Category: Greece

  • Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey: The Syrian refugees at Europe’s gateway

    Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey: The Syrian refugees at Europe’s gateway

    A letter from the border.

    BY REBECCA OMONIRA-OYEKANMI

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    A Syrian women and her son wait for help to erect their tent at a refugee camp in Bab al-Salam on the Syria-Turkey border. Photograph: Getty Images

    A question for the European politicians thrashing out a plan to provide“assistance” to Syria: if a bedraggled Syrian escapes the war, if he escapes the chaos of the refugee camps in Iraq or Jordan or Turkey, if he arrives tired but hopeful on your doorstep, what will happen to him?

    Reporting at the European Union’s most porous borders where Greece and Bulgaria merge with Turkey I was struck by the story of a Syrian refugee who risked drowning to avoid the clasp of the EU’s tortuous asylum and immigration system.

    After relating the story of how he was deposited on the banks of Turkey by border patrol officers in Greece, I assumed my interview with Farouk, a Syrian refugee, was finished. It was twilight, and the shabby cafe on the edge of the tiny Bulgarian village was empty. I sat at the head of a small wooden table scribbling into the silence as a dozen pair of striking eyes, various shades of green, watched me curiously. They were all Syrian, thrown together by the war. The two teenage boys were awkward, goofy grins even as they imitated the sound of bombs. The old man, stooped and pot-bellied, eyed me suspiciously. Farouk’s friend spat furiously in Arabic, insisting that he keep quiet. They ate from a large dish of sunflower seeds. I swallowed the remains of a thick, bitter Bulgarian coffee, clumps of sugar clung to the tiny shot-sized glass. “So after that you travelled from Turkey to Bulgaria? How did you cross the border?” I asked.

    “No, that’s another story.” We ordered more coffee and Farouk told me about his second “push-back”.

    Following his encounter with the border police on River Evros in Greece, Farouk went back to his smuggler, who sent him to the Aegean Sea. He was packed into a large wooden boat bound for Italy with more than 100 other people. Very soon they lost control of the boat, and could do little as it spun in the middle of the ocean between Turkey and Greece.  “After three or four hours people started to throw up,” he said. “There was a problem inside the boat, the water started to enter. Everyone was scared and thinking about dying. We had suffered too much.”

    On this occasion the Greek maritime police tried to rescue them, but the appointed captain of the boat, another Syrian refugee, deliberately thwarted the attempt. “He had a problem with Greece because he had been caught in Greece before,” said Farouk. Rather than find himself back in Greece, the desperate captain threw an anchor into the sea, which caught on something solid, so even as the Greek officers tried to pull the boat to safety it would not budge and looked certain to capsize. Farouk’s rising terror was compounded by the screams of his fellow passengers, among them young children.

    It was the Turkish maritime police that eventually saved them. One of their officers jumped aboard the boat, wrested control from the captain, and steered the boat back to Turkey. All the while the refugees cheered, clapped and sang, “Long live Turkey”.

    What made the Syrian captain risk the lives of everyone on the boat to avoid Greece?

    The fingerprints of any non-European person who has travelled “unofficially” across borders are taken on arrival in any European Union country. If you want to make a claim for asylum, under the EU’s Dublin II regulations you must do so in the first EU country you enter. There is a European database containing the fingerprints of all irregular migrants and refugees (Eurodac) to track their movements. If you try to make a claim in another EU country, your fingerprints will pop up on a central database indicating the country of entry, and you will be deported back there.

    Dublin II could only work if each and every EU country operated an efficient, fair and humane asylum and immigration system. Most EU countries appear to have coherent structures in place, but in reality all over Europe there are hundreds of genuine refugees and children detained in prisons or holding centres, sometimes for months, living in extreme poverty, and stuck in limbo for years while their applications are processed.

    From the signing of the European Convention on Human Rights more than 60 years ago to the first tentative steps towards a common asylum system in Dublin in 1990, every piece of EU legislation on asylum and immigration policy has reiterated the continent’s commitment to freedom and justice for all. Indeed when the European Council met to discuss a common asylum system at Tampere in 1999, it was said that to deny those from less free and democratic societies would be to betray Europe’s liberal traditions. But the poor implementation of the current system means Europe is edging toward the betrayal of those traditions, and why a terrified Syrian refugee would rather drown than go back to Greece.

