Category: East Asia & Pacific

  • Uyghur problem for Obama and Medvedev

    Uyghur problem for Obama and Medvedev

    17:35 06/07/2009

    MOSCOW. (RIA Novosti political commentator Dmitry Kosyrev) – The ongoing ethnic riots in Urumqi, China, can threaten other countries, in particular the United States and Russia.

    The growth of Uyghur terrorism can complicate Barack Obama’s anti-terrorism policy focused on Afghanistan and Pakistan and affect Russia’s policy in Central Asia.

    Since life itself is forcing Russia and the U.S. to cooperate in Central Asia and Afghanistan, we can presume that President Dmitry Medvedev and President Barack Obama wish the Chinese authorities success in restoring order in Urumqi.

    Riots broke out in Urumqi, capital of the Xinjiang Uyghur province in northwest China, on July 5. They were organized by Uyghurs and were foreseen to claim lives.

    First, the reason for the riots was the killing of two Uyghurs, most likely by the police, in Shaoguan in southern China, on June 25 during demonstrations provoked by government handling of a conflict between Han Chinese and Uyghur factory workers.

    Ten days later, several hundred Uyghurs, most of them peaceful people, held a demonstration in Urumqi. At the same time, their much less peaceful compatriots started burning and smashing vehicles and confronting security forces.

    Second, I cannot imagine anyone setting fire to a shop with a lighter. You need at least a canister of gasoline to do that. It reminded me about the anti-Chinese riots in Lhasa, Tibet, in March 2008. In both cases, there were trained provocateurs inciting the public.

    Another factor proving my point is the reported number of the dead, over 140 as of Monday. There are never so many dead during ordinary, spontaneous street unrest.

    Like Tibetans, Uyghurs are an ethnic minority with a powerful foreign diaspora. The Uyghur diaspora is known for its terrorist groups, which have staged more than one terrorist attack in China’s main cities other than in Xinjiang.

    The Chinese authorities may have pointed to the rioters’ links with these groups too soon, but they could logically presume such connection as all previous riots were proved to be connected to the diaspora.

    There are many possible links apart from the U.S.-based World Uyghur Congress (WUC).

    Until recently, one of such links could lead to Kyrgyzstan, which has a large Uyghur population. It is for that reason that in the 1990s China focused on a project that has since become known as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.

    People from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and other neighboring countries routinely go to Urumqi for their purchases, medical assistance, and recreation. Urumqi is a trade and business center of a booming economic zone, which incorporates all Central Asian people and their West Chinese colleagues.

    For this reason, we need not worry that the terrorist groups made up of Chinese minorities will receive assistance from Central Asia. However, it transpired in the 1980s that Uyghur terrorists were connected with subversives in Afghanistan and Pakistan. So, theoretically, Uyghurs, who are Muslims, are one of the problems facing Obama and Medvedev.

    Like many other similar organizations operating in the United States or any other country, Uyghurs are financed by American NGOs. This is an element of the U.S. policy that has failed, even though the new administration has not yet officially disavowed it.

    Besides, leaving such organizations to their own devices could be dangerous, as proved by the example of Al Qaeda.

    The opinions expressed in this article are the author’s and do not necessarily represent those of RIA Novosti.

  • Uyghurs Abroad Blame China Policies For Unrest

    Uyghurs Abroad Blame China Policies For Unrest

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    An image released by the U.S.-based Uyghur American Association of the clashes in Urumqi on July 5.

    July 06, 2009

    Current and former Uyghur activists abroad have rejected Chinese officials’ accusations of involvement in weekend violence that has left 140 people dead and hundreds injured in Xinjiang province, a heavily Uyghur swath of western China where ethnic and social frustrations run high.

    Chinese officials have blamed “separatists” in the Xinjiang autonomous region and Uyghur plotters abroad — including the World Uyghur Congress — for rioting that broke out on July 5 and quickly escalated before thousands of additional security troops were dispatched to get a handle on the unrest.

    Uyghur exiles have rejected Chinese officials’ claims of a plot and said the unrest was caused by police opening fire on a peaceful protest. The exiles said the riot was an outpouring of anger over government policies and Han Chinese dominance of economic opportunities.

