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Category: Turkey
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OBAMA: kürdistan’ı TÜRKİYE’YE KURDURACAĞIM / Read Obama’s plans for Turkiye
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Foreign Minister Nalbandian visits London
On October 27 Edward Nalbandian started his visit to the United Kingdom.
Edward Nalbandian and Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom David Miliband discussed a broad range of bilateral, regional and international issues.
Turning to bilateral relations, Minister Nalabndian said Armenia attaches great importance to the development of comprehensive and all-embracing relations with Great Britain – one of the leading countries of Europe, and his visit is an evidence of Armenia’s determination.
Minister Nalbandian said the Armenian-British political dialogue and the trade-economic relations have a great potential for development, and the activation of the Armenian-British relations in the above-mentioned sphere is one of the primary issues of cooperation between the two countries.
Minister Nalbandian and Foreign Secretary Miliband discussed in detail the settlement of regional conflicts. In this context Minister Nalbandian presented Armenia’s stance on the resolution of the Artsakh issue. He expressed hope that the parties can reach the resolution of the issue in case there is corresponding political will.
At the request of David Miliband, Edward Nalbandian presented the opportunities of normalization of the Armenian-Turkish relations, underlining that the aim of the process is their full normalization and Armenia is resolute to continue the steps in this direction. The British Foreign Secretary highly assessed Armenia’s steps targeted at the improvement of relations with Turkey.
Armenia’s Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian and British Minister of State for Europe Caroline Flint discussed the Armenia-European Union cooperation, particularly the process of implementation of the Action Plan of the European Neighborhood Policy, the bilateral cooperation between Armenia and Great Britain within the framework of the ENP. Ministers Nalbandian and Flint turned to regional issues, especially the perspectives of normalization of relations, as well as the activation of bilateral relations.
Minister Nalbandian visited the House of Lords, where he met with members of the Armenian-British Friendship Group. The meeting was attended by representatives of the main political parties of the United Kingdom – the Laborites, the Conservatives and the Liberals, as well as other parties.
On the same day, Minister Nalbandian visited Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House), where he made a speech on “Regional Security in the Caucasus – an Armenian Perspective”. Political analysts, representatives of research centres and universities, diplomats accredited to London, representatives of UK official bodies, journalists attended the meeting. After the speech Edward Nalbandian answered to the number of questions on Armenia’s foreign policy.
Afterwards Armenian Foreign Minister left for the Headquarter of BBC Radio – World Service and thus became the first high-ranking Armenian official who visited BBC Headquarters. Edward Nalbandian gave an interview to the correspondents of BBC World Service.
Edward Nalbandian’s next meeting was with the representatives of UK’s Armenian community in Great Britain. In the course of the meeting which lasted more that two hours Edward Nalbandian presented the main directions and priorities of Armenian foreign policy, perspectives of the settlement of Artsakh (Nagorno Karabakh) issue, the steps undertaken by the Government for the normalization of Armenian-Turkish relations. Speaking on Armenia-Diaspora relations Minister Nalbandian said to the representatives of British Armenian community that Armenian authorities seek to cooperate with the Diaspora to a definitely new level and establishment of the Ministry of Diaspora is one of the steps towards that goal. Edward Nalbandian answered a lot of questions of British Armenian Community’s concern.
The last meeting of Armenian Foreign Minister was with Sir Brian Fall, Special Representative of the United Kingdom for the South Caucasus. Minister Nalbandian and Ambassador Fall had a detailed discussion on the steps aimed at development of bilateral relation in different areas, recent regional developments and perspectives of settlement of the conflicts.
On October 28 Minister Nalbandian concluded his visit to UK and returned to Yerevan. -
Jewish group: Turkey promotes dialogue
[Combined Jewish Philanthropies]
ANKARA, Turkey – The head of the European Jewish Congress says Turkey has a key role in promoting tolerance and dialogue between the Jewish, Muslim and Christian faiths.
Moshe Kantor says Turkey represents “moderate and tolerant Islam,” which puts the country in position to help fight xenophobia, racism and anti-Semitism.
Kantor was speaking to The Associated Press on Tuesday after meetings with Turkey’s president, prime minister and foreign minister during which he invited Turkey to participate in the new European Council on Tolerance and Reconciliation. The council works to fight intolerance in Europe.