    Greece is a tragic example of where Europe’s common asylum system is failing. Up to November last year 26,000 refugees and irregular migrants entered Greece illegally, with Syrians the largest group after Afghans. Around 90 per cent of all migrants and refugees entering Europe unofficially enter through Greece, which embodies the worst of the differing national asylum and immigration systems across the European Union’s 27 member states. Greece’s system had already collapsed before its financial problems hit. By 2010 the backlog for asylum claims had crept towards 70,000; Médecins Sans Frontières declared the state of immigration holding centres “medieval”; and a quarter of a million undocumented migrants and refugees haunt the city of Athens alone trapped in various states of destitution, unable to leave legally because of the Dublin II regulations.

    Najib tried to escape his Greek nightmare several times. The 25-year-old Afghan made it as far as Germany, where he lived for one year before he was caught and told to leave within 10 days. He went to the Netherlands; they sent him back to Germany, where he spent a month in prison before being deported back to Greece, the country of his first fingerprint. Confined to Athens, Najib contends with daily harassment from the police and Golden Dawn. When a Golden Dawn supporter beat him up, he went to the police, who asked for his ID, and on seeing his temporary residence permit was out of date, jailed him for 10 days.

    I don’t know what happened to the captain who panicked, but others on the boat were forced to go back to the Aegean Sea. Many could not afford to find a safer passage. They drowned when their boat sank killing 60 people on 6 September last year.

    Shaken, Farouk decided to stick to land for the rest of his journey, and hoping for a warmer European reception elsewhere, he crossed the border into Bulgaria.

  • Greece backs Istanbul’s 2020 Olympic bid

    Greece backs Istanbul’s 2020 Olympic bid

    ISTANBUL — Greece has offered its support to regional rival Turkey’s bid to host the 2020 Olympics.

    The prime ministers of both countries signed an agreement pledging to cooperate on Istanbul’s latest bid for the games.

    The accord was signed by Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan and Greek Prime Minister Antonis Samaras following meetings in Istanbul on Sunday and Monday.

    In a joint declaration, the leaders said they are committed to “engage in cooperation with regard to the technical and related aspects in the organization of the 2020 Summer Olympic Games.”

    The agreement said the two sides will “explore ways of enhancing the benefits of the Olympics for the two countries as well as for the entire Balkan and Black Sea region” if Istanbul wins the bid.

    Greece, the home of the ancient Olympics and birthplace of the modern games, last hosted the Olympics in Athens in 2004.

    Istanbul, bidding for a fifth time, is competing against Tokyo and Madrid for the 2020 Games. The International Olympic Committee will select the host city in Buenos Aires on Sept. 7.

    “The ties between Turkey and Greece have been strengthened today, thanks to the power of the Olympic movement to build bridges,” Istanbul bid leader Hasan Arat said. “The closer cooperation between our countries will be a valuable and lasting legacy of our bid.”

    Greece and Turkey mounted a joint bid for soccer’s 2008 European Championship, which was awarded to Austria and Switzerland.

    Turkey and Greece nearly went to war three times between 1974 and 1996. Relations between the uneasy NATO allies have improved greatly since the late 1990s, but Athens and Ankara remain at odds over a broad range of issues, including war-divided Cyprus, Aegean Sea boundaries, and illegal immigration.

    Copyright 2013 by The Associated Press

    via Greece backs Istanbul’s 2020 Olympic bid – ESPN.

  • Greek Maritime Claims Rock Boat With Turkey

    Greek Maritime Claims Rock Boat With Turkey

    By ALKMAN GRANITSAS and STELIOS BOURAS

    ATHENS—Greece has renewed its territorial claims over a broad swath of disputed waters in the eastern Mediterranean where the indebted country hopes to find vast oil and gas deposits—a plan that risks sparking a confrontation with Turkey.

    Over the past several weeks, senior government officials have made a series of public statements—both at home and abroad—pointing to an almost two-decade-old international treaty granting those rights, one Greece hasn’t asserted until now. Athens also has been building support in other European capitals and stepping up a diplomatic campaign at the United Nations.

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    This week, Greek Prime Minister Antonis Samaras broached the topic with his Turkish counterpart, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, in a meeting in Istanbul where he called on Turkey to respect Greece’s rights under international law. So far, Ankara, which says those resources belong to Turkey and has warned for almost 20 years that any effort to draw new boundaries could lead to war, has called for further dialogue.