    Police and other security forces continued their stepped-up presence on July 6, and reports suggested the streets were largely quiet.

    In a telephone interview with RFE/RL’s Tatar-Bashkir Service from his home in Germany, the vice president of the World Uyghur Congress, Asgar Can, downplayed Chinese allegations of involvement by his group in the unrest.

    “If any protest appears in East Turkistan [the Xinjiang region], the Chinese government always blames the World Uyghur Congress for allegedly arranging those protests,” Can said. “Instead of blaming us, the government should listen to the problems of Uyghurs in the region and give what our people demand from the government, and this kind of protest would never happen.”

    Can accused Beijing of persecuting Uyghurs through suppression of their Turkic language as well as religion and speech, population-control measures, and nuclear tests in their historical homeland.

    “This protest is just a response to the inhuman treatment of Uyghurs by the Chinese government,” Can said.

    His group issued a statement condemning “China’s brutal crackdown of a peaceful protest in Urumchi.”

    Major Minority

    Uyghurs are thought to compose roughly half of the Xinjiang region’s population of around 16 million.

    In a historical context Xinjiang (New Frontier) is widely regarded as a part of Central Asia and, specifically, a region known as Eastern Turkistan. It became a tense hot spot following the implosion of the Soviet Union and newfound independence for five Central Asian republics in 1991.

    As a result, clashes between the most outspoken Uyghur proponents of independence and Chinese authorities have been a frequent occurrence over the past 15 years or so.

    Speaking after the latest unrest, Rozimukhamet Abdulbakiev, a former Uyghur activist in neighboring Kygyzstan, suggested the woeful rights situation was to blame for the kind of deep resentment that might have sparked the bloodshed.

    “When the Soviet Union collapsed and the Kyrgyz, Kazakh, Uzbek states became independent, the Uyghurs became especially eager [to pursue] their independence with a new strength — this is what we’re seeing today,” Abdulbakiev, a former head of NGO Ittipaq (Unity) in Kyrgyzstan, told RFE/RL’s Kyrgyz Service in Bishkek.

    “If the Chinese government were democratic and if it carried out political reforms, then this kind of harsh resistance would disappear,” he added.

    Abdulbakiev called the unrest “a political and social matter” with roots in Beijing’s treatment of a beleaguered minority.

    “Even though China granted Xinjiang the status of an autonomous Uyghur region, there is no sign of autonomy there. There are no rights for Uyghurs there — nothing,” Abdulbakiev said. “The Chinese totalitarian regime has suppressed all freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of personality, freedom of conscience [for Uyghurs] — that is why, of course, people have risen against it.”

    Xinjiang is a major corridor for Chinese trade and energy ties with Central Asia, and is itself rich in gas, minerals, and agricultural production.

    Other International Reaction

    The latest violence followed a June clash between Uyghurs and Han Chinese in the southern Guangdong province in June that reportedly left two Uyghurs dead.

    UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon responded to the violence by saying differences must be resolved peacefully through dialogue. He also urged governments to protect the lives and safety of civilians, as well as freedoms of speech, assembly, and information.

    Italy’s President Giorgio Napolitano brought up the question of human rights at a press conference with his Chinese counterpart, Hu Jintao, in Rome. He said both sides agreed that “economic and social progress that is being achieved in China places new demands in terms of human rights.”

    In London, a spokesman for Prime Minister Gordon Brown urged restraint from all sides.

    written by Andy Heil and RFE/RL correspondent Antoine Blua with contributions from RFE/RL’s Kyrgyz and Tatar-Bashkir Services

    https://www.rferl.org/a/Kyrgyz_Uyghur_Sees_Roots_Of_China_Unrest_In_Beijing_Policies/1770623.html

  • Urumqi Tense, Quiet after Violence

    Urumqi Tense, Quiet after Violence

    2009-07-05

    China blames overseas Uyghurs for inciting rioting in the northwestern city, saying at least 140 people died in the violence.

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    Sent by a witness

    On this picture sent to RFA by a witness, cordons of Chinese riot police face up to demonstrators on July 5, in Urumqi.

    UPDATED JULY 5, 1722 GMT

    HONG KONGChinese authorities in the northwestern Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) said the capital Urumqi was calm under tight security following deadly weekend riots, with tensions still simmering below the surface, as the United Nations chief called for restraint and peaceful dialogue.

