Category: Greece

  • Frontex Spokesperson Michal Parzyszek: Ties with Turkey, Border Control Investments Help Bulgaria Tackle Illegal Migration

    Frontex Spokesperson Michal Parzyszek: Ties with Turkey, Border Control Investments Help Bulgaria Tackle Illegal Migration

    Ivan Dikov

    Interview with Michal Parzyszek, Spokesperson of EU border control agency Frontex based in Warsaw on the situation of EU‘s external borders and illegal migration.

    Could you provide brief information the operations that the EU border control agency Frontex is carrying out at the moment? How many are they and what is their geographical scope?

    There are some operations that I am unable to talk about for operational reasons; these are operations that we present to the public only after they are finalized.

    As regards the operations along the southern borders, which are the focus of the European citizens because of the tragedies which are happening at sea, we have Operation Hera, which is in the territorial waters of Senegal and Mauritania; Operation Indalo in Spanish waters; Operation Hermes in Italian waters; Operation Aeneas in Italian waters; Operation Poseidon in Greek waters.

    When it comes to land operations – there is Operation Poseidon in Greece and Bulgaria; and one more operation at the Eastern borders of the EU which is hosted by many countries but here I will not go into details. There are also operations at airports, and again, I will not enter into details here.

    How has the situation on the ground in Northeastern Greece changed since Frontex started to patrol there?  Has the influx of migrants decreased substantially?

    The flow of illegal migrants in Northeastern Greece is rather constant – it varies from 70 to 100 persons a day. This is the daily average of people that are detected and apprehended at the Greek-Turkish land border. The waters of the Evros River (Maritsa River) are shallow, so that is a factor that pushes people to cross the border there.

    The situation has changed from September 2010 when they crossed close to Orestiada; now they are more likely to try to cross the river to the south in the direction of the city of Alexandroupolis.

    With the unrest in North Africa and the Middle East continuing, Italy has become the new hot spot bearing the brunt of illegal migration. How have Frontex‘s efforts in southern Italy helped to alleviate the situation?

    The help on part of Frontex in the southern waters, including in Italy, is more on providing risk analysis – to give a better idea of what is going on, and what can happen.

    In terms of operational assets, Italy has really well-equipped services – Guardia Costiera, Guardia di Finanza, Polizia di Stato, Carabinieri – there are many authorities.

    So in terms of assets, there are just two airplanes and two boats which are deployed there under Frontex in the waters south of Sardinia and south of Lampedusa.

    But the important contribution is those experts that are mentioned. There are 10-15 Frontex experts that are identifying the migrants once they reach the reception facilities there. They are deployed to Caltanissetta, Catania, Trapani, Crotone, and Bari. There are the reception centers for migrants. The Frontex experts are helping Italian authorities to identify them.

    What about the influx of migrants in Southern Italy – is it constant, receding, or increasing?

    It varies every day. You have days when you have no arrivals, and then suddenly you have 1 000 people arriving to Lampedusa. Since the start of the operation on February 20, 2011, there have been almost 31 000 people that arrived to Lampedusa. That is quite a number.

    When the Land Operation Poseidon in Greece was made permanent in March 2011, the EC said it will be extended to the Bulgarian-Turkish border. How has that been carried out? Have any Frontex officers or equipment been located on Bulgarian territory, i.e. the Bulgarian Turkish border?

    There are already experts on there ground from Belgium, the Netherlands, Romania, Germany, and Austria working in the Svilengrad border crossing point unit.

    They are mainly deployed to the Bulgarian border crossing point of Kapitan Andreevo because this is the main point where you detect people trying to use fake ID documents or trying pass hidden inside vehicles. So they are working there.

    What is Bulgaria’s situation with respect to the challenge that it is likely to face with illegal migrants? Should Bulgaria be worried about that and expect a Greek scenario?

    There are quite many factors influencing the influx of migrants. One of them, which is very important, is readmission agreements.

    In the case of Greece, a readmission agreement with Turkey doesn’t truly work; in the case of Bulgaria, the cooperation with Turkey is much better so the Turkish authorities – if they receive proper documentation and justification – they accept people back.

    This is a very important element – potential migrants know that if they cross the border between Turkey and Bulgaria, there is high probability that they will be sent back to Turkey so they don’t choose that way.

    That’s one factor. The other factor is that Bulgaria is not fully within the Schengen Area yet, which means that migrants can expect more border checks on the way so they choose Greece.

    How is Bulgaria’s situation in terms of attracting the flow illegal migrants going to change once it joins the Schegen Area?

    Yes, there is certainly the question of what will happen when Bulgaria fully joins Schengen.

    This is a bit like looking into a crystal ball but of course our risk analysis experts always view each expansion of the Schengen Area as a risk.

