Category: Turkey

  • Art of Islamic World on display in Istanbul

    Art of Islamic World on display in Istanbul

    TEHRAN, Sept. 12 (MNA) — “Art of Islamic World: From Turkey to Indonesia” exhibition is currently underway at the Istanbul’s Asian Art Museum that will run through March 1.

    Ranging from the tenth to the twenty-first century, the sixty works of art include paintings, manuscripts, ceramics, textiles, metal wares, historic photographs, and puppets.

    The artworks are from Turkey, Syria, Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, China, Indonesia, and the Philippines and many are on display for the first time.

    One of the ceramic pieces on display is a large blue-and-white dish from Iran dated 1650-1670, which might be thought at first glance to be Chinese. During the Safavid empire (1501-1722), Persia and China had admired each other’s artwork and luxury goods for many centuries, and both had at various times adopted forms and motifs from each other’s creations.

    The early 1600s—the last decades of the Ming dynasty—Chinese production was disrupted by natural disasters and social disorder. Persian ceramic factories seized the opportunity and geared up production to satisfy the enormous demand for large, splendid blue-and-white dishes. Persian artisans did not have the materials or China’s technical secrets for making true porcelain, but they managed to make credible imitations.

    The exhibition also is timed to coincide with the publication of the museum catalog, “Persian Ceramics: From the Collections of the Asian Art Museum”, scheduled for release in mid-September.

    SB/YAW
    END
    MNA

    Source : mehr news agency

  • Turkish PM meets head of Ericsson

    Turkish PM meets head of Ericsson

    The Turkish prime minister met the head of a telecommunication provider Ericsspn in Istanbul on Thursday, the company said on Friday.

    Carl-Henric Svanberg, the president and CEO of Sweden based telecommunication provider Ericsson, paid a courtesy visit to Turkey’s Premier Tayyip Erdogan on Thursday, a company statement said.

    Svanberg also met executives of Turkey’s telecom sector in Istanbul, and later paid a visit to Erdogan.

    Ericsson has been operation for 118 years in Turkey, and made its first investment in the country by establishing a telephone line at the Dolmabahce Palace in Istanbul in 1890, which still works.

    Ericsson, based in Stockholm, is a provider of telecommunications equipment and related services to mobile and fixed network operators globally.

    Source : Hurriyet

  • Turkey, Armenia In Groundbreaking Football Diplomacy

    Turkey, Armenia In Groundbreaking Football Diplomacy

    Turkish leader’s unprecedented visit to Yerevan raises hopes of better relations, but worries conservatives in Azerbaijan as well as Armenia.

    By Tatul Hakobian in Yerevan (CRS No. 459, 11-Sep-08)

    Turkish president Abdullah Gul’s landmark visit to Armenia has raised hopes that the two countries could at last be moving towards a better relationship after many years of antagonism.

    When Gul stepped smiling off an Airbus at Yerevan’s Zvartnots airport on September 6, with Mount Ararat towering in the background, it was undoubtedly a historic moment.

    For two months, Gul had given evasive answers whenever he was asked whether he would accept the invitation of his Armenian counterpart Serzh Sarkisian and come to Yerevan to watch the World Cup football qualifying match between the two countries.

    On September 3, he showed as much courage as Sarkisian by agreeing to visit Armenia.

    As Gul and Armenian foreign minister Eduard Nalbandian got into an armour-plated car brought in specially from Turkey, demonstrators from the Dashnaktsutiun party greeted the Turkish leader with whistles and shouts of “Recognition” – meaning that Turkey should admit the slaughter of Armenians in the early 20th century constituted genocide.

    The Armenian authorities made great efforts to shield the Turkish leader from the demonstration, which was mounted by a nationalist party that is part of the governing coalition.

    In the six hours he spent in Armenia, Gul was surrounded by exceptionally tight security. A team of 50 Turkish security specialists who arrived a few days beforehand had arranged for eight snipers to be posted around the Hrazdan football stadium, and the two presidents watched the match from behind bullet-proof glass.

    The last time a senior Turkish politician visited Armenia was in 1935, when the then prime minister Ismet Inonu crossed the frontier for a few hours and had breakfast in the Soviet republic of Armenia.

    In 1991, Ankara recognised the newly-independent state of Armenia, as it did with Azerbaijan and Georgia. The border between the two countries briefly re-opened, but it was closed again two years later as Turkey backed its ally Azerbaijan in the escalating conflict over Nagorny Karabakh.

    Relations between Ankara and Yerevan have been cool ever since, primarily because of the unresolved Karabakh conflict, but further complicated by rows over the genocide issue.

    The sense of excitement about the impending Turkish visit therefore came as little surprise.

    A huge advertising hoarding at the airport announced in Armenian and English, “Welcome, deeply respected President Abdullah Gul. A fair game lasts more than just 90 minutes. That is our wish.”