    The clashes, which left at least 140 dead and hundreds injured, flared after an initially peaceful demonstration took to the city’s streets in protest at how the authorities handled recent violence between majority Han Chinese and Uyghur factory workers in the southern province of Guangdong, eyewitnesses said.

    According to the official Chinese Xinhua news agency, 57 dead bodies were retrieved from Urumqi’s streets and lanes, while all the others were confirmed dead at hospitals.

    Security forces were now manning checkpoints at strategic points throughout the city, and ethnic minority officers were being drafted from outlying regions to help interrogate detained suspects, police said.

    XUAR police chief Liu Yaohua told reporters Monday that apart from the 140 confirmed dead, 828 people were injured in the deadly violence that erupted Sunday night, and that the death toll would “continue to climb.”

    Liu said rioters burned 261 motor vehicles, including 190 buses, at least 10 taxis and two police cars, with vehicles still visibly aflame on the city streets early Monday.

    Rioters destroyed 203 shops and 14 homes, and several hundred people had been detained, he added.

    “Police have tightened security in downtown Urumqi streets and at key institutions such as power and natural gas companies and TV stations to prevent large-scale riots,” Xinhua quoted Liu as saying.

    International concern

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    Armored police car in an unknown Urumqi street, on July 5.
    In Geneva, United National Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon called Monday for restraint, while Italian President Giorgio Napolitano raised the issue of human rights with Chinese President Hu Jintao and British Prime Minister Gordon Brown’s government voiced concern over the violence. In Washington, U.S. officials declined to comment.

    “Wherever it is happening or has happened, the position of the United Nations and the secretary-general has been consistent and clear: that all the differences of opinion, whether domestic or international, must be resolved peacefully through dialogue,” Ban told a news conference.

    “Governments concerned must also exercise extreme care and take necessary measures to protect the life and safety of the civilian population and their citizens and their properties, and protect freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, and freedom of information,” he added.

    Fear of escalation

    Uyghur witnesses said the protest began when as many as 1,000 Uyghurs gathered to demand a probe into the deadly fight in Guangdong late last month.

    Before the demonstrators reached the People’s Square in central Urumqi, armed police were in position and moved to disperse them, one witness said.

    Police “scattered them [the protesters],” he said. “They beat them. Beat them, including girls, very, very viciously,” he said. “The police were chasing them and captured many of them. They were beaten badly.”

    ‘Electroshock weapons’

    “When the demonstrators reached the People’s Square, armed police suppressed them using electroshock weapons and so on,” he said, adding, “after that, other protests erupted in Uyghur areas of town.”

    A shopowner in Urumqi who declined to give his name said he had had to close for business as police swarmed through the city.

    “We closed our doors from last night. Armed police dispersed the protesters in about two hours. Firefighters were also dispatched and last night police were all over the city,” he said in an interview Monday.

    “Riots took place in bus stations, in tourist spots, and in shopping areas. Scores of Uyghurs were killed. Armed police were carrying automatic assault rifles and machine guns. There were thousands of soldiers. It had a tremendous impact, and we won’t be able to go to work for three days,” another resident said, also speaking on condition on anonymity.

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    A young Uyghur man is being taken away by two helmeted Chinese policemen in an Urumqi street, on July 5.
    “When the protest started… I was near the Bank of China in Nanmen. There were many people. Police surrounded the areas from Döngköwrük to Nanmen,” one youth said Sunday. “There were police, paramilitary. They were fully armored, and they had steel helmets, too.”

    “One was giving a speech in front of the bank and people were applauding him… Most of them were students,” he said.

    “Police circled around them, and we couldn’t get inside.”

    Another youth said the protest began peacefully but became violent after police fired on the crowd, and protesters then attacked cars and shops. His account couldn’t be independently confirmed.

    City ‘now calm’

    A police officer contacted by telephone early Monday said a curfew had been imposed on Uyghur areas.

    “People are dead. This might have planned by evil-minded people,” the officer said.

    Urumqi is home to 2.3 million residents, including many Uyghurs, who have chafed for years under Chinese rule. The city is located 3,270 kms (2,050 miles) west of Beijing.