    The only thing you can do is keep border guards alert and observe the situation. But knowing how much money Bulgaria invested in new border equipment, and knowing how border guards in Bulgaria are trained, I wouldn’t worry so much.

    Other than Greece and Italy and Malta, what other hot spots of illegal migration can be expected? Bulgaria, Romania, the Baltics, Spain, Portugal?

    The biggest issue is actually invisible. This is something that is always omitted. These are international airports. The majority of the people that are apprehended within the Schengen Area that are staying illegally actually come in legally by plane, and then overstay their visas.

    In terms of people staying illegally on the territory of the European Union, this is for sure the biggest issue. No one really has numbers how many people are overstaying their visas but their numbers are certainly much higher than the number of illegal immigrants detected at sea or land borders. This is absolute number one concern.

    In terms of illegal border crossings – in 2010 Greece – it was 86% of the illegal border crossings in the EU. No. 2 on the list was Spain with about 5 200 persons, and then Italy with 4 500 persons. That’s the two three for last year. Looking at the situation now, it looks like Italy will remain the most affected country in terms of illegal crossings.

    What about the Central European and Baltic borders of the EU?

    The situation there is fairly stable. You have some people crossing illegally into Hungary but these people crossing mainly from the Western Balkans. I think that Poland is No. 9 or 10 on the list of illegal border crossings but we are talking about 150 persons a year so nothing that can compare with 90 000 people in Greece. The situation there is really stable.

    Again, it is about the geographic position. The border is managed from two sides. If you have a neighbor such as Russia or Belarus where the border control is very strong, it is a bit like army-based, then the border on the other side is simply impermeable.

    How do you expect the role of Frontex to be expanded? Is it expected to acquire more powers, more responsibilities because obviously these issues aren’t going away?

    The discussion in the Council and the European Parliament is still going on, but if you listen to the voices from Brussels, it looks like there will be some kind of an agreement very soon, and probably over the summer the new regulation for Frontex will be adopted.

    Then we will try to define the legal terms into practical actions but it will take some time for sure. As of the moment of accepting new regulations and giving new tasks to Frontex, we will need some time for translating the law into reality.

    Source: http://www.thebulgariannews.com/view_news.php?id=128635

  • Give Greece a chance

    Give Greece a chance

    Thessaloniki, Greece’s second city, has spent centuries being burnt, bombed and built again. Our writer brings the colourful and cultural metropolis up to date

    • Fiachra
      • Fiachra Gibbons
      • The Observer, Sunday 29 May 2011
      • Article history
    • Thessaloniki

      Clockwise from top left: Monks heading to Mount Athos, the Arch of Galerius in central Thessaloniki, and Alexander the Great’s statue on the seafront. Photographs: Alamy

      I want to tell you a story. You don’t have to believe it. I didn’t at first, and it happened to me. It was years ago in Istanbul, at the end of a long evening down by the water at Besiktas, when we had all become as dreamy as the waters of the Bosphorus at that hour. I was aching for my bed, but the tide of the night was running towards an iskembe joint, and I could already taste the garlicky vinegar of the tripe soup on the air. I pleaded mercy – a godawful early start for Salonica – when a young guy at the edge of the group touched my arm. “If you are going to Salonica, you must eat the borek,” he said, and began to write down directions to the best bougatsatsidiko in the city.

      He had never been to Thessaloniki himself, but his grandfather had been born there. Even his grandmother, who came from Hania, with all the Cretan pride that entails, had to admit that Salonicans made the best borek/bougatsa on the planet – the lightest, flakiest filo, just greasy enough to cut the goaty kick of the young mizithra cheese flecked with oregano and mint.

      He handed me a napkin with a line drawn across it to show the sea, a fortress on a hill, a hamam with three domes, and between them the Turkish names of some streets.

      But hadn’t Thessaloniki been Greek since December 1912? Hadn’t it been burned to the ground, bombed, rebuilt, knocked down and rebuilt again since then? Hadn’t it endured two world wars, various occupations, a civil war, a dictatorship and the worst that precast concrete can inflict? Hadn’t its Turks been sent back to the eternal exile of “home” and its Jews, the soul of the city, who made up the majority of its remarkable mix of peoples, been all but exterminated at Auschwitz?

      None of this seemed to phase him. It should be there. “People still have to eat borek.”

      Two days later, using his scribbled directions, I found a bougatsa shop just where he said I would, next to a patsas place that was still serving the Greek variant of that hangover tripe soup I had missed in Istanbul to the last of the night’s stragglers.

      Greek troops Greek troops arriving at Salonica, now Thessaloniki, in 1915The owner was a refugee, too. But his family had come from Smyrna, now Izmir in Turkey. His Borekci grandfather had taken over from a man who had been given the key by a blond-haired Turk the day he and his family were deported in 1924 with the last of the city’s Muslims. And yes, the bougatsa was fit for a bishop.

