Category: Asia and Pacific

  • Turkey-based magazine writes “Chirpinirdi Gara deniz” is Armenian song

    Turkey-based magazine writes “Chirpinirdi Gara deniz” is Armenian song

     

     
     

    [ 21 Nov 2008 18:00 ]
    Ankara – APA. Turkey-based monthly “Yeni aktuel” magazine wrote that the music of “Chirpinirdi Gara deniz” belonged to Armenian ashug Sayat Nova, APA reports.

    The magazine writes that Sayat Nova, who lived in the 18th century, devoted this song to his kamancha. Nationalists in Turkey changed the words of the song in 1960. The magazine also claims that “Memleketim” song, which became popular with Ayten Alpman’s performance, after Turkish Army entered Cyprus Island to save Turks in 1974, was Jewish song.

    The words of “Chirpinirdi Gara deniz” were written by Azerbaijani poet Ahmad Javad and music by outstanding composer Uzeyir Hajibayli. Ahmad Javad wrote the poem after Ottoman army under the leadership of Nuru pasha liberated Baku.

    “Yeni aktuel” magazine belongs to Turkuaz Media Group. Calik Holding holds 75% of the shares in the Media Group. Media Group also includes ATV TV channel, Sabah newspaper and other newspaper and magazines.

  • Uzbek History Textbook Denounces Soviet Totalitarianism But Downplays Popular Movements in Uzbekistan

    Uzbek History Textbook Denounces Soviet Totalitarianism But Downplays Popular Movements in Uzbekistan

    Paul Goble

    Kuressaare, November 21 – A history textbook prepared for tenth graders in Uzbekistan on the Soviet period denounces communist totalitarianism in sweeping terms, but it downplays popular movements that have struggled for democracy in that Central Asian country in recent years and ignores many events that the current Tashkent regime finds inconvenient.
    Because most people “conceive the history of their country as [they] are told about it in school,” Mariya Yanovskaya says in an article posted on the Ferghana.ru portal, history as presented in school texts is one of the most sensitive political issues in many countries, including all the post-Soviet states (www.ferghana.ru/article.php?id=5959).
    Recently, there have been intense discussions over new texts in the Russian Federation which portray Stalin’s terror as an appropriate modernization technique and school books in Ukraine that argue the 1932-33 famine was a genocide that Moscow launched against the Ukrainian people.
    Because the media inside Uzbekistan is more tightly controlled than in either of those countries, this history textbook is unlikely to provoke similar debates. But that makes Yanovskaya’s review especially important because it provides important insights into what the next generation of Uzbeks is likely to think about their past and hence their future.
    The book opens with the following declaration: “Dear Students! The textbook which you are holding in your hands covers the most complex and contradictory period of the history of the Fatherland, a period of heavy losses, tragic events and also of heroic struggle for freedom and independence, a period of victories and defeats and of self-sacrificing labor of our people.”
    Then, Yanovskaya says, the book stresses that the Uzbeks not only resisted but hated Soviet power from the beginning. It denounces the Bolshevik destruction of the Kokand autonomy, pointing out that the Bolsheviks and their Red Army allies killed more than 100,000 people in that city alone.
    “The basic part of the indigenous population did not recognize the Bolsheviks or the Soviet system,” the text says, in large measure because that system pursued “a colonialist policy,” sought to destroy religion, and acted in other ways to denigrate the dignity of the people of Uzbekistan.
    The Uzbeks and the other peoples of Central Asia struggled for many years in a movement that the Soviets dismissively call “the basmachi movement” but which the people there referred as “the freeman’s movement,” the textbook continues in increasingly emotional terms.
    And the book points out that “the totalitarian regime destroyed not only thousands of fighters who sacrificed themselves for the interests of the people but also tens of thousands of innocent victims. Soviet power throughout the ensuing years continued to conduct a repressive policy which brought the population much grief and suffering.”
    In other passages, the new textbook talked about Stalinist crimes “against whole peoples” during and after World War II, a reference to the deportation of nationalities which it calls “unforgivable criminal acts.” The book talks about the brutal transformation of Uzbek society and the Uzbek economy by Moscow and its agents.
    Yanovskaya says that she “would like to read such lines” in a textbook prepared by Moscow historians for schools in the Russian Federation, but her comments throughout the review make it clear that she doesn’t have that chance now and does not expect to have it anytime soon.
    But as the Uzbek textbook deals with more recent events, she says, it falls far short of what she would like to see in three respects. First, it utterly fails to explain how the Soviet Union in fact brought some real benefits to the people there, benefits that led them to vote overwhelmingly for the preservation of the USSR.
    “About that referendum,” she writes, “there is not a word in the textbook,” although “like a red thread” throughout this period it specifies that “the dream of independence never left the minds and hearts of advanced people. … In the heart of the people never were extinguished a striving for independence and dreams about the freedom of the Fatherland.”
    And it suggests in her words “that when Islam Abduganiyevich Karimov came to power, the dreams were realized. The country is now happy, independent and proceeding in giant steps toward a bright future, which is being build under the leadership … [and Yanovskaya says she almost wrote “ ‘the communist party.’”
    Second, the textbook specifically criticizes those national movements which sought democracy rather than the solidification of the Karimov regime. “One of the main errors of the ‘Birlik’ movement,” the textbook insists, “consisted in its lack of understanding of the true interests of our people.”
    Its activists “involved themselves with the organization of meetings and demonstrations thus putting psychological pressure on local leaders and searching for errors and shortcomings in the activity of the government and local organs of power. Therefore, the movement could not capture the support of the broad strata of the population.”
    And as for the Erk Party, the textbook simply says that it “did not have a precise program for the construction of a new society,” the kind of language and attitude about opponents that was such a prominent feature of Soviet textbooks and that continues to inform, albeit with new targets, the textbooks of Uzbekistan and other post-Soviet states.
    And third, and again like Soviet textbooks, the Uzbek history text simply ignores many inconvenient events or describes them in such generalized terms that only those who already know something about the history of the republic could possibly understand as references to these events.
    Thus, there is not a single word about the destructive earthquake in Tashkent in April 1966, nor is there any real information about the conflicts with the Meskhetian Turks or with the Kyrgyz in the late 1980s or about “the modernizing, developing and innovative role” of Moscow and the Soviet system in the development of Uzbekistan.
    In short, she suggests, the children of Uzbekistan are getting a Soviet-style version of reality, albeit one in which the things Moscow took pride in are denounced and the things Moscow denounced are praised, a pattern that does no more to promote independent thought than did the one in the Soviet textbooks. But that of course is almost certainly the point.