    Uyghur sources said the protest was organized online and began early July 5  with about 1,000 people but grew by thousands more during the day.

    Online messages meanwhile called on Uyghurs in other major cities to stage protests Monday to show support for the Uyghurs who died in Shaoguan.

    “We decided to hold a demonstration and stressed that it shouldn’t be violent,” an organizer of Sunday’s demonstration said in an interview.

    Security in Urumqi is always tight, including strict controls over information. Witnesses spoke Sunday on condition of anonymity.

    Exiles blamed

    In a televised speech on Monday, XUAR Governor Nur Bekri explicitly blamed the clashes on Rebiya Kadeer, a former businesswoman who was jailed by Chinese authorities for subversion before she was paroled and admitted to the United States.

    Kadeer now serves as leader of the Washington-based Uyghur American Association and Munich-based World Uyghur Congress, and she has been accused repeatedly of fomenting separatism among Uyghurs against the Chinese authorities.

    “This riot is typical, directed from overseas but carried out inside [China], organized and premeditated,” Nur Bekri said. “On July 5, Rebiya made a phone call to China to incite the riot and by 7 p.m.  protests erupted in Urumqi, and in some locations there was violence.”

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    Smoke rise above Urumqi from a location near South Gate (Nan Min) on July 5, as demonstrators clashed with police.
    Both Kadeer and a spokesman for the World Uyghur Congress, Dilshat Rashit, have rejected the charge.

    The Uyghur American Association, in a statement late Sunday, cited reports that 1,000 to 3,000 protesters marched through the Döngköwrük [Erdaoqiao] area of Urumqi on Sunday, “some of whom were waving the flag of the People’s Republic of China.”

    Chinese authorities deployed regular police, anti-riot police, special police, and the People’s Armed Police to contain them, it said, citing unnamed witnesses as saying that an unknown number of Uyghur protesters died after police fired on them.

    Kadeer said the violence “could have been avoided if the Chinese authorities had properly investigated the Shaoguan killings.”

    In separate interviews, three Uyghur youths now under Chinese government protection said the fighting in Shaoguan began when Han Chinese laborers stormed the dormitories of Uyghur colleagues, beating them with clubs, bars, and machetes.

    The clashes began late June 25 and lasted into the early hours of the following day. At least two people were killed and 118 injured, and witnesses said the numbers could be higher.

    Underlying resentment

    message_250
    Screen shot from a message board in Uyghur showing a message in an image, calling for a demonstration in Kashgar, in front of the mosque, on July 6.
    Like Tibet, which erupted in protests in early 2008, the XUAR has long been home to smoldering ethnic tensions related to religion, culture, and regional economic development that residents say has disproportionately enriched and employed majority Han Chinese immigrants.

    China has accused Uyghur separatists of fomenting unrest in the region, particularly in the run-up to and during the Olympics last year, when a wave of violence hit the vast desert region.

    The violence prompted a crackdown in which the government says 1,295 people were detained for state security crimes, along with tighter curbs on the practice of Islam.

    XUAR Party Chief Wang Lequan was quoted in China’s official media as saying the fight against these forces was a “life or death struggle,” and he has spoken since of the need to “strike hard” against ethnic separatism.

    Activists have reported wide-scale detentions, arrests, new curbs on religious practices, travel restrictions, and stepped-up controls over free expression.

    Original reporting by Mamatjan Juma, Shohret Hoshur, and Mehriban for RFA’s Uyghur service and by Qiao Long fro RFA’s Mandarin service. Translated from the Uyghur by Mamatjan Juma and from the Mandarin by Jia Yuan. Uyghur service director: Dolkun Kamberi. Mandarin service director: Jennifer Chou. Written and produced in English by Sarah Jackson-Han. Edited by Luisetta Mudie.

    https://www.rfa.org/english/news/uyghur/riots-07052009153209.html
  • Uighurs need media attention

    Uighurs need media attention

    Dear friends,

    According to a resident, internet has been disconnected through out Xinjiang, a sign that the Chinese gov. has and will murder many more innocent Uighurs.  They have confiscated phones, cell phones, computers and any other form of communication devices for they do not want the world to hear the protesters’s cries for help.  It is now our job to communicate the message that these brave Uighurs are sacrificing their lives to communicate to the rest of the World.  We need as much media attention as we can get, please contact your local media and give them information about he protest and let them know that this was a peaceful protest that is violently suppressed by the Chinese gov.  Email them, call them, mail them, send them photos, links, youtube videos, please be presistant remind them that the people are dying by the second and we can not afford to waste any time.  It may be hard to divert media attention from the ever so important Michael Jackson’s death, but please be persuasive, try to evoke their compassion if they have any, with videos and photos of this horrific event!!!!!!