      I took a photograph of the owner with two customers – one an Armenian Greek, the other a Cappadocian, though neither had set foot in the places they claimed to be from – and sent it to my friend in Istanbul. A few weeks later I received a reply.

      He’d shown the photo to his grandfather, then well into his 90s. I’d got the wrong borek shop. The place never got sun like that in the morning.

      I am telling you this story because to me it says a lot about the people who live in Salonica or have lived there, and people who have only inhabited the city in their dreams or in the stories of their parents or grandparents, but for whom it is still in some ways home.

      The guide books will tell you that Thessaloniki is Greece‘s second city, a port of a million people that doesn’t make the best of its spectacular setting and architectural heritage, its Byzantine churches lost in a permanent chaos of traffic and concrete.

      I can’t say they are wrong. But then there is Salonica, Selanik, Solun and Salonika, the New Jerusalem, the city that was once a candidate to be the capital of a Jewish Promised Land, the second city of the Byzantine empire and later of the vast Ottoman emirate when it was up there with the Ming as the most dominant, dynamic dynasty on earth. This is the city that is the real capital of the Balkans, its missing heart, the lodestar of a whole swathe of the eastern Mediterranean, from the Adriatic to Alexandria. But all that post-Byzantine bustle was an embarrassment to the city and to Greece generally.

      Arriving in Thessaloniki any time in the past 50 years, you would have found a city that had gone into exile from itself. This flight began the day the Greek army marched into Salonica in 1912 just ahead of the Bulgarians to “liberate” a city that wasn’t that Greek, and became practically pathological after the last transports left for Auschwitz carrying its Spanish-speaking Jews 32 years later.

      The people who moved into their shops and apartments had themselves arrived, traumatised barely two decades earlier from Istanbul, Asia Minor, the Black Sea, Cappadocia or the Caucasus, or in endless refugee columns that had snaked from the Crimea, Bulgaria or Eastern Thrace. These new “old Greeks” of Magna Graecia were joined in the 1980s by Greeks from Russia, Tashkent, Kazakhstan, Georgia and Armenia, who now muddle along with the latest arrivals from Iraq, Afghanistan, Somalia and more recently Libya, stuck in the island in the moat of Fortress Europe that is Greece today, unable to get into Europe proper, and too ashamed or broke to go home. Thessaloniki is such a place in exile that its biggest football team, PAOK, has been playing away from home for more than 80 years. Its real home turf is Istanbul – Costantinopoli – its colours shared with Besiktas.

      Salonica church The church of St GregoryNothing is quite what it seems. To really see Thessaloniki for what it is, you have to see not just the living but the dead. You have to look out towards Olympus and the mists that roll in off the Thermaic Gulf and see Pierre Loti rowing Aziyadé away from her husband; or see the last true sultan, Abdulhamid II, step ashore into house arrest from the imperial caique with his harem and carpentry tools in tow (as well as being a paranoid, bloodthirsty tyrant, he was a very nifty cabinet maker).

      You have to imagine, too, those same women herded off a few years later into the saddest of travelling circuses ever to cross Europe. It is not for nothing that Mark Mazower subtitled his magisterial history of the place City of Ghosts.

      This is a city of conspiratorial corners, where you cannot help turn detective as you climb up from Paralia through the Modiano market to Ano Poli and the city walls of the upper town, the Turkish quarter that looks so Greek. You don’t have to look too hard to see churches that have been mosques and mosques that are now churches, old women lighting candles at shrines to holy men that were both saints and dervishes, or find the Moorish mosque-cum-Andalusian synagogue that served the city’s Muslim Jews. Yes, you read right, Muslim Jews – the Ma’aminim or Donme, followers of Sabbatai Sevi. Thessaloniki did unlikely syntheses with the same ummatched elan as it do bougatsa. My God, they’ve tried, but no amount of wrecking balls or chauvinistic brainwashing has been able to destroy entirely the glorious diversity of its DNA. In any case, its unmentionable origins are laid out for all to see three times a day in its fantastic food, and in the songs that are sung in its skyladiko (literally “doghouse”) clubs and rembetiko tavernas every night.

      There is no getting away, however, from the fact that Thessaloniki is still the most conservative, nationalistic city in Greece – where the Orthodox church could bring thousands on to the streets to threaten war with the fledging republic of Macedonia for trying to “steal the name of Macedonia” and the heritage of Alexander the Great. And there are plenty of Orthodox Taliban on the nearby monastic republic of Mount Athos, which has its embassy in the city, ready to pounce on any slackening of national-religious fervour. Which makes it all the more remarkable that earlier this year the radical winemaker and ecologist Yiannis Boutaris swept into office as mayor on a platform of getting Thessaloniki to come out about itself, to embrace the cosmopolitan city that in living memory had shop signs in six alphabets.