    Mr. Erdogan told Greek state television on Monday that “we’re approaching the issue with hope and without prejudices as we continue to work on territorial waters and Aegean-related matters. So long as the sides approach this matter with goodwill, there’s no reason not to get results.”

    For Greece, the stakes are enormous. An estimated €100 billion ($130 billion) of undersea hydrocarbon reserves—if proven—could ease the country’s crippling debt burden and make Greece a significant energy supplier for Europe, which wants to reduce its dependence on Russia. Mounting evidence of those reserves, along with recent moves by Cyprus to assert its own claims, have raised the stakes even further.

    Those reserves “will mean, clearly, wealth for Greece, wealth for Europe, a significant improvement in Europe’s energy security and a significant enhancement in Greece’s geopolitical role,” Mr. Samaras said in a recent speech to a business conference.

    For now, Greece is proceeding cautiously to avoid confrontation and is using U.N. procedures to gradually build its case. Athens’s end goal is clear: Greece hopes to gain international recognition for the exclusive use of a 200-nautical-mile zone around the country, basing its claims on the fact that it is a signatory to the U.N.’s Law of the Sea treaty and Turkey isn’t.

    To date, 165 nations and territories—including the European Union—have ratified the treaty. The U.S., which helped negotiate the pact in the 1980s, hasn’t ratified it but generally recognizes its provisions. Last summer, the Obama administration attempted to pass the treaty through the Senate, but fell one vote short of the two-thirds majority needed.

    Athens “is eager to assert its rights, but we don’t want to do anything that creates turbulence in the region,” said a senior Greek government official. “For now, we are proceeding slowly” through legal channels.

    One such step came in late January, when Greece’s foreign minister lodged a formal complaint at the U.N. after Turkey said in April that it would issue exploration licenses in a disputed area south of the Greek island of Rhodes.

    Turkey has said Greece’s counterclaims “have no basis in international law” and said it would take reciprocal steps at the U.N.

    In an interview with a Turkish newspaper this week, Turkish Energy Minister Taner Yildiz said energy issues shouldn’t be a source for tension in bilateral relations and said Ankara had no imminent plans to issue those licenses. “Don’t we know any exploration creates a controversy? Of course we know,” he told the Hurriyet newspaper.

    The next move for Greece, government officials said, would likely be another submission to the U.N. formally delineating Greece’s nautical coordinates. That would be a prelude to declaring an exclusive economic zone under the provisions of the sea treaty.

    Under terms of the 1994 treaty, Greece is entitled to extend its territorial rights to as many as 12 nautical miles from shore—double the six it now claims—and an exclusive economic zone of as many as 200 miles. Athens has refrained from doing so. In 1995, the year Greece ratified the treaty, Turkey’s parliament declared that any unilateral move to assert such claims would constitute a cause for war.

    At issue is the complex geography in the Aegean Sea that separates Greece from Turkey. After the breakup of the Ottoman Empire in the aftermath of World War I, Greece was given sovereignty over most of the islands that dot the Aegean and form a continuous archipelago between mainland Greece and Turkey.

    Under the present limit, Greece claims more than 40% of the Aegean as its own, compared with less than 10% for Turkey. By widening the limit to 12 miles, more than 70% of the Aegean and its seabed would be in Greek territory. A 200-mile exclusive economic zone would mean Greek claims also stretched far into the Mediterranean—enveloping Turkey—and reaching as far as Cyprus in the southeast.

    Geologists believe there are oil and gas deposits in the north Aegean, where drilling first began on a small scale in the early 1980s. More recently, a bonanza gas find off Israel’s coast in 2010, a second find off Cyprus since then, and various surveys have indicated that oil and gas is to be found in the eastern Mediterranean.

    Encouraged, Greece began hunting for hydrocarbons late last year in less-contentious areas west and south of the country. The government, which is struggling under a €300 billion debt burden, aims to auction off exploration licenses for those areas toward the end of this year.

    In February, French President François Hollande, during a visit to Athens, appeared to back Greece’s position by referring to the country’s legal rights under the Law of the Sea treaty.

    “The presence of gas deposits that can, first, be found, and then subsequently exploited, represents an opportunity for Greece and for Europe; and I believe that here, international law, the Law of the Sea, will prevail,” he said.

    —Emre Peker in Istanbul contributed to this article.

    https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB10001424127887323978104578332352776971978

  • Greece Boosts Cooperation with Turkey

    Reuters

    March 04, 2013

    Greece’s Prime Minister Antonis Samaras (L) and his Turkish counterpart Tayyip Erdogan shake hands during their meeting in Istanbul, March 4, 2013.