    Thank you and God bless!

  • Kashgar Facing Threat Of Bulldozers

    Kashgar Facing Threat Of Bulldozers

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    Demolition has begun in parts of Kashgar’s Old City.

    June 30, 2009
    By Antoine Blua

    The ancient Silk Road trading hub of Kashgar, in China’s northwest Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, is being threatened by an ambitious government redevelopment plan that some say has a hidden political agenda.

    Kashgar’s old city has survived the centuries, and remains an important Islamic cultural center for the Uyghurs, the Turkic ethnic group living in Xinjiang.

    According to Matthew Hu Xinyu, an adviser to the nongovernmental Beijing Cultural Protection Center, the densely packed houses and narrow lanes of old Kashgar are the best-preserved examples of a traditional Islamic city in all of China.

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    Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Province in northwest China

    But the government’s reconstruction plan, Hu says, is threatening to destroy the picturesque labyrinth that makes up old Kashgar.

    “Last fall, I heard that the plan would be carried out through the next three years. I thought we would have some time to organize experts or architects to work on a constructive plan — to suggest a more conservative plan — so that the city’s heritage can be preserved,” Hu said. “But early this year the total investment for the plan has been increased to [$440 million], and the demolition of the old houses started very quickly.”

    City officials have been moving a number of families out of Kashgar’s city center, saying they need to rebuild old, dangerous houses and improve infrastructure. In total, the government says it plans to renovate or reconstruct more than 5 million square meters of old homes and resettle some 45,000 households.

    Officials say the project is necessary because an earthquake could destroy old buildings, putting residents at risk. Indeed, earthquakes frequently rock Xinjiang. In 2003, a quake killed some 270 people.

    Reports say wrecking crews razed the historic Xanliq madrasah, one of the province’s protected cultural sites, on June 15. Mahmud al-Kashgari, the 11th-century scholar, is believed to have studied at the madrasah.

    Traditional Lives

    Dominated by a gigantic statue of Mao, old Kashgar has seen many changes in recent decades, including the construction of a main street running through the old town center. Cars, buses, and trucks clog the city streets.

    Still, many residents manage to live a far more traditional life. They live in tumbledown mud-brick rentals or two-story homes that open onto courtyards. Artisans hammer metal bowls, pans, and pots, carve wood, and hone brightly decorated knives.

    Street vendors sell hand-made candy, fresh mutton, or hand-sewn skull caps. Donkey-cart drivers navigate the narrow streets.

    It’s unclear what will remain of the design and way of life of the city, which is hundreds of years old, after the reconstruction project is completed. The city says important buildings will be preserved, while many homes will be rebuilt to better withstand earthquakes while still preserving Uyghur building styles. However, several sectors are expected to be rebuilt with modern apartment buildings, public plazas, and schools.

    Officials say infrastructure such as water, electricity, and sewers systems also will be installed.

    No Details Forthcoming

    The Beijing Cultural Protection Center says nobody denies Uyghurs the right to development, modernization, and security. But the center worries that it has been unable to obtain any details of the reconstruction plan, which Hu says should ensure the preservation of the city’s unique heritage.

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    A gate in Kashgar’s Old City

    “If we look at every single one of these Uyghur people’s homes [individually], it’s not significant, [although] some of them have very interesting carvings on the door frame or on the architecture, the wooden parts,” Hu says.

    “But this group of [homes] shows a way of life [and] a way of urban planning — how the city can be organized around different mosques. If we have the houses removed and rebuilt, then this layout will disappear, and the significance of the city will disappear,” he said.

    China and Central Asian states support a plan to propose major Silk Road sites for inclusion on the UNESCO World Heritage List, an incentive for governments to preserve areas of historical and cultural significance.