      He first promised to build a new mosque and a monument to Salonica’s most famous son, Ataturk, and the Young Turks, whose revolution began there. And the doors should be thrown open to all the Jews, Turks and others who trace their roots to the city. The bishop of the city threatened to kill himself rather than swear Boutaris in and vowed to do everything in his power to stop this “Bulgarian traitor”, a reference to the mayor’s roots in the Latin-speaking Vlach minority. Boutaris branded him a “mujahideen” and took his own “cosmic vows”.

      He’s going to need every bit of karmic help he can get. Thessaloniki has been run into the ground by a cabal of churchmen and extreme rightwing demagogues these past 20 years. The corruption and incompetence is on such a phantasmagoric scale that the city ran out of petrol to keep the handful of working dustcarts on the road. There is the small mattter, too that Greece is bankrupt. There is no better reason to bail out Greece again than to give Yiannis Boutaris a chance.

      Essentials

      EasyJet (easyjet.com) flies London-Thessaloniki in summer from £58.99 one way. Daios Luxury Living Hotel (+30 21 0923 6760; thessaloniki cityhotels.com) has doubles from €110

  • Thessaloniki ready to make its comeback

    Thessaloniki ready to make its comeback

    thessaloniki

    On the sea end of Thessaloniki’s Egnatia Boulevard, which cuts through the city from east to west, lies a small district with a children’s park that bears the same name as the district: Plateia Novarinou.

    All of the “others” who inhabit Thessaloniki flock to these streets. Nikos Canis (Nikos Tzannis Ginnerup) is someone who would rather live here than in just any old neighborhood, and the classic sounds of the violin can be heard drifting from his windows down to the street below. In the middle of a small, high-ceilinged room is a tiled coffee table, and the walls around it are filled with musical instruments. Canis says, “Even though it might be happening slowly, Greek society is going through a period of rediscovering Ottoman culture.” As for him, Canis made his own personal discoveries on this front long ago.

    Although the heaviness of the economic crisis that has afflicted Greece has been sitting over the country like a dark cloud lately, this city has embarked on a journey of self-discovery. As a city, Thessaloniki was once a city the Turks used for every new idea they had. However, it has long been forgotten, as a place where pashas were imprisoned and where armed political parties gathered. Jewish residents, who came on the invitation of the Ottoman sultans, were forced to bid this city farewell during Hitler’s time. As for the Greeks themselves, they often used Thessaloniki as a basis for constructing a national state.

    These days Thessaloniki is trying to make a resolute return that will make up for all the time lost over the past years and is making its own calculations about how to return to the special status it once held.

    The real sign of change came with the most recent local elections. Yannis Butaris was able to use his uniting personality to overturn the 25-year rule of the conservative New Democrat Party, by becoming mayor of Thessaloniki in the process. Mayor Butaris says that his greatest dream is to see Thessaloniki regain its multicultural aspect, noting that in the process he and his team wish to see the reality of the city — which existed for 500 years under Ottoman rule — return. Butaris refers to the past, and to not only the 500 years of Ottoman rule, but also to the Jewish character that developed in this city, saying: “All of the Turks, Jewish people, Greeks and Slavs brought a very multicultural dimension to this city. At the start of the 20th century, this city, which reflected a variety of cultures, had 12 different newspapers published in different languages — from Turkish to Greek, French to Hebrew.” Butaris talks about the past as he makes notes of plans for the future. He says the time has come to transcend false fears, asserting: “Why should I be scared of the Turks? What, are they going to come and try to take Thessaloniki?” Butaris is now promising that a spot once occupied by a monument representing Turks but which is now used as a car park, will be turned into a mosque and a new cemetery for the city’s Muslim population. This spot was where an important speech on freedom was once made, and perhaps once the mosque is built, it will remind people again of the “Hürriyete Hitap” (Address on Freedom) speech that was once delivered here.

    Butaris notes that his work on all these fronts is appreciated by the residents of the city. He notes that overcoming bureaucratic blockades requires nothing but “perseverance, patience and desire.” With the recent economic crisis and the political turbulence that has arisen, many Greek politicians can barely make appearances on the street anymore.

    As for Butaris though, with his arms tattooed all the way down to his hands and his earring in place, he is comfortable just hanging out with the youth of the city at the seashore and singing songs or accepting carnations from voters who see him in the street. In fact, the greatest supporters of the new Thessaloniki — which has also recently applied to be the 2014 European Youth Capital — appears to be the younger generation of the city. Yorgos Yourgiadis (31) of the civil society organization Youth in Action notes that what has been missing in Thessaloniki up until now are dreams and desire. The city, over the past years, seemed shrouded in darkness and just broken down. Yourgiadis describes the election of Butaris as a great opportunity for the city.