    ISTANBUL — Beset by economic crisis at home, Greece took a symbolic step towards improving relations with long-time arch rival Turkey on Monday by pledging to double annual trade with its eastern neighbor over the next three years.

    Greek Prime Minister Antonis Samaras, on his first visit to Turkey since winning power in June, met his Turkish counterpart Tayyip Erdogan in Istanbul and signed deals on issues from agriculture to disaster relief.

    They set a target of $10 billion in annual trade by 2015.

    The Aegean nations have long been embroiled in disputes over territory, energy exploration and the divided island of Cyprus, but Greece’s main priority now is boosting an economy which has shrunk about 20 percent since 2008.

    “Today is a good day for Greek-Turkish relations, and it’s in our hands to have more of these good days,” Samaras told a news conference in Turkey’s largest city Istanbul, saying the two sides were carefully building trust.

    “There are still issues we do not agree on and our disagreements may be significant, but … we are trying to create relations of mutual respect,” he said after a meeting that included more than 20 cabinet members from both sides.

    The two NATO members were nearly drawn into a military clash as recently as 1996 over an uninhabited Aegean islet, and fears of conflict have driven high levels of Greek spending on defence that Athens can no longer afford.

    Ties between the two neighbors improved after 1999, when earthquakes in both countries led to spontaneous deliveries of aid and prompted their leaders to begin dialogue. Trade has grown strongly and amounted to $5 billion last year.

    Greece is the fifth-biggest foreign investor in Turkey, with its direct investments totalling $6.5 billion between 2002 and 2011, Erdogan said. Around one million Turks and Greeks visit each other’s country each year.

    Cyprus Problem Persists

    Erdogan reinforced the sense of a thaw in relations.

    “We believe the constructive atmosphere between our countries, the mutual understanding and good neighborliness will strengthen our ties further,” he told the news conference.

    Erdogan also emphasised that better relations between the neighbors boosts stability in the east Mediterranean.

    While Athens backs Ankara’s European Union bid, the failure to reunite the divided island of Cyprus has stood in the way.

    Turkey invaded Cyprus in 1974 in response to a Greek Cypriot coup aimed at uniting the east Mediterranean island with Greece. Turkey keeps some 30,000 troops in a Turkish Cypriot enclave that only it recognizes.

    “We want to bury the Cyprus problem in history,” Erdogan said. The Greek Cypriot Republic of Cyprus joined the EU in 2004.

    A dispute over Aegean energy exploration is also flaring up, with Samaras suggesting Greece wants to demarcate the areas beneath the sea in which it hopes to find oil and gas. Turkey warns against any unilateral moves.

    Other problems include Ankara’s objection to the Greek state’s involvement in the appointment of religious officials, including Islamic clerics, and stalled plans for a state mosque in Athens where an ethnic Turkish Muslim minority lives.

    Turkey’s refusal to reopen the Halki Greek Orthodox seminary on an island near Istanbul is another bone of contention.

    Critics also accuse Turkey of interfering in the affairs of the Greek Orthodox church in Istanbul, although church officials have praised government moves to improve some rights.

    “Enabling minorities in the two countries to live a prosperous and happy life will undoubtedly strengthen our friendship,” Erdogan said.

    At the meeting, ministers signed 25 deals on areas including agriculture, health, transport, media, immigration, disaster relief and more. A Turkish diplomatic source said they were largely pledges of goodwill to deepen cooperation.

    “Historically Greek-Turkish relations have been difficult, we were like cats and dogs,” he said. “This meeting is the expression of the political will on both sides to see this relationship fulfil its potential. We have differences but there is a desire for a positive agenda.”

    via Greece Boosts Cooperation with Turkey.

  • Phaleron: Athens’ Culinary Museum of Innocence

    Phaleron: Athens’ Culinary Museum of Innocence

    March 1, 2013, by Nicolas Nicolaides,
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    Editor’s note: This guest post was written by Nicolas Nicolaides, an Istanbul-born Greek who moved to Athens in 1988. Nicolaides is a Ph.D. student in history at the University of Athens whose research focuses on the Karamanlılar (Greeks from Anatolia).