    http://windowoneurasia.blogspot.com/2008/11/window-on-eurasia-uzbek-history.html

  • LECTURE- Rebiya Kadeer, Human Rights in Xinjiang, MSU, East Lansing, Nov. 20

    LECTURE- Rebiya Kadeer, Human Rights in Xinjiang, MSU, East Lansing, Nov. 20

    Talk Announcement:

    Human Rights in Xinjiang and the Plight of Uyghurs

    A talk by Rebiya Kadeer, president of the World Uyghur Congress and a
    Nobel Peace Prize candidate

    Time: 3:30 pm
    Date: Thursday, November 20, 2008
    Place: 201 International Center
    Michigan State University

    East Lansing, Michigan

    Sponsored by the Michigan State University (MSU)
    Center for European, Russian and Eurasian Studies
    and the Muslim Studies Program

    For more information contact:
    Timur Kocaoglu, office phone: 517-884-2169
    E-mail: timur@msu.edu

  • Azerbaijan to join 1st Conference of Parliamentary Assembly of Turkic-speaking countries

    Azerbaijan to join 1st Conference of Parliamentary Assembly of Turkic-speaking countries

    Baku. Elnur Mammadli–APA. Delegation of Azerbaijani Parliament will leave for Turkey on Thursday to participate at the 1st Conference of the Parliamentary Assembly of Turkic-speaking countries. The Azerbaijani delegation will be headed by Speaker Ogtay Asadov, Spokesman for the Parliament Akif Nasirov told journalists, APA reports. The conference will take place on November 20-22. Delegations of Azerbaijani, Turkish, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan parliaments will sign agreement to found Parliamentary Assembly of the Turkic-speaking countries.

