Category: Central Asia

  • Turkish Schools Coming Under Increasing Scrutiny In Central Asia

    Turkish Schools Coming Under Increasing Scrutiny In Central Asia

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    by Farangis Najibullah

    Saidjon, a 15-year-old student at Dushanbe’s Haji Kemal Tajik-Turkish boarding school, is happy to be among the privileged few to attend what many consider one of the best schools in Tajikistan.

    Saidjon speaks four languages and has won two international education contests. While trips abroad are beyond the dreams of most pupils in Tajikistan, Saidjon’s school opens the world to its students.

    “I’ve traveled to many countries to take part in Educational Olympiads,” Saidjon says. “I went to Kazakhstan, Mongolia, and Vietnam. I mean, we are given an opportunity to see the world, to broaden our knowledge, and to represent Tajikistan in the international arena.”

    The Haji Kemal boarding school is highly popular with children from Tajikistan’s elite and well-to-do families.

    Lessons are taught in four languages — English, Turkish, Russian, and Tajik.

    Unlike many ordinary schools in the country, Haji Kemal is equipped with modern teaching facilities. Its thoroughly renovated, two-story compound with a gated courtyard stands out among other buildings in the area.

    Tolerance And Dialogue

    The first so-called Turkish schools in Central Asia were founded in the mid-1990s. Turkish educational institutions there — as well as in countries from Russia to North America — were set up by the Gulen movement led by Turkish Islamic scholar and author Fethullah Gulen. Gulen is a Sunni Muslim who advocates tolerance and dialogue among different religions.

    More than 65 Turkish educational institutions were once operating in Uzbekistan alone. There are some 25 Turkish schools, including boarding schools and two universities, in neighboring Kyrgyzstan. Tajikistan has six such institutions.

    Throughout Central Asia, Turkish schools are known for their strict educational methods and discipline and are highly regarded by students and parents.

    The majority of national and regional education contests are won by Turkish lyceum students. Easily passing English-language tests, many graduates win scholarships to Western universities.

    Parents go to great lengths to enroll their children in Turkish schools, hoping such education will guarantee bright futures for them.

    Ulterior Agendas?

    Yet, Turkish educational institutions have come under increasing scrutiny in Central Asia. Governments as well as many scholars and journalists suspect that the schools have more than just education on their agendas.

    In Turkmenistan, education authorities have ordered Turkish lyceums to scrap the history of religion from curriculums.

    In the only Persian-speaking country in the region, Tajikstan, the government, as well as academics, are wary of the possible spread of pan-Turkic ideas. They fear that these schools promote Turkish influence and the Turkish language in their country.

    However, it is Uzbekistan that has taken the toughest stance toward Turkish schools. In 1999, Tashkent closed all Turkish lyceums after its relationship with Ankara turned sour.

    This year, the authoritarian Uzbek government headed by President Islam Karimov took things a step further by arresting at least eight journalists who were graduates of Turkish schools. The journalists were found guilty of setting up an illegal religious group and of involvement in an extremist organization.

    According to Uzbekistan’s state-run media, the imprisoned men were members of the banned religious group Nurchilar and received prison sentences ranging from 6 1/2 to eight years. They have denied the charges.

    The state-run media claims that Nurchilar followers have been active in Uzbekistan since the early 1990s, with the aim of undermining the country’s secular system.

    Islam In Political Life

    Uzbek officials have expressed suspicions that Turkish-school graduates in government offices and other key institutions use their positions to weaken the secular government. They charge that graduates of Turkish schools promote an aggressive form of Islam and even a role for Islam in political life.

    There is something of an irony in the fact that such charges are being directed at schools inspired by the teachings of Fethullah Gulen. Gulen, though controversial, is generally regarded as a moderate Islamic thinker who condemns extremism and terrorism and promotes tolerance and harmony in society. He has written more than 60 books on subjects ranging from religion, Sufism, social and education issues, to art, science, and sports.

    The 68-year-old scholar calls on Muslims to study both religion and modern science, including Darwin’s theory of evolution.