Kantor says he was assured there is no state anti-Semitism in Turkey and welcomed the Islamic-rooted government’s effort to combat anti-Semitism among the people.
Source: www.cjp.org
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Great document to keep for future as reference…
Meltemb <meltem@earthlink.net>
DO NOT VOTE FOLLOWING PERSONS ON NOVEMBER 4
You all should keep this document, to see on which reps you should work on in the future in your respective states..
Support our friends running for the House of Representatives
The Armenian Reporter and the U.S.-Armenia Public Affairs Committee (USAPAC) jointly urge Armenian-Americans to support our friends running for the House of Representatives. Last week, we focused on the California delegation. This week we consider the rest of the nation.In our endorsements, as always we have given special consideration to members of the Congressional Caucus on Armenian Issues. We have considered candidates’ interest in and support of Armenian-American issues, including co-sponsorship and support of H. Res. 106, which affirms the U.S. record on the Armenian Genocide. We have also noted where members have taken additional steps to support the Armenian-American agenda in Congress.
In several cases, we urge Armenian-Americans to oppose members who have opposed or withdrawn their support of House Resolution 106. The House Foreign Affairs Committee adopted the resolution in October 2007 over the very strong opposition of the Bush administration and the Turkish lobby. That led to an even more intense effort to kill the resolution on the floor of the full House. The administration and the Turkish lobby mobilized their resources across the country, making the fight for the resolution a top story for most news organizations for a few days.
This was a seminal matter. Members of Congress were being asked by the administration and a foreign state to suppress a proud chapter of American history – the efforts of the State Department, Ambassador Henry Morgenthau, and U.S. consuls in the Ottoman provinces in 1915-17 to save the Armenians, and the broad response of the American people to appeals for help. Why? Because an American ally, Turkey, was blackmailing the United States: If the resolution was adopted, the Turkish prime minister wrote ominously in the Wall Street Journal for October 19, 2007, Turkey, would take action that would “not be in the interests of either the U.S. or Turkey.”
We could not and cannot accept that the appropriate U.S. response to such a threat would be to coddle the Turkish government.
On Election Day, November 4, let the Armenian-American voice be heard loud and clear at the polls.
(See the print version of this editorial in pdf form=
We support
Alabama
Artur Davis (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
American Samoa
Eni F. H. Faleomavaega (D.), a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, voted in favor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Arizona
Ed Pastor (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Gabrielle Giffords (D.), a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, voted in favor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Raul Grijalva (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Colorado
Diana DeGette (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Ed Perlmutter (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
John Salazar (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Marilyn Musgrave (R.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Connecticut
Chris Murphy (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Chris Shays (R.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Joe Courtney (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
John Larson (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Rosa DeLauro (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
District of Columbia
Eleonor Holmes Norton (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Florida
Gus Bilirakis (R.), a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, voted in favor of the Armenian Genocide resolution. A member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues, he spoke at the September 2008 Capitol Hill Karabakh event
Kendrick Meek (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Lincoln Diaz-Balart (R.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Mario Diaz-Balart (R.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Ron Klein (D.), a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, voted in favor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Georgia
Jack Kingston (R.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Jim Marshall (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
John Barrow (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
John Lewis (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Guam
Madeleine Bordallo (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Hawaii
Mazie Hirono (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Neil Abercrombie (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Illinois
Bobby Rush (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Dan Lipinski (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Danny Davis (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Donald Manzullo (R.), a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, voted in favor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Janice Schakowsky (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Jerry Costello (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Jesse Jackson (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Luis Gutierrez (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Mark Kirk (R.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution. He supported Rep. Knollenberg’s July 2008 amendment to eliminate a $3.9 million allocation of military aid to Azerbaijan.)
Melissa Bean (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Peter Roskam (R.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Phil Hare (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Indiana
Mark Souder (R.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Peter Visclosky (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Iowa
Bruce Braley (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Kentucky
John Yarmuth (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Louisiana
Charlie Melancon (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Maine
Michael Michaud (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Maryland
Steny Hoyer of Maryland
The House majority leader, Mr. Hoyer stood firmly for the Armenian Genocide resolution in the face of vitriolic attacks jointly orchestrated last October by the Bush administration and the Turkish lobby.
Chris Van Hollen of Maryland
Mr. Van Hollen is one of the members of the House Democratic leadership who stood on principle and rejected pressure to forsake the Armenian Genocide resolution last October.
