italy and Turkey have deep roots. The Mediterranean is definitely one of the elements which bring our two countries nearer. It makes our peoples, cultures and politics so similar to each other. For decades, as members of the Atlantic Alliance, Turkey and Italy always shared the burdens and the risks linked to the need to keep a stable and fair international order.

    In the Balkans, in Lebanon, in the Middle East, in Afghanistan, the Armed Forces of our two countries work side by side, relieving each other in the hardest tasks, to defend a precious and indivisible good: international security.

    This common action marks not only the identity of our interests, but first and foremost the values that we share. Because our countries believe in peace, abroad and at home.

    Our countries are equally and hardly struggling to consolidate an international order based on the principle of a fair and efficient multilateralism.

    It must be fair, because all communities and all identities must be equally represented and capable to make their voices heard.

    It must be efficient and able to give an answer to collective needs, avoiding that single vetoes could block the whole international community.

    Together we fight to defeat terrorism, which threatens our nations and the stability of our democratic systems.

    Italy and Turkey share a common vision and a common action strategy. The deep friendship between our countries which has been reaffirmed in the first Intergovernmental Summit held in ?zmir in November 2008, is not the final result of our relations but the point of departure for further joint actions in diplomacy, economy, culture and also to military operations aimed at the maintaining of peace.

    At the beginning of 2009, Turkey took over Italy?s non-permanent membership under the Security Council of the UN. After two years of permanence in the Council, Italy can now fully rely on the action the Turkish government will take to affirm once again the same values and principles which were the basis of Italian action.

    Italy supports Turkey’s aspirations in its path towards the European Union. The EU membership will be the final step of a difficult process which is anyway coherent with the ambitions and capabilities of Turkey.

    Turkey may give a new decisive impetus to the action of the EU, particularly in areas where Turkey has strong and deep cultural and historical ties, such as Eastern Mediterranean, Caucasus and Central Asia.

    I deem it is important to stress, last but not least, the extraordinary importance of Turkey for energy security not only for Italy, but for Europe as a whole. Because of its strategic position and above all for its stabilizing functions, Turkey is the strategic partner for all energy resources coming from the Caspian Region and “later on” the Persian Gulf.

    Within this close cooperation framework between Italy and Turkey, we must underline the important role played by the cooperation in weapon systems production.

    In both our countries defense industry plays a crucial role due to its valuable high technology features. It also works as an “innovation engine” for the entire production system, thanks to spin-offs linked to the high investments in R&D, typical of the defense industry.

    In Italy defense industry employs 51.000 workers, a high percentage of which is composed by highly qualified people, particularly in engineering and IT (information technology). As far as turnover of the defense industry is concerned, it accounts for the 1% of the total Italian GNP. Furthermore, our defense industry is one of the most dynamic and outward looking sectors in the whole Italian production system.

    In last years, due to significant international buyouts of important foreign firms, Italian defense industry saw a considerable increase in its turnover, production range and R&D investments.

    The buyouts of British Westland, American DRS Technologies and of US Manitowoc Marine Group have been great operations of industrial politics aiming to further strengthen Italian defense industry which has now strong transnational characteristics.

    Today, and even more so in the future, defense industry is going to be one of the strongest elements in our country system. It is a huge legacy of top level knowledge and skills, which Italy wants to share with friends and allies.
    Collaboration in defense industry between Turkey and Italy has proved itself through the decades as one of the most vital components of the strategic partnership between our countries.

    In recent years, the level of our collaboration reached new peaks, in particular in helicopters and shipyards sectors. We have now established a real partnership, with an exchange of technologies and know-how enriching both countries.

    Looking into the future and always keeping in mind our historical, cultural and political ties, I am sure that all conditions we may need in order to further enhance the cooperation between our countries in this crucial technological and industrial sector are already here.

    Company or Organisation Portrait:

    Ayse AKALIN
    Publisher and Editor in Chief
    DEFENCE TURKEY MAGAZINE

    Defence Turkey Magazine
    Mahatma Gandhi Cad. 33/7
    GOP ANKARA TURKEY
    Phone: 0090 312 4471320
    www.defence-turkey.com
    info@defence-turkey.com

    Source:  www.defpro.com, May 21 2009

  • Turkey ‘Should Not Link’ Armenia Thaw To Karabakh: Negotiator

    Turkey ‘Should Not Link’ Armenia Thaw To Karabakh: Negotiator

    May 20, 2009

    ANKARA (Reuters) — Turkey should not link its efforts to normalize ties with Armenia to a settlement between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh, a French negotiator has said.