    He was also once a follower of Said Nursi before he broke ranks with that Turkish scholar’s mainstream movement, which many see as the basis of Nurchilar.
    However, Ilhom Merojov, a Russia-based academic, insists there is no such group or Islamic ideology called Nurchilar.

    Merojov said there are people in Uzbekistan who are followers of Nursi, a Turkish religious thinker who advocated combining scientific and religious education, supported Turkey’s participation in Western organization, and tried to unite Muslims and Christians in the fight against communism.

    Merojov, whose translation of Nursi’s works prevent him from returning to his native Uzbekistan, said that although there are Turkish lyceum graduates among Nursi and Gulen followers, these people are not necessarily related to Turkish schools.

    “Uzbek authorities’ claims do not make any sense at all,” says Merojov. “Moreover, Gulen’s and Nursi’s works promote the exact opposite of religious extremism.”

    “In Said Nursi’s 14 volumes of works, there is not a single page that mentions extremism. Likewise, Fethullah Gulen’s works have nothing to do with extremism. Not at all. Their works are about science and religion,” Merojov says. “They call for studying both science and Islam, because Islam says that a person who understands science can better understand Islam. These two scholars support dialogue — they support peaceful coexistence.”

    Gulen, who currently resides in the United States, condemns terrorism and insists there is no connection between terrorism and Islam. In Turkey, he has been accused of trying to overthrow the secular system in order to replace it with an Islamic state. However, a Turkish court acquitted him in 2006.

    The Gulen movement insists it has no political agenda. And Turkish schools have lately been taking steps to prove it.

    ‘Suspicious’ Content

    In an unprecedented move earlier this year, Turkish lyceums in Tajikistan invited local journalists to examine their curriculums to ensure they do not include “suspicious” and “dangerous” content.
     
    In Turkmenistan, Turkish schools have accepted the government’s demand to remove all religion-related subjects from their teaching programs.

    As for Uzbekistan, it is unlikely that Turkish schools will resume operations there any time soon.

    Many Uzbek experts believe that Turkish schools and so-called Nurchilar followers have simply fallen victim to the Uzbek government’s paranoia about dissent and opposition.

    Tashpulat Yuldashev, an Uzbek political analyst, told RFE/RL that Nurchilar is “just a new enemy created by the government to justify its repressive policies.”

    “Because of his own fear, [Islam] Karimov has fought against Wahhabists, Hizb ut-Tahrir, and Akramiya groups. They all are suppressed and now Karimov has to find a new enemy,” Yuldashev says. “It shows that there are problems inside the country and that Karimov feels insecure. In order to keep people in constant fear and turn their thoughts away from social and economic hardships, he always needs a new enemy within.”

    In Dushanbe’s Haji Kemal boarding school, Saidjon is looking forward to going to an English-language university abroad to study physics.

    “I want to go either to Prague or Seoul,” said Saidjon. “I will study there and come back to serve my country.”

    RFE/RL’s Uzbek, Tajik, Kyrgyz, and Turkmen services contributed to this report

    https://www.rferl.org/a/Turkish_Schools_Coming_Under_Increasing_Scrutiny_In_Central_Asia/1616111.html

  • Day of Azerbaijanis’ Genocide marked in Central Asia

    Day of Azerbaijanis’ Genocide marked in Central Asia

    Astana. Tashkent. Dushanbe. Laman Agayeva – APA. March 31 – Day of Azerbaijanis’ Genocide was also marked in Central Asia countries, APA reports. Kazakh intellectuals, members of Azerbaijani, Turkish, Ingush, Kyrgyz, Ukrainian and Georgian Diaspora attended the event in Azerbaijani embassy in Kazakhstan. Advisor of the embassy Nizami Rustamov, first secretary Namig Bakhshaliyev said hundreds of Azerbaijanis towns and villages, over 150 Azerbaijani-populated villages in the mountainous part of Karabakh were destroyed during March happenings, 50,000 Azerbaijanis were killed in Shusha, about 30,000 civilians were killed in Baku. Georgian charge d’affaires in Kazakhstan Zurab Kozmava said he perceived the terrible acts committed against Azerbaijanis and added that Georgian people had also undergone terror and aggression. President of Kazakhstan Azerbaijanis Union Vidadi Salahov said terrible happenings in the Caucasus always came from Russian imperialist circles. Chairman of Kazakhstan Azerbaijan Friendship Association Askhad Shakirov said he believed that unbiased political legal assessment will be given to the violence committed against Azerbaijanis, perpetrators will be punished. Similar events were held in Azerbaijani embassies in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan.