    “Thessaloniki was not just the second most important city for Greece in history, but it was also important for the Byzantine and Ottoman empires.” The person who asserts the above is Ekatirini Michailidou, the deputy president of the city’s biggest company and of the Greek-Turkish Trade Chamber of Northern Greece. He says, “If you know what you want to do, this city has opportunities for you.” He also notes that Thessaloniki has stood not only as a gateway to Greece but also to the Balkans, to the rest of the world. His company, Leaf Tobacco, is today one of 50 businesses throughout Greece owned by the A. Michaelides Group, who laid its foundations in 1886 in northern Greece when the region was still an Ottoman state. The company now makes 135 million euros a year from export and is fourth in the world in terms of tobacco harvest and processing. The company is also active in 12 countries, and currently Michailidou is researching collaboration possibilities with Turkey concerning organic agricultural pesticides. At this point, Leaf Tobacco also markets pesticide free of animal by-products to many countries including Syria and Iran.

    “I see more of a desire to make cooperative efforts with Turkey in Thessaloniki,” Michailidou said, also noting that he found the new Turkish Airlines (THY) Istanbul-Thessaloniki flights — which are to begin in the last week of May — a positive step towards furthering cooperation between the two cities.

    Social scientist Despina Syrri notes that “Balkan countries have been engaged in trying to erase their Ottoman past in different ways when they went through the process of creating their own national states. But these were political choices of that era.” She suggests that the warmer ties and efforts to create friendships in recent years are part of a very natural process. Syrri says that because of her own family’s background, she herself feels very close to Turkey culturally and points to how the time has really come for Thessaloniki to re-enliven itself on matters of economy and tourism in particular.

    Architect and musician Nikos Canis says that he has invested a serious interest in to learning more about Ottoman culture. He also says that he has not reached his position he holds today easily, but as a result of gaining experience. His interest in Turkey started in what he calls “difficult days.” He arrived in Turkey in 1988 and stayed for five years. He worked then as an architect in the Istanbul district of Kuzguncuk, and he also played music, from the classic kemençe (a small violin played like a cello) to the tambur (a classic Turkish instrument much like a mandolin), learning a lot about formal Ottoman music at the same time. He also started taking lessons at a music course in Central Anatolia, where he learnt how to play the bağlama (a stringed musical instrument from the eastern Mediterranean region), as well as studying Ottoman Turkish. Nowadays he has a group of friends who put on concerts where they play the classic kemençe all over Greece. This group also plays at festivals. As Canis sees it, there is no Turkish or Greek music, but rather Ottoman music. He is saddened by the lack of a museum about Ottoman civilization in Thessaloniki. But he sees the two-book series published by the Greek Culture Ministry on architectural styles of the Ottoman period as a great start to allowing people to start learning more about the past.

    Canis notes that fears and preconceptions must be put aside now and says: “When you look for an enemy, you will never have any troubles finding one. It was the Turks who were enemies yesterday, and tomorrow it’ll be the Albanians.”

    One of Greece’s leading Turkologists, Professor Vasilis Dimitriadis, is known for starting speeches to his students with these words: “Forget every story and distorted recounting of what you have heard about Turkey up until now. Turkey is our neighbor and a friendly country with whom we are obliged to develop relations.” Dimitriadis worked for 30 years at the Historical Archives of Macedonia in Thessaloniki and has written many scholarly works concerning the Ottoman period. In fact, his “Thessaloniki Topography during the Ottoman Era (1430-1912)” is widely accepted as an important reference source for people interested in these issues.

    Theology professor Grigoris Ziaka asserts that Europe has tried to replace the centuries of culture that saw people actually living together with the concept of “humanism,” and notes that he himself first encountered Islam when he visited the Greek cities of Gümülcine and İskeçe when he was in his twenties. He recalls: “When I visited mosques, people would invite me in lovingly. I would ask whether the fact that I was not Muslim bothered them. And I never got a response that indicated that I bothered them at all. I found humanism and true brotherhood in these relationships.”

    In 1973 a translated version of the Mevlana done by Ziaka was published in Greece. Later, Ziaka studied the concepts of “evi” as he found them in Mevlana and Ibn Arabi. He then also started writing about the Quran and the life of the Prophet Muhammad. His short book on Islam is very much like a catechism.