    Beijing, however, has not included old Kashgar in its list of proposed sites.

    Henryk Szadziewski, manager of the Uyghur Human Rights Project in Washington, D.C., taught for several years in Kashgar in the 1990s. He tells RFE/RL that there’s no clear indication of what is going to be done with the remaining old city.

    “As far as we understand the project, a remainder of the old city would be left, I imagine, to attract tourists. But who is going to manage that area and profit from the tourist revenue?” Szadziewski asks. “The tourist industry is worth about [$90 million] a year in Kashgar. We also have to remember that we have no indication that there was any meaningful participatory process that meant that the old city residents were party to the decision making.”

    Political Aspects Seen

    The preservation of Kashgar’s old town is facing challenges similar to those facing the preservation of other Chinese cities. But many see a political aspect to the redevelopment project in Kashgar, which Chinese officials consider a breeding ground for Uyghur separatism.

    Chinese officials in recent years have alleged that Kashgar harbors terrorist cells. Uyghur extremists were blamed for a fatal attack on border police; two of the alleged organizers were executed this spring.

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    Uyghurs at a bazaar in Kashgar

    Many see the Kashgar project as an attempt to remove the cultural roots of Uyghur separatism.

    “There’s definitely a difference between what’s happening in eastern China and in Kashgar. That’s largely due to the sensitivity over the Uyghurs and their particular concerns over human rights issues,” Szadziewski says.

    “The [Kashgar] project appears to be a tool to assimilate Uyghurs and to actually stifle peaceful dissent by putting old city residents from an organic living arrangement into a regimented, government-organized living arrangement. The [Chinese] authorities are able to monitor the activity of any peaceful dissent among Uyghurs,” he says.

    Szadziewski says the assimilation process is taking place on many different fronts.

    “One particular area is language, and we’ve seen a marginalization of Uyghur language in the economic sphere and the educational sphere,” he says. “A ‘China Daily’ report said that learning Mandarin Chinese will help fight terrorism. The statement in itself may cast a sort of aspersion on Uyghur language itself, that it was a suspect language.”

    Critics accuse Beijing of using claims of terrorism as an excuse to crack down on peaceful pro-independence sentiment and expressions of Uyghur identity.

    http://www.rferl.org/content/Chinas_Ancient_Silk_Road_City_Of_Kashgar_Facing_Chinese_Bulldozers/1765682.html 
  • When China Rules the World

    When China Rules the World

    By Martin Jacques

    Reviewed by John Gray – 18 June 2009

    It is clear that the rise of China marks the end of western global hegemony, but just what the coming Chinese ascendency will look like is another matter.

    dThe civilisation state

    On his first visit to China as US treasury secretary, at the start of this month, Timothy Geithner attempted to reassure an audience at Peking University that there is no need to worry about the enormous holdings China has built up in US government bonds. “Chinese assets are very safe,” he declared. Geithner’s statement produced loud laughter from the largely student audience.

    Unlike most western commentators, who still give the Obama administration the benefit of the doubt, China’s emerging elite know there is no prospect that the United States will pay back its debts at anything like their current value. The only way the US can repay its vast borrowings is by debasing the dollar – a process in which China will inevitably be short-changed. Significantly, the students’ response was not anger, but derision – a clear sign of how the US is now perceived. Resentment at US power is being replaced by contempt, as the impotence and self-deception of the American political class in the face of the country’s problems become increasingly evident.

    In a characteristically incisive formulation, Martin Jacques writes that the “rise of China and the decline of the United States are central to the present global depression”. Although China remains a fast-emerging, rather than a developed, economy and even though it is nowhere near acquiring America’s worldwide military reach, the crisis has speeded up a shift in the balance of power between the two countries that has been taking place for decades. The importance of China’s advance goes far beyond the incontrovertible fact of America’s relative decline, however. If Jacques is right, the rise of China will bring the end of the western world as we have known it over the past several hundred years.

    Western commentators on China fall into two main camps. The first, which we may called the China sceptics, rejects out of hand the notion that China can ever become the world’s dominant power. The second – which is increasingly vocal and influential, especially in the US – sees the rise of China as a major threat to the existing, western-dominated global system. Though the two views are not finally compatible, they can quite often be found in the same person. The awkward fact with which both of them struggle is that China’s industrialisation – the largest in history – has been achieved indigenously. China’s success is widely praised by western governments, but it has been based on a rejection of western advice.