  • UZBEKISTAN: US OFFICIALS NEGOTIATING A RETURN TO UZBEK AIR BASE – SOURCE

    UZBEKISTAN: US OFFICIALS NEGOTIATING A RETURN TO UZBEK AIR BASE – SOURCE

    Shahin Abbasov  23/03/09

    According to a diplomatic source, the United States is reportedly conducting talks with Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan about opening up bases in the two Central Asian countries.

    After Kyrgyzstan’s decision in February to evict US forces from an air base at Manas, US officials sent out feelers to Ashgabat and Tashkent about setting up a military presence on Turkmen and Uzbek territory, the diplomatic source claimed. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]1.

    The source indicated that an agreement between US and Uzbek officials could be reached soon that would allow American forces to return to the Karshi-Khanabad (K2) air base. Uzbekistan evicted US forces from the base in late 2005 amid bilateral rancor over the Andijan events in May of that year.

    Since Kyrgyzstan formally initiated the Manas base closure process, US defense officials have maintained that a base in Central Asia is not absolutely necessary for maintaining the existing level of support for ongoing military operations in Afghanistan. While many regional analysts have said it would be logical for Washington to explore the possibility of regaining access to K2 in Uzbekistan, there has been no official confirmation either coming out of Washington or Tashkent that any such discussions have occurred.

    Indeed, US diplomats in recent weeks have publicly denied any knowledge of talks between the governments of the United States and Uzbekistan on a possible base deal. In a March 5 interview with the Russian-language newspaper Sobytiya (Events), for example, the US ambassador to Tajikistan, Tracy Ann Jacobson, stated that she “had not heard one word from my colleagues in the Pentagon about the possibility of creating a [new] base” in Central Asia, the agency Central Asian News reported.

    It would seem to be a much longer shot for the United States to secure Turkmen approval for a base in that Central Asian nation. Turkmenistan has long staked out a neutral foreign policy.

    US Defense Department officials did not immediately respond to repeated telephone and email queries made by EurasiaNet seeking comment on the supposed base negotiations.

    The diplomatic source, who spoke on condition of anonymity, indicated that US officials have also sounded out Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev’s administration about the possibility of establishing a military base there. The clear US preference, however, is to find a facility that is closer to Afghanistan. “It would be more logical and efficient for a military operation in Afghanistan to have bases in Central Asia, but not in the South Caucasus,” the source said.

    Beyond the military base matter, US officials are interested in securing wider Turkmen and Uzbek participation in a network to expand the flow of non-lethal supplies into Afghanistan. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. Ashgabat and Tashkent could play important roles in building a supply route running from Turkey to the Georgian Black Sea port of Poti, then by rail to Azerbaijan (Baku), and across the Caspian Sea. Both the Turkmen port of Turkmenbashi and the Kazakhstani port of Atyrau have been mentioned for the route’s next stage. Cargo would then move on to Uzbekistan and, finally, Afghanistan. Tajikistan, which borders on Afghanistan, has also been discussed as a storage point.

    Transportation specialists, government officials and private companies from Turkey, Azerbaijan and Georgia, as well as US officials, gathered in Baku on March 9-10 for a US-sponsored conference on ways to integrate Azerbaijan into supply networks to Afghanistan. A March 9 statement from the US Embassy in Baku specified that cargo from Azerbaijan would be non-military and carried by private companies. Military personnel would not be involved in the transit, according to the embassy statement. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].

    A source in the Azerbaijani government who did not want to be named termed the conference productive for Azerbaijan. “The Americans offered to set up the necessary infrastructure in Azerbaijan [for storage], as well as to contract transportation companies and local businesses which would purchase the necessary goods and products [for troops in Afghanistan],” the source told EurasiaNet.