    As one of the most important intellectuals to come out of western Thrace recently, Ibrahim Onsunoğlu believes that Thessaloniki has always been a magnetic center in the region. Onsunoğlu has worked for many years as a psychiatrist in Thessaloniki and points out that many important revolutions have actually had Thessaloniki as their starting points. Both Atatürk and Nazım Hikmet were born here as well. And the city is not only the starting point for the first socialist movement in the Balkans, but also the place where the first-ever Turkish newspaper was published. In fact, the Yeni Asır (New Century), a newspaper still published in Izmir, actually began in Thessaloniki. Another interesting note is that the feminist and women’s movement that started in the Ottoman era also began here. But even though Thessaloniki was incredibly cosmopolitan throughout the 19th century, it turned into much more of a homogenous city after the majority of its Turkish and Jewish residents left. At that point, it really became a national state. When you look at photographs of Thessaloniki taken prior to 1912, you see minarets rising from every corner of the city. After all that, though, only one minaret was left: Rotondo.

    For the Turks of western Thrace, Thessaloniki has always been the city where teachers who come to teach in their schools are trained. The Thessaloniki Private Pedagogical Academy, founded in 1968, used to send its graduates to teach in western Thrace. However the institution was shut down this year, but there is also the Macedonia-Thrace Muslims Educational and Cultural Association, which is still active.

  • Turkey, Greece ‘close’ to Aegean peace, sources say

    Turkey, Greece ‘close’ to Aegean peace, sources say

    MURAT YETKİN

    ISTANBUL – Hürriyet Daily News

    Turkey and Greece are inching closer to each other on a conceptual peace deal regarding the Aegean dispute through a process of closed diplomacy, sources told the Hürriyet Daily News on Wednesday.

    Ongoing talks have reached a “promising level” following a meeting between the Turkish Foreign Ministry Undersecretary Feridun Sinirlioğlu and his Greek counterpart, Pavlos Apostolidis, in Çeşme in the Aegean province of İzmir on May 16-17, according to one diplomatic source.

    Coincidentally, that was also the day when the Turkish Armed Forces started two planned major military exercises, namely Denizkurdu and Efes, in the İzmir region.

    The source told the Daily News that the Athens meeting in early March had been planned as the last one before the Turkish elections on June 12, but due to a recent improvement in the process, the diplomats decided to meet spontaneously to examine the progress made.

    No details were revealed on those “exploratory” talks between the two rival neighbors, though the Daily News has learned that the concept involves both air space and continental shelf issues.

    The foreign ministries of the two countries agreed on this method following Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s visit to Athens last year. No papers on the talks were circulated and other than the diplomats involved, only the two foreign ministers, Ahmet Davutoğlu on the Turkish side and Dimitris Droutsas on the Greek side, know about the details of the talks.

    The peace package subject to talks also contains confidence-building measures, including increased relations between the nations’ armed forces and a mutual decrease in armament.

    Last August, Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou complained about low-level patrol flights of Turkish jets over the Aegean at a conference organized by the Turkish Foreign Ministry in the eastern province of Erzurum. Turkey also claims its airspace is frequently violated by Greek jets.

    Both Turkish and Greek sources were careful to make no connection between the cancellation of the last and ceremonial stage of the Turkish military exercises by the Turkish General Staff late Tuesday. On the contrary, they pointed to a high-level Greek military delegation visiting Ankara at the moment within the framework of improving relations.

    Yet, according to one source, the Turkish military may have some frustrations as the Foreign Ministry is carrying out all the work, despite consultations with the military.

    The two NATO countries came to the brink of war over sovereignty rights over two tiny and uninhabited islands near the Turkish coast in 1996. The crisis was solved with a degree of U.S. mediation, after which the two countries begun exploratory talks.

    via Turkey, Greece ‘close’ to Aegean peace, sources say – Hurriyet Daily News and Economic Review.

  • Turkey replaces Greece as most competitive in region

    Turkey replaces Greece as most competitive in region

    Greece, plagued by debt and deficit problems, has been overtaken by Turkey in a new ranking.

    (Sofia News Agency, Dnevnik.bg, Mediapool, Mediafax – 18/05/11; International Institute for Management Development – 17/05/11)

    car manufacturingphoto

    Turkey climbs nine places in the Swiss-based IMD’s 2011 world competitiveness rankings. [Reuters]

    Turkey has emerged as the most competitive among five Southeast European (SEE) countries in a new survey by the International Institute for Management Development (IMD) on Tuesday (May 17th).

    A fast-growing economy, Turkey jumped nine places to 39th in the leading Swiss-based business school’s annual World Competitiveness Yearbook (WCY), which covers 59 industrialised and emerging economies this year. Turkey thus came out well ahead of Romania, Bulgaria, Greece and Croatia, the only other countries from the region included in the survey.

    The IMD, which has been publishing its competitiveness studies since 1989, analyses and ranks countries’ ability to create and maintain an environment in which enterprises can compete on the basis of 331 criteria. The data the Lausanne-based institute compiles for its surveys is grouped into four main categories: economic performance, government efficiency, business efficiency and infrastructure, which are then each divided into five sub-factors.