John Sarbanes (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Massachusetts
Barney Frank of Massachusetts
A member of the House Democratic leadership, Mr. Frank spoke at the September 2008 Capitol Hill Karabakh event and co-signed a letter asking for extra aid to Armenia in the wake of the war in Georgia.
Ed Markey (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution. Mr. Markey co-signed a letter asking for extra aid to Armenia in the wake of the war in Georgia.
James McGovern (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution. Mr. McGovern attended the 2008 Congressional commemoration of the Genocide and co-signed a letter asking for extra aid to Armenia in the wake of the war in Georgia.
John Olver (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
John Tierney (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Michael Capuano (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Niki Tsongas (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Richard Neal (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Steve Lynch (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution. Mr. Lynch co-signed a letter asking for extra aid to Armenia in the wake of the war in Georgia.
William Delahunt (D.), a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, voted in favor of the Armenian Genocide resolution. He is a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues.
Michigan
Joe Knollenberg of Michigan
A co-chair of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues – in a competitive race – Mr. Knollenberg, a Republican, has tirelessly led efforts to move the Armenian-American agenda forward in Congress. This summer he fought to eliminate a $3.9 million allocation of military aid to Azerbaijan. (He had heralded his intentions in an article for the Armenian Reporter, “Enough is enough, Azerbaijan,” June 21, p. 22.)
Thaddeus McCotter of Michigan
The chair of the GOP Policy Committee, Mr. McCotter co-signed a letter asking for extra aid to Armenia in the wake of the war in Georgia.
Candice Miller (R.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Dale Kildee (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Dave Camp (R.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
John Conyers (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Mike Rogers (R.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Sander Levin (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Tim Walberg (R.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Minnesota
Tim Walz of Minnesota
A leader among first-term members of Congress, Mr. Walz, a Democrat, has been an outspoken supporter of the Armenian-American agenda. He spoke at the September 2008 Capitol Hill Karabakh event.
Ashwin Madia of Minnesota
Mr. Madia, a Democrat, is running for an open seat. In meetings with Armenian-Americans, he has spoken clearly of his support for Armenian-American issues.
Betty McCollum (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution. Ms. McCollum attended the 2008 Congressional commemoration of the Genocide.
Collin Peterson (D.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution. Mr. Peterson co-signed a letter asking for extra aid to Armenia in the wake of the war in Georgia.
Keith Ellison (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Michele Bachmann (R.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Mississippi
Bennie Tompson (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Missouri
Emanuel Cleaver (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Wm. Lacy Clay (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
North Carolina
G.K. Butterfield (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Melvin Watt (D.), a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Nevada
Shelley Berkley of Nevada
Ms. Berkley, a supporter of the Armenian Genocide resolution, spoke at the September 2008 Capitol Hill Karabakh event. She is a Democrat.
Jon Porter (R.), a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
We opposeArizona
Jeff Flake (R.), a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, he voted against the Armenian Genocide resolution in October 2007 and was publicly dismissive of Armenian-American concerns during the debate.
Florida
Illeana Ros-Lehtinen (R.), Ranking Member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee – and of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues — she voted against the Armenian Genocide resolution in October 2007.
Robert Wexler (D.), co-chair of the Turkish Caucus and an outspoken opponent of Armenian-American concerns. A member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, he voted against the Armenian Genocide resolution in October 2007.
Illinois
Rahm Emanuel (D.) worked against the Armenian Genocide resolution in October 2007.
Indiana
Dan Burton (R.), an outspoken opponent of Armenian-American concerns. A member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, he voted against the Armenian Genocide resolution in October 2007.
Kentucky
Ed Whitfield (R.) worked against the Armenian Genocide resolution in October 2007. He is a co-chair of the Turkish Caucus.
Missouri
Russ Carnahan (D.), a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, he voted against the Armenian Genocide resolution in October 2007. He was a co-sponsor of the resolution but withdrew his co-sponsorship.
North Carolina
Virginia Foxx (R.) worked against the Armenian Genocide resolution in October 2007. She is active in the Azerbaijani and Turkish caucuses.
New York
Gregory Meeks (D.), a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee – and of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues, he voted against the Armenian Genocide resolution in October 2007.