    Opposition to the visit came in the shape of several thousand Dashnaktsutiun supporters who mounted protests on Yerevan’s two main avenues, Mashtots and Baghramian, carrying placards bearing slogans such as “Turkey, recognise the genocide!”

    Anahit Berberian, whose forebears fled from Van in eastern Anatolia, held up a placard saying in English saying simply, “My homeland is near Lake Van.”

    “The pain of the genocide passes from generation to generation,” she said. “Unfortunately I’ve only see Van in photographs. I think if I go to Van, I will feel the pain of losing my homeland even more keenly.”

    Dashnaktsutiun leader Armen Rustamian told Turkish journalists that the demonstration was not against the visit by President Gul, but against Turkey’s policy of genocide denial.

    Rustamian said that the Armenian authorities were trying to suggest this was a meeting with a “lost brother”.

    “We don’t understand ourselves what steps are being undertaken – we are insulting our own dignity,” he said.

    A few days before the football match, Armenia’s national football federation changed its logo. The previous one bore an image of Mount Ararat, beloved by Armenians but located inside Turkish territory. The new one merely shows a football. Mount Ararat also disappeared from the national team’s shirts.

    In recent months, Armenian national television has refrained from broadcasting anti-Turkish programmes.

    Former president and opposition leader Levon Ter-Petrosian welcomed the visit, but Sarkisian’s predecessor Robert Kocharian said that if he were still president, he would not have invited the Turkish president.

    When he was in power, Kocharian had made it a cornerstone of his foreign policy to secure an admission of genocide. By contrast, Sarkisian barely mentions the topic and has said, “Without forgetting the past, we should look into the future.”

    The match, which Turkey won 2-0, was the last stop on Gul’s brief itinerary. Earlier in the day, he went to the presidential palace and met Sarkisian.

    Standing in the September sun in front of the Armenian tricolour and the Turkish crescent, the two leaders shook hands and smiled.

    Journalists, including 200 or so who had arrived from Turkey, had little to report on and were kept a long way away from the presidents. Only one television camera filmed the meeting, and the pictures were broadcast on all television channels.

    As the football stadium is situated right next to a hill where Armenia’s Genocide Memorial is located, the Turks insisted that no photographs of Gul be taken in the vicinity to avoid the memorial appearing in the background.

    According to the Armenian president’s press service, his discussion with Gul centred on establishing normal relations between their countries, and also on developments in the region as a whole.

    Gul invited Sarkisian to pay a return visit to Istanbul, where the two football teams are due to play each other again in October 2009.

    Sarkisian said that once a dialogue had been established, it would become possible to discuss even the most difficult questions. “We should strive to resolve existing problems sooner, and not leave this burden to future generations,” he said.

    On his return home, Gul told journalists he hoped his visit would contribute to resolving the Nagorny Karabakh conflict, which he described as “the most important issue in the Caucasus”.

    “We are also gratified that Armenia supports Turkey’s idea of a creating a platform for stability and cooperation in the Caucasus,” he said, in reference to Ankara’s proposal for a new “stability pact” in which Russia and Turkey would work with the three states of the South Caucasus to prevent conflict.

    In an interview with RFE/RL radio, Gul said he supported the current Karabakh peace process, but commented that it had “failed to achieve significant results”.

    “Now, in the Caucasus, the stones have been moved and we are also making an effort and we are making our move. If the move brings results, then we will all be happy,” said Gul.

    In a sign that Turkey is planning a more active role in the region, Gul visited Azerbaijan on September 10.

    In Azerbaijan, his visit to Armenia met with a mixed reaction.

    The radical Karabakh Liberation Organisation, which believes Azerbaijan should be prepared to use military force to end the impasse, condemned Gul, saying, “The leadership of Turkey is ready to sacrifice both Azerbaijan and Turkey for its own interests.”

    Rasim Musabekov, a political analyst in Baku, suggested that Turkey’s latest diplomatic drive was a reaction to the conflict between Russia and Georgia. It was, he said, a clear response to the “rather dangerous challenges and crisis in the region that resulted from the Russian intervention in Georgia and the de facto annexation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia”.

    Zardusht Alizade, a political analyst aligned with the opposition in Azerbaijan, compared the initiative Gul took by visiting Armenia to the period of “ping-pong diplomacy” between the United States and China in the 1970s and called it “a very wise step, a very bold step on the road to beginning an intensive dialogue”.

    “I think that Gul took a very positive step which will serve to improve relations between Armenia and Turkey and will increase the level of security and mutual understanding in the region,” he said.

    Tatul Hakobian is a commentator with the English-language Armenian Reporter newspaper, published in the United States. Shahin Rzayev in Baku contributed to this report.