    Former presidential foreign policy aide Vafa Guluzade, though, sees an eventual military component in the discussions as well. “Azerbaijan is situated closely to Afghanistan, Central Asia, Pakistan, Iran and Russia. Therefore, sooner or later, a US military presence in Azerbaijan is inevitable,” Guluzade said.

    Not everyone agrees. Sulhaddin Akper, head of the Azerbaijan-Atlantic Cooperation Association, a Baku-based think-tank, said a base in Azerbaijan would be an inefficient way to support operations in Afghanistan, given the distance involved.

    Whether or not a base is feasible in Azerbaijan, Baku is interested in helping to expand an Afghan supply route via the Caucasus. Azerbaijan already has 92 soldiers in Afghanistan as part of the US-led coalition that is combating the radical Islamic insurgency.

    Azerbaijan’s willingness to strengthen strategic cooperation with the United States has made two of Baku’s neighbors — Russia and Iran — nervous. But for now, there is little that either country can do about it. Akper noted that Moscow’s ability to influence Baku has been diminished by a scandal in which the Kremlin reportedly authorized the transfer of Russian arms to Armenia. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].

     

    Editor’s Note: Shahin Abbasov is a freelance correspondent based in Baku. He is also a board member of the Open Society Institute-Azerbaijan.

    1 EURASIA INSIGHT

    Eurasianet

  • 2009 ANNUAL DUES, DONATIONS and Book Sales

    2009 ANNUAL DUES, DONATIONS and Book Sales

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  • Nazarbayev Embarks on Foreign Intelligence Reform

    Nazarbayev Embarks on Foreign Intelligence Reform

    Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 6 Issue: 46
    March 10, 2009 11:02 AM
    Category: Eurasia Daily Monitor, Military/Security, Kazakhstan , Home Page, Featured
    By: Farkhad Sharip

    Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev

    On February 17 Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev issued a decree ordering the government to set up the Syrbar foreign intelligence agency. The presidential press service told journalists that Syrbar would be directly subordinate to the president. By the same decree, the Barlau foreign intelligence service created in 1998 was dissolved. In essence, the creation of the new intelligence organization, Syrbar, amounts to a radical reform of Barlau under an entirely new guise and the total control of the president. Nazarbayev removed Omirtai Bitimov, the long-serving director of Barlau and an experienced intelligence officer, from his post. Early on, Barlau was considered an independently operating intelligence body, which played a crucial role in attracting foreign investment into the oil sector of the Kazakh economy and in stemming the spread of religious extremism from Kazakhstan’s Central Asian neighbors. Barlau was later placed under the strict control of the National Security Committee (KNB) and lost most of its independent decision-making authority.

    Presumably, Nazarbayev was frustrated by Barlau’s repeated failure to show its effectiveness within the KNB structure. Barlau intelligence officers made futile attempts to obtain the extradition from Austria of Rakhat Aliyev, the former deputy chief of the KNB and Nazarbayev’s son-in-law, who fled the country in 2007 after making scandalous public statements about Nazarbayev and his family. Then Alnur Musayev, the former KNB chief, followed Aliyev’s example and sought political asylum abroad (Aikyn, February 5).

    On February 6, in a move highly embarrassing for the Nazarbayev regime, more than 200 Kazakh asylum seekers in the Czech Republic staged a protest demonstration in Prague. They opposed the Czech government’s intention to extradite them to Kazakhstan, fearing that they would be persecuted and jailed on charges of religious extremism. Followers of unorthodox Islamic religious groups came to the Czech Republic from Kazakhstan, allegedly fleeing persecution for their beliefs.

    Obviously, by thoroughly reforming the foreign intelligence service and making it fully under his control, Nazarbayev is trying to ward off dangers from dissidents abroad and to consolidate his power. At a recent session of the Security Council Nazarbayev made clear his plans to introduce changes in the National Security Strategy for the 2007 to 2012 five-year plan, “taking the current situation into consideration.” That, it seems, was a prelude to setting up the new intelligence agency independent of the National Security Committee, which was discredited by Aliyev and his associates. Sat Tokpakbayev, the former head of the KNB and a member of parliament, believes that Syrbar should focus primarily on counterterrorism activities rather than persecution of the regime’s political opponents abroad (Aikyn, February 20).