Puerto Rico
Luis Fortuno (R.), a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee – and of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues – he voted against the Armenian Genocide resolution in October 2007 – after a call from President Bush. He was a co-sponsor of the resolution but withdrew his co-sponsorship.
Pennsylvania
Bill Shuster (R.) worked against the Armenian Genocide resolution in October 2007. He is co-chair of the Azerbaijani Caucus.
John Murtha (D.), a member of the Democratic leadership, broke with Speaker Pelosi and Majority Leader Hoyer on the issue of the Armenian Genocide resolution; he co-organized a press conference against the resolution.
Tennessee
Steve Cohen (D.) worked against the Armenian Genocide resolution in October 2007. He co-organized a press conference against the resolution.
Texas
Kay Granger (R.) worked against the Armenian Genocide resolution in October 2007. She is a co-chair of the Turkish Caucus.
Ruben Hinojosa (D.) a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee – and a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution — he voted against the resolution in October 2007.
Solomon Ortiz (D.) worked against the Armenian Genocide resolution in October 2007. He is a co-chair of the Azerbaijani Caucus.
Ted Poe (R.), a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, he voted against the Armenian Genocide resolution in October 2007. He is an outspoken opponent of Armenian-American concerns.
Washington
Adam Smith (D.), a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee – and of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues — he voted against the Armenian Genocide resolution in October 2007.
A word of thanksWe also take this opportunity to thank the following members of Congress for their service:
Martin Meehan (D.-Mass.), who retired in 2007, was an active member of the House Caucus for Armenian Issues.
Mike Ferguson (D.-N,J.), who is retiring, was a co-sponsor of the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Michael McNulty (D.-N.Y.), who is retiring, spoke on the record in February 2008 in support of the independence of Karabakh and co-signed a letter asking for extra aid to Armenia in the wake of the war in Georgia.
Tom Allen (D.-Maine), a member of the House Caucus for Armenian Issues, is running for the Senate.
Al Wynn (D.-Md.), who is retiring, co-sponsored the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Ray LaHood (Ill.), who is retiring, co-sponsored the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Jerry Weller (R.-Ill.), who is retiring, is a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsored the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Stephanie Tubbs Jones (D.-Ohio), who died on August 20, was a member of the House Caucus on Armenian Issues and co-sponsored the Armenian Genocide resolution.
Mark Udall (D.-Colo.), is running for the Senate and received our endorsement on October 11.
Tom Udall (D,-N.M.), co-sponsored the Armenian Genocide resolution and is running for the Senate.
Rick Renzi (R.-Ariz.), who is retiring, co-sponsored the Armenian Genocide resolution.
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Fractures in Iraq City as Kurds and Baghdad Vie
Joao Silva for The New York TimesIraqi soldiers in their room, at a base of a primarily Kurdish unit of the Iraqi Army in the Zuhoor neighborhood of eastern Mosul. More Photos >
MOSUL, Iraq — A new Iraqi military offensive is under way in this still violent northern city, but the worry is not only the insurgents who remain strong here. American commanders are increasingly concerned that Mosul could degenerate into a larger battleground over the fragile Iraqi state itself.Skip to next paragraphMultimedia
Slide ShowEscalating Conflict in Mosul
Enlarge This ImageJoao Silva for The New York TimesAn American soldier passing a guard post at an Iraqi Army base on the west side of Mosul. More Photos »
The problems are old but risk spilling out violently here and now. The central government in Baghdad has sent troops to quell the insurgency here, while also aiming at what it sees as a central obstacle to both nationhood and its own power: the semiautonomous Kurdish region in the north and the Kurds’ larger ambitions to expand areas under their control.
The Shiite-led government of Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki is squeezing out Kurdish units of the Iraqi Army from Mosul, sending the national police and army from Baghdad and trying to forge alliances with Sunni Arab hard-liners in the province, who have deep-seated feuds with the Kurdistan Regional Government led by Massoud Barzani.
The Kurds are resisting, underscoring yet again the depth of ethnic and sectarian divisions here and the difficulty of creating a united Iraq even when overall violence is down. Tension has risen to the point that last week American commanders held a series of emergency meetings with the Iraqi government and Kurdish officials, seeking to head off violence essentially between factions of the Iraqi government.
“It’s the perfect storm against the old festering background,” warned Brig. Gen. Raymond A. Thomas III, who oversees Nineveh and Kirkuk Provinces and the Kurdish region.