    Ankara and Yerevan have been engaged for months in high-level talks aimed at establishing diplomatic relations after a century of hostility and last month announced a “road map” to reopen their borders.

    But after Turkey’s Muslim ally Azerbaijan condemned the reconciliation moves, Ankara said there would be no progress until the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict was resolved.

    Turkey closed its border with Armenia in 1993 in solidarity with Azerbaijan, which fought a war with ethnic Armenian separatists in the 1990s over the Caucasus enclave.

    Last week, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan promised Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev during a visit to Baku that Turkey would not open the border with Armenia until the “occupation” of Nagorno-Karabakh ended.

    “Normalization of Turkish-Armenian relations and the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute are two separate processes which should continue in parallel but along their own paths,” the French Embassy in Ankara said in a statement after a visit earlier this week by Bernard Fassier, a co-chairman of the Minsk Group.

    The Minsk Group — set up in 1992 and co-chaired by Russia, the United States, and France — is seeking a solution to Nagorno-Karabakh, one of the most intractable conflicts arising from the Soviet Union’s collapse.

    A thaw between Turkey and Armenia, who trace their dispute to the mass killing of Christian Armenians by Ottoman Turks during World War I, would shore up stability in the Caucasus and boost Turkey’s drive to join the European Union.

    U.S. President Barack Obama has urged Ankara and Yerevan to reach a solution soon, but Turkey has been careful not to harm energy projects with Azerbaijan.

    The two countries, which share linguistic and cultural ties, are in talks to sign energy deals, including the purchase of Azeri gas which could be used for the planned Nabucco pipeline to transport Caspian gas to Europe.

  • South Stream Gets a Boost

    South Stream Gets a Boost

    Business Week
    May 18, 2009
    Gas Pipelines: South Stream Gets a Boost
    Key countries sign on to Russia’s South Stream project, giving it an edge over the rival Nabucco pipeline proposal in a race with geopolitical repercussions
    By Jason Bush

    On May 15, Russia signed deals with Italy, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Greece, bringing the South Stream project, a major new gas pipeline to Europe, one step closer to reality.

    At a meeting in Sochi, attended by Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, Russia’s Gazprom (GAZP.RTS) and Italy’s ENI (ENI.MI) agreed to double the planned pipeline’s capacity to 63 billion cubic meters. In addition to ENI, Gazprom signed memoranda of understanding with Greek natural gas transmission company DESFA, Serbia’s Srbijagas, and Bulgarian Energy Holding.

    The participating countries also signed documents needed to start work on the 2,000km (1,243-mile) pipeline. With completion planned by 2015, South Stream eventually will pump natural gas from southern Russia under the Black Sea, bringing it via Bulgaria, Serbia, Hungary, and Greece to terminals in western Austria and southern Italy.

    The agreement represents a significant diplomatic coup for Russia in a great geopolitical race that will help determine the source of Europe’s energy supplies for decades to come. That race has been visibly gaining pace over recent weeks. Backers of a rival pipeline to southern Europe are now vying to put together the necessary political support. “It’s very much down to the wire now,” says Chris Weafer, chief strategist at UralSib (USBN.RTS), a Moscow bank. “There’s definitely a race on to get all the signatures in place.”

    Concerns About a Stranglehold

    It’s no coincidence that the agreements on South Stream come just days after a key summit in Prague designed to give political impetus to Nabucco, a proposed rival pipeline through Turkey that is backed by the European Commission and the U.S. In the eyes of the EU and the U.S., the key advantage of Nabucco is that it would bypass Russia, diminishing Europe’s already heavy dependence on Russian gas. Imports from Russia presently account for around 40% of gas imports and 25% of gas consumption in Europe. Concerns about Russia’s stranglehold on Europe’s energy have only intensified recently, following this January’s damaging price spat between Russia and Ukraine, which briefly saw Russia’s gas supplies to Europe suspended.

    Those fears help explain the recent burst of activity surrounding Nabucco, a project that has been under discussion since 2002. In addition to the Prague summit, the EU has also been busy courting Turkey, a key transit country, which is expected to sign an agreement in June paving the way for Turkey to host the pipeline. Previously, there had been concerns that Turkey would try to use the pipeline as a bargaining chip in EU accession negotiations.

    But despite the recent progress on Nabucco, it all still looks to many analysts like a case of too little, too late. “I believe Nabucco still looks very problematic,” says Jonathan Stern, director of gas research at the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies. “It might work, or it might not, but I don’t think it’s going to work quickly.” He argues that the pipeline probably won’t be viable until around 2020­much later than the 2014 starting date currently being advanced.