    Nazarbayev’s foreign intelligence reform triggered a mixed reaction in Moscow. Russian foreign policy analyst Yevgeni Voiko thinks Nazarbayev’s decision was prompted by Kazakhstan’s growing rivalry with Russia for European energy markets, while other experts hope that Kazakhstan will expand cooperation with the Russian Federal Security Service (Vzgliad, February 18).

    There has never been trust between the Russian and Kazakh security and defense bodies. Nevertheless, there are hopes for closer cooperation between the two intelligence services. In fact, all the structures within the National Security Committee of Kazakhstan, including the Arystan (Lion) special task force, the military intelligence group, and similar Interior Ministry units, were modeled after Russian security forces. Formally operating independently, the Kazakh security services have actually been influenced by Russia’s foreign intelligence policy since the early 1990s. Meeting in Almaty in 1993, the heads of the intelligence services of Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries signed an agreement that included sharing intelligence information and prohibiting the gathering of intelligence on the other signatories’ territories. Nazarbayev did not miss an opportunity to demonstrate his willingness to foster a partnership with Russia in the security area. At the Dushanbe summit of the CIS in October 2007, it was Nazarbayev who pushed Sergei Lebedev, the chief of Russia’s foreign intelligence agency, to the post of executive secretary of CIS states.

    The security partnership between Kazakhstan and Russia may be regarded as part of their traditionally strong military ties. Moscow is likely to use this relationship to press Nazarbayev for a security alliance against the West. However, Kazakhstan, concerned over the vulnerability of its own security, has gradually begun to squeeze Russian-speaking officers out of the security services, while expanding its ties with educational centers in the United States and Turkey for training Kazakh security officers.

    It remains to be seen whether the new-born foreign intelligence agency will come up to standard. Amanzhol Zhankuliev, 57, the director of Syrbar, is a career diplomat who has served as Ambassador to Turkey, France, Switzerland, and the United Nations. The enigmatic Zhankuliev faces a Herculean task of reforming the Kazakh foreign security service. He will undoubtedly use his diplomatic skill and knowledge of the countries where he served; but will the intelligence service under his guidance serve the real security interests of the country or merely become a tool in the hands of the president?

  • Will it Strengthen U.S.-Turkish Relations?

    Will it Strengthen U.S.-Turkish Relations?

    Will the Closure of Manas Airbase Strengthen U.S.-Turkish Relations?

    Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 6 Issue: 35
    February 23, 2009
    Saban Kardas

    The Kyrgyz parliament’s vote to close down Manas Airbase puts at risk supply routes for international forces operating in Afghanistan shortly after the U.S. decision to bolster the American military presence in Afghanistan (EDM, February 20). The attempts to find alternative routes in the wake of this controversial decision highlight the strategic cooperation between Turkey and the United States and the role Turkey could play in maintaining a supply route for U.S. forces in Afghanistan.

    Referring to some Russian and American experts, the Turkish press has speculated that the United States may try to find another base in Central Asia to compensate for the loss of Manas. Given the growing Russian influence in the region and the declining credibility of the United States following the Russo-Georgian war in the summer of 2008, however, they claim that the United States would have a hard time securing a new base agreement. If the Americans fail to convince Uzbekistan and Tajikistan to accept U.S. requests, according to the Turkish press, the United States then would request a military base in Turkey’s Black Sea town of Trabzon (Hurriyet, February 19; Evrensel, February 20; Yeni Safak, February 20).

    As the speculation mounted, the question of whether the United States had indeed knocked on Turkey’s door was raised to Metin Gurak, the spokesman of the Turkish military, during his weekly press briefing on Friday, February 20. Gurak stressed that as of the briefing Turkey had received no such request (Ihlas Haber Ajansi, February 20).