    Once a resort town on the outskirts of the Greek capital, Phaleron – only a few miles from downtown Athens – is now well incorporated into the city’s urban fabric. The area has remained an upscale neighborhood, but, sadly, it has lost its distinctive character: the sea is now polluted, the open-air cinemas have been turned into parking lots, and many of the stately mansions were demolished to make way for apartment blocks during the construction boom of the 1960s.

    One thing does remain unique about the neighborhood: it is home to Athens’ largest concentration of Constantinopolitans, or Greeks of Istanbul, known as İstanbul Rumları in Turkish. Despite living for centuries under Ottoman and then for several decades under Turkish rule, the Greek community had long insisted on staying in their beloved city. Nevertheless, in 1964, amidst the Cyprus dispute, Turkey began deporting Greek nationals residing in Istanbul; soon, those holding Turkish passports also began to leave, following their relatives. In the years to come, the community was to shrink to no more than 5,000 people in a city of almost 13 million. Searching for a place in Athens that would remind them of the city they left behind, the migrants settled in Phaleron; the seafront there was the ideal backdrop for the nostalgic expats to relive long walks along the shores of the Bosphorus.

    Without a doubt, what the newcomers missed most was the food. Over the centuries, Constantinopolitan women had developed a highly exquisite cuisine reflecting the city’s cosmopolitan heritage. East and West mingled in their kitchens, where French techniques were used to master traditional Ottoman dishes. The Constantinopolitans found the Athenian culinary scene rather bland; in their nostalgia, everything in Istanbul had simply tasted better, while the Greek equivalents were of disappointingly poor quality.

    An accidental system developed; if someone was going back to Istanbul, the news would travel fast and people would call and ask the traveler to pick up their pension money and bring them limon kolonyası (lemon cologne) to rub their backs, holy water from the Church of Our Lady of the Spring (Balıklı Kilise) to heal their illnesses and save their souls and, of course, lots of glorious food and ingredients! Luggage was stuffed with yufka (paper-thin sheets of unleavened dough, similar to Greek phyllo), Turkish delight, baklava, wheat kernels and roses. Wheat is the main ingredient in kollyva, a dessert served in cb athens riviera ms final2church after the memorial service for the departed; of course, wheat could be found in Greece, but the Constantinopolitans didn’t like it. Meanwhile, roses from Istanbul are edible and were used to make a superbly aromatic gül reçeli(rose jam).

    The shop owners of Phaleron soon found themselves having to fulfill the demands of their new clientele. The owner of a butcher’s shop in the neighborhood even had to go to Istanbul to be trained in how to finely slice meat, as he could not stand the Constantinopolitans’ constant complaints that he was chopping meat too coarsely. Over the years, many Constantinopolitans opened businesses of their own, and Phaleron became known for its elegant patisseries.

    Among these patisseries is Riviera, owned by Stelios Karapiperis, who was born in Istanbul in 1948 and has been in the pastry business since he was 13. Before being deported to Greece, he had a successful career as a pastry chef working for three prestigious Istanbul pastry shops: Baylan, Tilla and Tatlıcılar. “I was trained as a pastry chef during the golden age of the Istanbulite patisseries; in those days, renowned Swiss pastry chefs used to come to Istanbul to give seminars to the trainees,” Karapiperis recalls. He opened his own pastry shop in Phaleron in 1978 and his son, Yannis, has followed him into the business. When Paskalya çöreği (Easter brioche) is being baked in Riviera’s ovens, the scent of mahlep (an aromatic spice made from cherry seeds) and mastic (an aromatic resin) wafts over the entire block. Riviera also makes very good ekmek tatlısı (a syrupy toasted bread dessert) and excellent profiterole, a dessert that has a tradition of its own in Istanbul.

    Kostas and Christos Lemoncoğlu, the owners of Divan Patisserie, have succeeded where others failed, by creating kaymak, a special type of clotted cream, in Greece. Producing kaymak is a risky business, as the recipe calls for water buffalo milk, which is extremely scarce in Greece. They nevertheless found a way to make kaymak using sheep’s milk, with a taste very close to the original. Besides its kaymak, Divan is also known for its excellenttavuk göğsü (milk pudding made with chicken breast), kazandibi (tavuk göğsü with a thin, caramelized crust) and crispy, syrupy baklava. “A business can be called ‘Constantinopolitan’ only if its owners were born and raised in Istanbul. My pastry shop will stop being Constantinopolitan when I retire and my daughters cb athens politika final5take over. They were born and raised in Greece; they go to Istanbul only as tourists, carrying the memories of their parents and grandparents of an era that has been irreversibly lost,” Kostas Lemoncoğlu says.