    Countries’ rankings are based on their overall scores of up to 100 points, two-thirds of which rests on statistical data and the remaining one-third on the responses of a total of 4,000 executives.

    This year, the United States and Hong Kong were given the best possible score of 100 points each, based on which the two tied in the pole position, ahead of 3rd-placed Singapore. The other countries in the top ten include Sweden, Switzerland, Taiwan, Canada, Qatar, Australia and Germany.

    Greece, which ranked highest among the SEE countries last year, slipped ten places to 56th in the IMD’s new survey, a reflection of the country’s worsening debt and deficit problems.

    As a result of this significant decline, Greece is now ranked lower than Turkey, Romania and Bulgaria. Among the SEE countries included in this year’s WCY, Greece is now ahead of Croatia, which has dropped two notches to 58th since 2010.

    Aside from Turkey, Romania is the only other SEE nation to have improved its ranking. It moved up four places to 50th, ahead of Slovenia, South Africa, Jordan and Argentina.

    Bulgaria, which was ranked 53rd last year, slipped to 55th place, reflecting its lower rankings on each of the four basic factors. The country lost most ground on government efficiency, falling nine places to 41st on this individual category. It also slipped five notches on infrastructure, to take 53rd place among the surveyed economies on this specific factor. Its worst scores, however, were for business efficiency, which placed it only two places from the bottom.

    “The world of competitiveness becomes more national” and is “characterised by a greater self-reliance of countries”, said Stephane Garelli, head of the IMD’s World Competitiveness Centre. “It increasingly emphasises re-industrialisation, exports, and a more critical look at delocalisation.”

    This content was commissioned for SETimes.com.

     

  • Greece, Turkey and Illegal Immigration

    Greece, Turkey and Illegal Immigration

    Refugees on the move.
    Refugees on the move.

    Greece over the past few years has become a source country concerning the entrance of a large number of illegal immigrants, mostly from Asian and African states, who enter mainly through the Greek-Turkish borders. The problem erupted on a full scale in the early 00s and continues with increasing pace.

    In 1999, it was reported that 17,000 illegal immigrants were arrested in the region of Evros alone, and the daily output of this illegal industry was calculated at 100,000 euros. Today, it has been estimated by the Greek police that up to 1,000 illegal aliens try to trespass the country each week, and that concerns just the Eastern Aegean island region.

    The vast majority of immigrants arrive from Turkey, which is used as a transit point from Asia to Europe as well as a coordinating center for this activity that is under the control of the organized crime networks in that country. The Turkish authorities have announced from time to time that they expel some 100,000 illegal immigrants from their territory each year, while between 1995 and 2005 they managed to expel over 575,000 and arrest 6,100 smugglers.

    The same criminal groups that are apt to secure great earnings from the modern slave trade are also involved in the narcotics and arms trafficking, thus presenting the real magnitude of the threat involved in a multifunctional crime-syndicate apparatus in Turkey, one that is also a threat to Greek and European stability. These estimations stream from international bodies such as the United Nationa and the Europol or national authorities such as the UK SOCA and the German BND.

    The prices for a “crossing” between the Asian Minor Shore and the Aegean Islands—a few miles apart—costs from $2,000 to $5,000, and for an illegal route from Turkey to northern Europe the smugglers demand up to $20,000.

    The immigrants from the African countries travel to Smyrna, Istanbul and Mersina through vessels crossing the Mediterranean Sea, while Arabs come mostly through the Syrian-Turkish borders. The Asians (Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Kurds and Afghani) pass through the Iranian-Turkish borders, and it has to be noted that both countries do not have a visa regime, although Tehran is accused by the world community as a sponsor of terrorism. Therefore the flow of people from Iran to Turkey is in fact unconstrained, and there has not been pressure to Ankara to alter this state of affairs with its neighbor.

    Istanbul in particular is the undisputable center where masses of illegal immigrants concentrate before be transported to the West. In the Vefa neighborhood right beside the Süleymaniye Mosque, the Iraqi-Kurdish immigrants gather. In the Laleli area the most immigrants come from the Caucasus. In the Aksaray and the Beyazit Meydani regions there are people from all corners of the Earth pilled in cheap hotels, and in the Tarlabasi sector the African immigrants.

    In a city of almost 15 million people, it is roughly estimated that between 250,000 and 500,000 of those are illegally residing, coming from other countries and waiting mainly to find a way towards Europe, mainly through Greece.

    The traffickers are able to issue fake visas and passports along with other necessary travel documents, and sometimes they spot potential “clients” in the aforementioned neighborhoods or outside embassies and consulates. They charge up to $15,000 for a passage to the West, depending on demand. That includes mostly transport to Greece or Italy via the sea routes by speedboat or, in most cases, an old vessel. According to Police reports by Greece and other E.U. states, the main exit ports in Turkey are Ayvalik, Ayvacik, Izmir, Kusadasi, Foca, Alacati, Sigacik, Didim, Bodrum, Datca, Marmaris and Bozburuk.