    The same day, U.S. military sources announced that they had been able to secure the cooperation of Tajikistan and Uzbekistan to allow transportation of non-lethal supplies to Afghanistan through their territories (AFP, Friday 20). In a development that apparently lends support to the Turkish press reports, Retired Air Force General and chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff Richard Myers, told 6 News, a private Turkish news station, that although the decision of the Kyrgyz parliament would not disrupt U.S. operations, it would make maintaining the supply routes more inconvenient and possibly more expensive. Noting that Manas was used mainly for refueling purposes, he emphasized that other bases in the Middle East, including in Turkey, could also host refueling tankers but with more operational costs involved. Myers said that the United States was seeking its NATO allies’ support and emphasized his belief that Turkey and the United States would maintain their constructive cooperation in Afghanistan (Star, February 20).

    Indeed, since the beginning of military operations in Afghanistan following September 11 and the subsequent launch of international stability operations, Turkey has provided military assistance to the U.S.-led coalition, in both the context of the transatlantic alliance and Turkish-American strategic ties. During the initial operations leading to the fall of the Taliban regime, the United States used Turkish airspace and Incirlik Airbase for the campaign, although Turkey did not deploy combat troops. Turkey has also actively participated in the International Security and Assistance Force (ISAF) and commanded this NATO mission for two terms.

    Can Turkey offer Trabzon? Analysts maintain that Trabzon offers many advantages in terms of its key location, which allows access to Middle Eastern, Central Asian, and Caucasus theaters; and therefore it is reportedly of interest to U.S. military planners. However, Turkey has previously declined American requests for setting up a base in Trabzon. Following the fall of Manas, the U.S. may press with a renewed proposal, but it is unlikely that the Turkish government would make such a politically risky decision. Also, Trabzon is one of the Anatolian cities where nationalist feelings and anti-Americanism run high; and, short of drastic U.S. actions to restore the deteriorating American image in Turkey, stationing U.S. personnel in the area might be a politically bad decision.

    Therefore, claims about possible requests concerning an airbase in Trabzon might be exaggerated. Nonetheless, it is the case that as Afghanistan emerges as a major issue on the agendas of NATO and the Obama administration, Turkey is coming under pressure about its role in Afghanistan. Diplomatic sources believe that during his conversations with the Turkish prime minister and president, President Obama might have requested his counterparts to commit more Turkish troops or other forms of military contributions to U.S. military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq (EDM, February 19).

    Subsequent developments support such a conjecture. NATO defense ministers met in Poland in an informal meeting on February 19 and 20 to discuss the agenda for the next summit in April. They welcomed the U.S. decision to raise troop levels but underscored the need for civilian contributions to be boosted as well (www.nato.int, February 20). Upon his return to Turkey from the meeting, Turkish Defense Minister Vecdi Gonul told reporters that he had had a chance to discuss Turkey’s contributions with its alliance partners. Noting that Turkey’s direct aid to Afghanistan amounted to $200 million, he said that Turkey assisted in the training of the Afghan military and police. Gonul also said that he had met separately with the Afghan and American defense ministers and discussed ways in which Turkey’s contributions might be increased (www.trt.net.tr, February 21).

    In addition to Turkey’s possibly increased role in Afghanistan, Turkey is one of the major exit routes for U.S. planes withdrawing troops from Iraq (Hurriyet Daily News, February 23). These developments have an element of irony. The Turkish Parliament’s refusal to allow American forces to use Turkish territory to launch the northern front against the Iraqi Army in 2003 led many to claim that the Turkish-American relationship would go south. Soon after the fall of Baghdad and in a mood of triumph, some even speculated that the United States might punish Turkey by closing down the Incirlik base as part of its plans to relocate military bases worldwide. Only a few years after the Iraq and Afghanistan campaigns began, the United States had to abandon many of its positions in its new-found allies and might be requesting the use of Turkish territory.

    The Kyrgyz parliament’s decision highlights both the importance of having a long-term and reliable ally in an area of strategic importance to U.S. interests and the mutual dependence between Turkey and the United States.

    https://jamestown.org/program/will-the-closure-of-manas-airbase-strengthen-u-s-turkish-relations/