  • Russia and Turkey tango in the Black Sea

    Russia and Turkey tango in the Black Sea

    By M K Bhadrakumar

    Amid the flurry of diplomatic activity in Moscow last week over the Caucasus, Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov took time off for an exceptionally important mission to Turkey, which might prove a turning point in the security and stability of the vast region that the two powers historically shared.

    Indeed, Russian diplomacy is swiftly moving even as the troops have begun returning from Georgia to their barracks. Moscow is weaving a complicated new web of regional alliances, drawing deeply into Russia’s collective historical memory as a power in the Caucasus and the Black Sea.

    German poet and playwright Bertolt Brecht would have marveled

    at Lavrov’s diary, heavily marked with “Caucasian chalk circles” through last week, with intertwining plots and sub-plots – an Extraordinary European Council Meeting taking place in Brussels; a meeting of the foreign ministers of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in Moscow; three foreign counterparts to be hosted in Moscow – Karl de Gucht of Belgium, Franco Frattini from Italy and Azerbaijan’s Elmar Mamedyarov; visits by the presidents of the newly independent republics of South Ossetia and Abkhazia; and consultations with the visiting United Nations secretary general’s special representative for Georgia, Johan Verbeke.

    Asia Times Online :: Central Asian News and current affairs, Russia, Afghanistan, Uzbekistan.

  • Possibilities for improving Azeri-Armenian relations

    Possibilities for improving Azeri-Armenian relations

    By JOHN C.K. DALY

    WASHINGTON, Sept. 11 (UPI) — Last month’s military conflict between Russia and Georgia over South Ossetia has cast a harsh spotlight on Western assumptions about exporting Azeri oil through neighboring Georgia and Turkey.

    While the military confrontation focused Western media attention on tensions between Russia and Georgia, Azerbaijan itself remains gripped by a “frozen conflict” dating back to even before the 1991 collapse of the Soviet Union. Azerbaijan’s clashes with Armenia over the enclaves of Nagorno-Karabakh and Nakhchivan broke out in February 1988; by the time a cease-fire was signed in May 1994 ending active hostilities, thousands had been killed and wounded, while hundreds of thousands of refugees were created on both sides and the Armenian armed forces were left occupying swaths of Azeri territory, including Nagorno-Karabakh and seven neighboring districts. The volatility of the situation was instrumental in the eventual decisions of the Western consortium members to build their proposed export pipeline for Azeri oil through Georgia rather than utilize a shorter route transiting Armenia.

    Now, however, there are some indications that there might yet again be movement toward a resolution of the issue. On Wednesday, after meeting with Turkish President Abdullah Gul, Azeri President Ilham Aliyev expressed hope that the Nagorno-Karabakh issue eventually could be settled. Gul’s comments had a strong economic undertone, as he told reporters, “If we settle this conflict, which I hope we will manage to do, all countries of the region will develop much faster.”

    A resolution of the disputes between Azerbaijan and Armenia could give Western investors yet another export route for Caspian energy, an issue of growing concern among Western investors because of Russia’s increasing assertiveness in the region, combined with the fragility of export routes through Georgia, as demonstrated by the recent conflict. The prize is certainly tempting: The Caspian’s 143,244 square miles and attendant coastline are estimated to contain as much as 250 billion barrels of recoverable oil, boosted by more than 200 billion barrels of potential reserves, quite aside from up to 328 trillion cubic feet of recoverable natural gas. From the outset Washington’s policy has been to construct, if possible, multiple export pipeline routes, bypassing both Russia and charter “axis of evil” member Iran.

    Because of the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute, however, export routes to Armenia were never considered as a viable option in 1994 after then-Azeri President Geidar Aliyev signed the “Contract of the Century” with Western energy concerns to develop Azerbaijan’s Caspian Azeri-Chirag-Guneshli fields. Consequently, the first Western export oil pipeline not under Russian control went westward through Georgia. In 1999 Baku’s export options broadened with the opening of the $600 million, 515 mile, 100,000-barrel-per-day Baku-Supsa pipeline. Azerbaijan was finally able to free itself completely from reliance on Russian export pipelines when, in May 2006, the $3.6 billion, 1,092-mile, million-barrel-per-day Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline opened.

    The Armenians and Azeris sought to influence Washington’s decisions on the region; political agitation by the Armenian-American lobby resulted in the inclusion in 1992 of Section 907 in the U.S. Freedom Support Act, which banned any direct U.S. aid to the Azerbaijani government as punishment for its blockade of Armenia. It was only in January 2002 that President George W. Bush waived the legislation as a reward for Azeri support of the United States following the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.

    The Bush administration, in one of its first foreign policy initiatives, attempted to break the diplomatic impasse between the two Caucasian nations. In April 2001, even before the waiver of Section 907, Secretary of State Colin Powell’s first major foreign initiative was to try to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute during a summit in Key West, Fla., where he met with Azeri President Geidar Aliyev and Armenian President Robert Kocharyan. But the meetings, which were held by the Office for Security and Cooperation in Europe Minsk Group co-chairs France, Russia and United States, proved fruitless.