Worry is so high that the American military has already settled on a policy that may set a precedent, as the United States slowly withdraws to allow Iraqis to settle their own problems. If the Kurds and Iraqi government forces fight, the American military will “step aside,” General Thomas said, rather than “have United States servicemen get killed trying to play peacemaker.”
The competing agendas of the Kurds and central government have nearly provoked violence before, but each side eventually grasped the risks. That may be the case now. At the moment, the Americans are hoping to refocus each side on fighting the insurgency rather than each other.
But the tensions underline that achieving basic security is only the first step toward deeper progress in Iraq — and that much remains, bitterly, unresolved.
Mosul falls outside the borders of the Kurdish region, but Mr. Barzani’s Kurdistan Democratic Party came to control the provincial government after Sunni Arabs boycotted the provincial elections in 2005. The Kurds say, however, that they will not abandon the city until they reclaim five areas in Nineveh Province, putting them on a political collision course with the central government.
Tense personal relations between Mr. Maliki and Mr. Barzani worsened, officials on all sides say, after a standoff in September between the Iraqi Army and the Kurdish security forces, the pesh merga, in eastern Diyala Province. American forces helped contain that confrontation.
More broadly, the two men do not see eye to eye on issues as fundamental as the sharing of oil resources, the resolution of disputed internal borders and the shape of the Iraqi nation. The Kurds want a loose federation, while Mr. Maliki, playing on nationalist sentiments, is increasingly pushing for a strong central government.
Relations have deteriorated to the point that the Kurdish leadership has described Mr. Maliki as a new Saddam Hussein, recalling how Mr. Hussein ruthlessly crushed the Kurds in the 1980s. The borders of Iraqi Kurdistan were established as an internationally enforced security zone in 1991.
Testing Loyalties
In this latest offensive against insurgents, Mr. Maliki has been pushing to lessen Kurdish military influence here, and that is testing loyalties at a delicate time.
Mr. Maliki sent nearly 3,000 national policemen from Baghdad to Mosul to prop up the local force. The officers, almost all Shiites and Sunni Arabs, will be in charge of the overwhelmingly Sunni Arab west side of the city.
Predominantly Kurdish units of the army stationed in Nineveh are slowly being replaced by the mainly Sunni Arab and Shiite contingents.
The Defense Ministry also recently appointed Maj. Gen. Abdullah Abdul-Karim, Mr. Maliki’s brother-in-law, as the new commander of the Second Division on Mosul’s east side. Mr. Barzani, sensing a plot to purge the Iraqi Army in the north of its Kurdish leadership, personally intervened recently to freeze a ministerial order to transfer 34 Kurdish officers, said Col. Hajji Abdullah, a battalion commander in the Second Division.
“If the Arabs do not change now, things will get worse and I see confrontation,” Colonel Abdullah said.
In the turmoil, he and another officer in the division, Brig. Gen. Nadheer Issam, say their loyalties are first and foremost to Kurdistan.
“If I were made to choose, I would not even think for a second — I would leave the army,” General Issam said. “We have sacrificed too much fighting the Baathists,” he added, referring to Mr. Hussein’s political party.
Skip to next paragraphEnlarge This ImageJoao Silva for The New York TimesAn Iraqi Army captain interrogating an Arab whose father is being held as a suspected insurgent. More Photos >
Multimedia
Slide ShowEscalating Conflict in Mosul
The United States has relied on Kurds from the very beginning in Mosul. Ignoring longtime enmities between the city and Mr. Barzani’s party, American Special Forces units accompanied pesh merga fighters beholden to the party when they took Mosul in April 2003. The United States drafted more pesh merga units into the city in 2004 and 2005 when the whole provincial government and the police force collapsed at the hands of insurgents.
Although many of the pesh merga units in Nineveh were merged into the national army, an estimated 5,000 men remained from an elite Kurdistan corps in the province’s north. All these actions have stoked anger in Mosul toward Americans and Kurds.
Karam Qusay, who works in the Zuhoor neighborhood of Mosul, said he wanted the city to be free of the Kurdish military presence, both in the army and outside of it.
“We wish they would leave,” he said. “We despise them.”
Mosul’s allegiance to Mr. Hussein was so staunch that the city was known as the “regime’s pillow.” Now Mr. Maliki appears to be trying to win over the city by playing on grievances toward the Kurds.