    It doesn’t help that Russia, eager to safeguard its dominant position as Europe’s energy supplier, is already one step ahead of the game. The agreements reached in Sochi underscore Russia’s success in winning over key customers and transit countries for South Stream­a project that contradicts the EU’s stated policy of diversifying Europe’s energy supplies.

    Where to Get the Gas

    Even without the competition from South Stream, major question marks continue to hang over the whole economic viability of the Nabucco project. One key problem is financing: So far the EU has only committed a small fraction of the €7.9 billion ($10.6 billion) needed to build the pipeline. An even more basic question is where the gas for Nabucco (ultimately targeted at 31 billion cubic meters per annum) will come from.

    The original idea behind the pipeline was to ship gas from the Caspian region and Central Asia, with gas-rich countries such as Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan supplying the fuel. The snag is that of these four countries, only Azerbaijan signed up to the Prague agreement backing the project.

    The other three Central Asian countries, under diplomatic pressure from Russia, pointedly declined to do so. In any case, no one has figured out how Central Asian gas could be linked up with Nabucco. A pipeline under the Caspian is impossible until all the bordering states resolve a long-running dispute over the sea’s legal status, giving Russia an effective veto.

    Analysts therefore believe the only way Nabucco can be viable is if Iran can now be talked into supplying gas for the project­a scenario that the U.S. previously fought. And despite recent overtures from U.S. President Barack Obama to improve relations with Iran, it’s still far too soon to talk of any diplomatic thaw.

    Meanwhile, the Russians are making progress with South Stream, which currently appears to be the more economically viable of the two. In sharp contrast to Nabucco, the Russians have no shortage of gas that could potentially be transported to Europe via the pipe, and the Russians also seem committed to financing the project. “It’s expensive, controversial, and hard to implement,” says Valery Nesterov, oil and gas analyst at Russian investment bank Troika Dialog. “But at least it has investment guarantees, and a resource base, to be secured by Gazprom. Though not without problems, the financial guarantees and resource base are still more realistic than those secured by Nabucco.”

    Snail vs. Tortoise

    It’s far too early, though, to declare victory for the Russians. The South Stream project also faces many daunting obstacles. Indeed, the great pipeline race might be said to resemble a marathon contest between a snail and a tortoise. “At this stage, it’s not clear where the gas is going to come from for either route,” says UralSib’s Weafer.

    Although Russia has huge gas reserves that could potentially be shipped Europe’s way, most of those reserves are still sitting deep under the Arctic tundra, in the remote Yamal region of Northern Siberia. The cost of bringing them to market is gargantuan­around $250 billion, according to estimates by Royal Dutch Shell (RDSA). The current global recession has only increased the uncertainty about future gas demand, making Gazprom even more reluctant to invest. Russia and the EU have so far failed to hammer out legal agreements that would regulate joint ventures between Gazprom and Western partners. “It’s a real mess,” says Weafer.

    Then there’s the tremendous cost of the South Stream pipeline itself. Officially estimated at between €19 billion and €24 billion ($25.6 billion to $32.4 billion), it’s around three times as expensive as the alternative Nabucco route. Those costs could now be especially problematic, at a time when the global financial crisis is depressing gas prices and Gazprom’s profits. “Gazprom is facing financial difficulties in the years to come,” says Nesterov, “and the cost of the project is tremendous.”

    So despite South Stream’s diplomatic head start, the outcome of the great pipeline race is still far from certain. And neither pipeline is likely to provide any quick solution to Europe’s mounting long-term energy needs.

    Bush is BusinessWeek’s Moscow bureau chief.

  • Poland repeats support for Turkey’s EU membership

    Poland repeats support for Turkey’s EU membership

    Polish PM Donald Tusk played host to Turkey’s Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan

    Turkish PMTayyip Erdogan visited Poland on Thursday
    Courtesy of Wikimedia Commons

    Poland’s Prime Minister Donald Tusk reiterated support for Turkey’s bid to join the European Union after meeting with his Turkish counterpart Tayyip Erdogan.

    “The EU set certain conditions [for membership] and when they are met the positive decision should be automatic… I believe that by steady and calm work we will be able to reach a point in a few years when we can say all conditions are met,” Tusk told reporters at a joint press conference in Warsaw.

    Poland, which joined the EU in 2004, is a strong supporter of further enlarging the bloc to include Turkey, Balkan countries and Ukraine.

    But Turkey faces stiff opposition to its EU bid from French and German leaders, who say the country is too large, too poor and too culturally different to fit into an EU already struggling to accommodate 27 member states. (RG)

    Source: Thomson Reuters

    Source:  www.wbj.pl, 14th May 2009