    The Lemoncoğlu brothers can be proud of their kaymak success, as there have been many other attempts to produce Turkish specialties in Greece and they have all failed. It was determined to be impossible to achieve the creamy, gluey texture of an authentic Turkish delight or to make yufka so thin as to be transparent; the Constantinopolitans blamed the Athenian water for the mediocre results and decided that it was better to import these items. The demand for Turkish yufka in Phaleron is so high that a guy even began smuggling yufka into Greece using his own network in Turkey; Constantinopolitan ladies would place orders with him and he would wait for them at a certain streetlight to provide them with their precious sheets of yufka dough.

    Benito’s Delicatessen also caters to Phaleron’s demanding clientele. Benito Sangioni’s Italian father settled in the western Turkish city of Edirne before World War I to work for the Ottoman railways, and stayed in Turkey after falling in love with a local Greek girl. When the family moved to Istanbul, Benito started working in a delicatessen, where he met his future wife, Eudocia. They moved to Athens in 1979 and now run a delicatessen of their own, along with their grown sons Liborio and Apostolo. Turkish delight, dil peyniri (string cheese), yufka, Turkish black tea, Efes Pilsen beer and spicy pickles are all imported from Turkey. Their sucuk (spicy sausage) and pastırma (spiced dried, aged beef) are in fact sourced from within Greece, as local charcuteries run by Armenians – themselves Ottoman-era refugees from what is now Turkey – make sucuk and pastırma of exceptional quality. Eudocia has also introduced her own line of products, cb athens italian final4including taramasalata (fish roe dip), savory pie made with pastırma, and yalancı dolma (rice-stuffed grape leaves); her silky baba ghanoush (eggplant dip), with its distinctive charred flavor, is renowned.

    These days, Phaleron even has a new Turkish restaurant, Aialis, a little taverna opened about four years ago by Angelica Vingas, who emigrated from Istanbul in the early 1980s. To keep things authentic, she imports lakerda (pickled raw fish), yufka, red pepper paste and pickles from Turkey. Some of the traditional delicacies on Angelica’s menu are piyaz fasulye (bean salad), mantı(meat dumplings) and hünkar beğendi (“sultan’s delight”), an eggplant purée.

    I was born in Istanbul and grew up in Phaleron myself; even though I moved out of the area a long time ago, each visit back to the neighborhood is an edible walk down memory lane for me. For us transplanted Istanbulites, memory goes hand in hand with food, as cuisine is so much a part of our identity. Every time we visit one of these shops in Phaleron, all these familiar foods are suddenly transformed into exhibits in our very own Museum of Innocence.

    Riviera Patisserie
    Address: Tritonos 119, Palaio Faliro
    Telephone: +30 210 982 6670
    Web: http://www.riviera.gr
     
    Divan Patisserie
    Address: Naïadon 51-53, Palaio Faliro
    Telephone: +30 210 982 1927
     
    Benito Delicatessen
    Address: Thetis 22, Palaio Faliro
    Telephone: +30 210 983 7677
     
    Aialis Café & Meze
    Address: Alkionis 24, Palaio Faliro
    Telephone: +30 212 100 3311
     
    (photos by Manteau Stam)

    – See more at:

  • Iranian, Turkish, Greek musicians team up for Istanbul concert

    Iranian, Turkish, Greek musicians team up for Istanbul concert

    TEHRAN – Three kamancheh virtuosos from Iran, Turkey and Greece have come together to perform a concert at the Cemal Resit Rey Hall of Istanbul on March 5.

     

    Kayhan Kalhor from Iran, Derya Turkan from Turkey, and Sokratis Sinopoulos from Greece will perform the concert entitled “Night of Kamancheh”, the Cemal Resit Rey Hall announced on Saturday.

     

    The musicians have organized the program to highlight the power the Iranian instrument.

     

    The Iranian santur virtuoso Ali Bahrami-Fard will also accompany the group in some performances.

     

    They will perform classic pieces of their own country as well as some improvisations during the concert.

     

    Kalhor has previously collaborated with some international musicians.

     

    The most recent one was his joint performance with the Turkish baglama player, Erdal Erzincan, at the GlobalFest, New York’s annual world music festival in January 2013.

     

    SB/YAW

    END

    via Iranian, Turkish, Greek musicians team up for Istanbul concert – Tehran Times.