    There now seems to be a genuine chance for breaking the diplomatic logjam, especially as Turkey and Armenia are slowly edging toward restoring relations, as well, in the wake of last week’s “soccer diplomacy,” which saw Gul fly to Yerevan to attend a Turkish-Armenian football match, where he held talks with Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan.

    Gul is convinced that new opportunities have opened for settling the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute. He pragmatically informed journalists that a resolution of the issue could allow all countries of the region to get involved in major energy transportation projects, noting, “If the mood of cooperation prevails in the region over hostility, it will serve the interests of all countries in the Caucasus.” Ankara is certainly thinking big; Turkish Minister for Energy and Natural Resources Hilmi Guler, currently in Baku to attend a conference on “oil and gas potential in Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan” organized in Azerbaijan, held out optimism that one of the West’s most cherished projects, the Nabucco pipeline to bring Azeri natural gas westward, would go forward, telling reporters, “Turkey will definitely finalize the Nabucco project.”

    Turkey is also pressing to resolve the Russian-Georgian dispute; on Sept. 2 Gul telephoned Bush, whom he informed about Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s proposal for a Caucasus Stability Platform to restore peace and stability to the region. Rather than unilaterally pushing military aid to Georgia, Washington ought to listen closely to Turkey’s diplomatic initiatives, especially if it wants to prevent any further checkmates to its policies of developing Caspian energy projects: The Kremlin is less likely to feel threatened by a friendly soccer match than U.S. naval warships sailing in the Black Sea.

  • How do Azerbaijani political scientists value Turkey’s recent initiatives for solution to Nagorno Karabakh conflict?

    How do Azerbaijani political scientists value Turkey’s recent initiatives for solution to Nagorno Karabakh conflict?

     [ 11 Sep 2008 16:02 ]

    Baku. Elnur Mammadli–APA. “The Minsk Group says for years that Nagorno Karabakh problem is resolved, only details remain, but 17 years later it is clarified that there is no any agreement, it was imitation only. How we can believe that we will not lose another 17 years with Turkish President Abdullah Gul’s initiative”, said political scientist Vafa Guluzadeh in his interview to APA about his reaction to Turkey’s recent initiative for solution of Nagorno Karabakh problem. In his opinion Abdullah Gul said nothing concrete except common words. “Gul did not say that he talked with Sargsyan and Armenian troops would leave the occupied regions. There were no such talks. Therefore these ideas are only the words”.
    Guluzadeh said the Minsk Group was not working and even if its composition changed it would give nothing to Azerbaijan. “There is one question. These lands will be liberated when Russia falls. It is only imitation to establish groups or to organize meetings in Paris, Brussels and other places”.

    Political scientist Rustam Mammadov also said that Russia had a key of Nagorno Karabakh problem. “The foreign forces, who intend to interfere it face with Russia’s dissatisfaction and military force. Both Europe and the United States make step back before this force. It was observed during the Georgian events. I do not believe that Armenia will make steps toward the solution of the problem at Turkey’s direction, because Armenia directly connects with Russia. Armenia will do that what Russia orders”. Mammadov said Turkey also understood that and it made efforts to solve problems with Armenia only. The scientist said he did not expect the elimination of the Minsk Group, “because the countries represented in the Group tried to carry out their interests here”.

    Political scientist, MP Aydin Mirzazadeh is dissatisfied with activity of OSCE MG and noted that it was impossible to establish the best group than it. MP supports Turkey’s mediation and added that Turkey’s mediation in MG would be good step.
    “Co-chairs have been elected with agreement of the conflict parties. There is need for mediation of Turkey. Armenia has rejected it every time. If Armenia wants mediation of Turkey, Azerbaijan will agree to it. All efforts should be made to solve Nagorno Karabakh conflict.

    Political scientist Gabil Huseynli noted that withdrawal of Russia from OSCE MG was on the agenda today. To him, the US pursues policy in this direction.
    “Turkey wants to substitute MG with Caucasus Platform. Though International actors, states defining world policy attach importance to the role of Turkey in the region, they will not allow official Ankara to enter OSCE MG. Change of format is real. If Azerbaijan insists on the issue, probably Turkey can enter the group”, he said. To him, Turkey’s mediation in MG will have considerable influence on the solution to the problem.

    Political scientist, Head of Political Innovation and Technology Center Mubariz Ahmadoglu positively assessed Turkey’s initiatives for mediation. Moreover, he did not think that MG could be withdrawn from the process.
    “The relations between the US and Russia are tense and I cannot imagine that their representatives will sit around the same table soon. I do not think that MG can be collapsed. The group will function inactively. It is understood in Turkey as well. I suppose to Turkey’s mediation seriously. Armenian side is not expected to agree to it”, he said.