  • Bryza Says Karabakh Deal ‘Definitely Possible’

    Bryza Says Karabakh Deal ‘Definitely Possible’

     

     

     

    By Tigran Avetisian

    The chief United States negotiator in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict sounded optimistic that the continuing Armenian-Azerbaijani talks can ultimately produce “a balanced agreement acceptable to both parties”, but said he expected no breakthrough by the end of this year.

    In an interview with RFE/RL’s Armenian Service, US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Matthew Bryza said there was no need to force the process to accelerate.

    “The process is moving at its own momentum thanks to the fact that Presidents Ilham Aliev [of Azerbaijan] and Serzh Sarkisian [of Armenia] seem to have developed some sort of personal chemistry and mutual respect, and maybe even the beginning of trust for each other,” he added.

    The American cochairman of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s (OSCE) Minsk Group, however, thinks that building trust requires time.

    “We can’t force it,” said Bryza, at the same time describing as ‘quite significant’ the recent declaration signed by the leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan in Moscow.

    “It was a declaration that was not issued in any way outside of the framework of the Minsk Group,” said Bryza, who along with his French and Russian counterparts attended the Moscow summit of Sarkisian and Aliev.

    “The fact that [Russian] President Dmitry Medvedev decided he wanted to play some sort of a role or maybe strengthen Russia’s reputation a bit in the South Caucasus is fine. Because what he produced or helped produce is a very useful document.”

    The Moscow declaration signed by the presidents of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Russia, in particular, refers to the principles that were drafted and presented to the parties at the OSCE summit in Madrid a year ago as a possible basis for continued negotiations and an ultimate peaceful, political solution to the long-running dispute. The proposed package aims to reconcile two seemingly conflicting principles of international law, namely territorial integrity and self-determination.

    According to Bryza, “any agreement that will ever be reached between the sides has to have elements of both fundamental principles included, and in a way acceptable to both sides.”

    “So we are not at the final agreement yet, and therefore we haven’t come up with a way to include those principles explicitly. Now we have an ambiguous formulation in the Moscow declaration, but still it is a vague formulation that tries to achieve a balance between those two principles,” the mediator said. “It is our job now to help the two presidents come up with the way to be more explicit in their formulation of how to incorporate both the principles of self-determination and territorial integrity as well as, by the way, nonuse of force into the final document.”

    Bryza described the proposal put by the Minsk Group troika on the table in Madrid last November as ‘very good’ and said: “Now the challenge is to make sure we can perfect those ideas in a way that both sides’ citizens can accept.”

    A referendum of self-determination at some future date in Nagorno-Karabakh appears to be a key element of the proposal.

    According to Bryza, however, all important issues related to such a referendum, including the way it is organized, its timing and participants, are “still under negotiation.”

    https://www.azatutyun.am/a/1598425.html

  • Russian defense minister warns of another, worse Georgian war

    Russian defense minister warns of another, worse Georgian war

     
       

    ANKARA, November 18 (RIA Novosti) – The Russian defense minister warned on Tuesday that Georgia’s military buildup and drive to join NATO could cause a conflict worse than the five-day war over South Ossetia in August.

    Russia and Georgia fought a brief war in August after Tbilisi launched an offensive in an attempt to regain control of breakaway South Ossetia. Moscow subsequently recognized the republic and Abkhazia, another separatist Georgian region, as independent states.

    “We are worried by the military buildup being conducted by the Georgian authorities and the country’s drive toward NATO. These moves could cause a conflict worse than the August events,” Anatoly Serdyukov said after talks in Ankara with Turkish Defense Minister Mehmet Gonul.

    At a summit in April, NATO member states decided to put off a decision on whether to grant Membership Action Plans to Georgia and Ukraine until December. Their bids have received strong U.S. backing, but ran into opposition from some European alliance members, including Germany and France, who said that opening the path to membership for the two former Soviet republics would unnecessarily antagonize Moscow.

    Russian President Dmitry Medvedev told journalists on Tuesday that Russia would have no contacts with Georgia’s current government but expressed the hope that despite the August armed conflict relations between Russian and Georgian people would not deteriorate.

    “We will have no contacts at all with the current regime and we view their policies as criminal,” Medvedev said.