    Like climate-change sceptics, China sceptics tend simply to ignore evidence that does not fit their world-view. Even if they accept that China’s success over the past 30 years has been achieved by following a distinctive path, they can only insist that China will be compelled to westernise at some point in the future – overlooking how it is western neoliberalism, and not Chinese capitalism, that has collapsed. Or else, they must admit that China can go on developing, and even overtake the west, while remaining as different from the west as it has ever been. This last is a terrifying scenario, as it implies that if a country westernises, that does not ensure its economic success – if anything, it may be an impediment. In other words, China may be so successful because it is so different from the west. At this point, the first view of China morphs into the second and we start to hear hysterical warnings of the threat posed by China’s inexorable rise. Inside every China sceptic is a prophet of the New Yellow Peril waiting to be let out.

    The common conviction of nearly all these commentators is that no country can modernise without following a western path. The message of When China Rules the World – by far the best book on China to have been published in many years, and one of the most important inquiries into the nature of modernisation – is that this assumption blinds us to the way the world is being reshaped before our eyes. Jacques’s comprehensive and richly detailed analysis will be an indispensable resource for anyone who wants to understand contemporary China; but its primary value is in overturning the assumption – almost universal in the west, and held by some in China – that, as a country develops, it is bound to evolve into something like a western state. As Jacques points out, China “may seem like a nation state, but its geological formation is that of a civilisation state”. When China was weak it had little alternative but to accept western terms of reference. As it grows richer and stronger, China is more and more affirming the inherent value, if not the actual superiority, of its ancient civilisation. Far from turning its back on its history, the country is returning to the past in order to forge a new version of modernity.

    “The emergence of China as a global power,” Jacques writes, “in effect relativises everything.” The author is not endorsing any kind of fashionable postmodernism here. He is clear that there are universal human values. His argument is rather that there are many ways of recognising universal values in a modern society. All the same, the version of modernity which appears to be emerging in China does come with some rather dark spots. The deep sense of China as a unitary civilisation, together with a pervasive belief in Han superiority, leaves little tolerance for the claims of other cultural groups.

    Some way may be found, the author suggests, whereby the Tibetans can coexist with the Chinese state. But, as he admits, the dominant sense of Chinese identity is essentially racial, and most Chinese look down on Tibetans with loathing. In line with this, and also for strategic reasons, “China has encouraged large-scale Han migration in an effort to alter the ethnic balance of the population and thereby weaken the position of the Tibetans who for the most part live in the rural areas and in segregated urban ghettos.” It is hard to avoid the conclusion that, in building the Chinese civilisation state, Beijing is systematically destroying a unique civilisation.

    A resurgent China will be problematical in a number of ways. It remains very unclear how China’s rulers view the international system. Will they try to reshape it in their own image, and if so what will the world then look like? Jacques argues that something like the tributary system that existed in the past can be re-created, but that system applied mainly to China’s nearer and smaller neighbours. It is impossible to envisage such an unequal relationship being acceptable to India or Russia or, for that matter, Japan. Again, can China extend its control of world markets while retaining its grip on its own economy? Control of capital flows has been one of China’s strengths in the current crisis. Will it be ready to compromise this advantage in order to supplant the failing dollar as the world’s reserve currency?

    There are no clear answers, if only because China’s ruling elite have almost certainly not begun to answer these questions themselves. What is undeniable is that China’s ascendancy is bringing with it an international environment potentially more volatile than any in the recent past. So far, says Jacques, “The changes wrought by China’s rise have done little to disturb the calm of global waters, yet their speed and enormity suggest that we have entered an era of profound instability; by way of contrast, the Cold War was characterised by relative predictability combined with exceptional stability.”

    The witless, end-of-history triumphalism that shaped western attitudes in the post-Cold War era is nowhere more misplaced than in regard to China. History is on the move again – and it is not the delusional, teleological, self-congratulating history dreamt up by liberal rationalists, which somehow always ends with themselves as the winners. The rise of China is the real thing, a world-changing event that marks the end of western hegemony.

    New Statesman