    If the client cannot pay the full amount, he is basically sold to his future employer, usually a second-generation immigrant in a European city, where he works until he repays his voyage. Thus London, Paris and Berlin have amassed a considerable number of modern-day slaves who work for almost nothing, long-hours under conditions of extreme stress and insecurity. The present state of turbulence in the Arab-Muslim world will only make things worse, since a significant number of people from this region will seek to enter Europe via the same routes.

    Upon reaching Turkish territory, the immigrants are literally stashed in old warehouses or decaying apartments and wait for their transfer. In the meantime—a period up to 3 years—they work as underpaid manual workers in the local tourist and industry businesses, thus minimizing labor costs in Turkey. Turkish groups dominate illegal immigration routes and regularly import Asians to Greece. In 2004 it was noted that over a million illegal immigrants are “in transit” from Turkey towards the Western European countries.

    In 2007, at least 150 Turkish citizens were arrested for participating in this activity, also associated with document forgery in complicity with Pakistani and Iraqi groups in Greece. Especially in the Athens region, there has been a particular expansion of the reach of the above groups that also run protection rackets within their communities. There was a dramatic rise in arrests within the illegal immigrant population in Greece between 2007 and 2010, resulting in a great number of those being held in correction facilities due to their involvement in petty crime and drug trade.

    The combat of illegal immigration is a top priority for the Greek security forces that have managed to repatriate more than 2.2 million people over the past 15 years, truly an impressive figure for a nation of just 11 million citizens in the outermost end of Continental Europe. Gradually, since the collapse of the Iron Curtain in 1989-1991, illegal immigration along with organized crime became an everyday reality in Greece with armed robberies increasing as much as 500 percent and burglaries over 800 percent, along with a flood of narcotics coming from the northern and eastern borders of the country.

    Moreover, sex trafficking became a lucrative illegal trade, and in 2009 a police operation codenamed “Vitrin” that resulted in 75 arrests proved the existence of a well-formatted group that earned as much as 50,000 euros per day from the exploitation of the modern-day white slavery. Similar cases are currently being routinely reported, as well as organized kidnappings of Asian immigrants by their compatriots for ransom, or cases of forced labor in the same communities. It is certain that organized crime has a nexus with the above illegal activities, since it is supplied eagerly by human resources desperate to make a living in a foreign land.

    Greece and Turkey signed a bilateral agreement concerning organized crime and illegal immigration in 2003, and in 2005, although they have not been practically put into action. Athens accuses the other side that it does not conform at all in the obligations written in the official documents, such as re-acceptance of expelled people from Greece who had left previously the Turkish coastline.

    In 2009, Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs Ahmet Davutoglu recognized officially that Ankara is hesitant in accepting back illegal aliens entering from its territory in the European Union. Also, due to Turkey’s no-visa regime with Iran, Afghani illegal immigrants find it rather easy venturing through Iran, which has lax controls, up to the Balkans.

    The same year,witnessed a record number of 146,337 illegal immigrants coming from Turkey and being arrested at the borders by the Greek authorities. More than 2,200 people were arrested as traffickers, most of them being of Greek, Turkish, Albanian and Bulgarian nationalities. Athens filled several complaints against Turkey of failing to accept back 60,000 people, as it was originally planned, and it was recorded that just 2,206 were eventually repatriated in Turkey.

    The result has been the activation of FRONTEX, an E.U. body responsible for border control that stations a multi-European task force and has assisted to an extent in decreasing the levels of the immigration flow from Asia to Europe through Turkey. Nevertheless, the latest dramatic developments in Syria and the instability in the whole of the Middle East and North Africa point out that surely a new movement of immigrants should be expected by late summer 2011. In addition, the formal acceptance in the Schengen treaty of both Bulgaria and Romania on October 2011 opens up a new E.U. entry point that will surely be exploited by traffickers.

    For the time being, Greece and Bulgaria have announced plans of creating walls on their borders, in a similar fashion to the U.S.-Mexican borderline, although the sea borders are the main hot spots and their surveillance requires a whole new perception of border control. The Greek-Turkish borders are the main E.U. concern along with the southern Italian and Spanish ones that border with Libya and Morocco, respectively.

    Any solution can be accomplished only on a pan-European level, and should include political and economic initiatives that will encompass a wide range of measures aiming at preserving stability in the Mediterranean. Otherwise there are several worst-case scenarios being reviewed in think-tanks and security institutions across Europe that predict a mass movement of immigrants that will virtually paralyze border-control infrastructure and bring about political repercussions in the European continent.

    View the Worldpress Desk’s profile for Ioannis Michaletos.