“The government wants to extend its authority, and this clashes with the will and ambitions of the Kurds,” said Maj. Ali Naji, a Sunni Arab in one of the army units sent recently from Baghdad. “I predict fighting between Iraqi forces and the pesh merga.”
Sami al-Askari, one of Mr. Maliki’s senior advisers, said he hoped that talks between his boss and Mr. Barzani would head off any such confrontation.
But he made the government’s position clear: that the presence of Kurdish forces outside of the national army and beyond the borders of Kurdistan was “unlawful.” And he said the refusal of Kurdish officers in the Iraqi Army to obey their transfer orders from Nineveh was a “mutiny that must be severely punished.”
The repercussions of a face-off between Baghdad and the Kurds in Mosul, Iraq’s second largest city, would be far more serious than the recent tensions in eastern Diyala.
Tenuous Security
Nineveh, wedged between Iraqi Kurdistan and Syria and close to Turkey, remains a focal point for a number of Sunni insurgent groups linked to Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia, the homegrown terrorist group that American officials say is led by foreigners, and to the Baath Party. Both are fighting the Americans, Mr. Maliki’s government and the Kurds.
Despite numerous offensives by American and Iraqi forces since the start of the year, security remains tenuous at best. This was underscored this month when 2,270 Christian families, according to the Human Rights Ministry, fled Mosul after a number of killings and other attacks against Christians.
The overall level of violence has dropped in Mosul to 9 or 10 attacks a day from an average of 40 a day a year ago.
Yet killings continue, and fear is palpable. Judges are so intimidated or corrupt that the Iraqi government has flown in judges from Baghdad. Their main job is to issue arrest warrants for wanted suspects.
People other than Christians are also being attacked. A senior provincial official was killed as he left a mosque last month. Even a man who makes tea in the provincial building was recently killed in what is probably the most secure part of the city, said an American official working with local authorities.
In his push to subdue Mosul and marginalize the Kurds, Mr. Maliki is trying to curry favor with disaffected Sunnis. Last week he sent his deputy, Rafie al-Issawi, a Sunni, here with promises of a reconstruction and investment initiative that would be coordinated this time by respected Sunnis from Mosul.
More significant, Mr. Maliki is courting former army officers and tribal leaders like Sheik Abdullah al-Humaidi, who leads the powerful Shammar tribe in western Nineveh. All are strong nationalists who believe that Kurds must be confined to the borders of Kurdistan drawn after the Persian Gulf war in 1991.General Thomas said Mr. Maliki was promoting Riad al-Chakerji, a Sunni Arab who is a former army general, as the next governor of Nineveh. Mr. Chakerji acts as an adviser to a committee set up to carry out the central government’s new economic initiatives for Mosul.
Skip to next paragraphMultimedia
Slide ShowEscalating Conflict in Mosul
“The central government must be very strong, especially now,” Mr. Chakerji said.
Mr. Chakerji, Sheik Humaidi and people like Hassan al-Luhaibi, a former Iraqi Army commander who led the invasion of Kuwait in 1990, have all joined a new political coalition known as Al Hadba, which will run in the coming provincial elections.
The coalition is led by Atheel al-Nujaifi, a prominent businessman who owns a ranch in Mosul that once supplied purebred Arabian horses to Mr. Hussein’s sons, Uday and Qusay.
A Call to Keep a Promise
Mr. Nujaifi said the United States military ignored the province’s enmity toward Mr. Barzani and turned itself into a party to the conflict when it relied on pesh merga forces upon arriving in Mosul.
He said that for Mr. Maliki to assert his authority in Mosul he must first make good on his promise to drive out Kurdish forces.
“Many insurgent groups will become law-abiding after that,” Mr. Nujaifi said.
Mr. Nujaifi and his brother Osama, a member of Parliament in Baghdad, blame the Kurds for instigating a campaign against the Christians in Mosul to deflect the central government’s pressure.
One Kurdish leader called the accusations “ludicrous,” and the United States military said it was most likely the work of militants linked to Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia.
But a group of Christian leaders who met with General Thomas last week in the town of Qosh, outside Mosul, blamed the struggle between the central government and Kurdistan for the plight of their people. Sweeping out both sides, they said, may be the only way to restore calm and trust.
“You have done a great job removing Saddam’s regime,” the Rev. Bashar Warda told the general. “Continue with removing this regime, and start over again.”
