Category: Turkey

  • Armenia Presses On With Courtship of Turkey

    Armenia Presses On With Courtship of Turkey

    While Turkey holds out for concessions over Nagorny- Karabakh, Yerevan remains convinced a restoration of diplomatic ties lies on the horizon.

    By Tatul Hakobian in Yerevan (CRS No. 490, 24-Apr-09)

    Noyan Soyak, a businessman from Turkey, recalls with a smile that every January 1 he thinks the border with Armenia will open, and almost 12 months later, every December 31, he hopes it will reopen the following year.

    “But this year is unique, especially after the visit of Turkish president Abdullah Gul to Yerevan last September,” he said.

    “That was a turning point, so we should use this momentum to identify the problems between our two nations and start solving them.”

    A businessman with the Istanbul-based chartering and shipping organisation, Alyans, Soyak is also co-vice-chair of the Turkish-Armenian business development council, TABDC.

    Established in 1997, TABDC is chaired by representatives from each country; Soyak and his brother Kaan Soyak from Turkey, and Arsen Ghazarian, president of the union of manufacturers and businessmen of Armenia.

    “Since 1997 we have been working on a lot of projects, such as cultural events and business meetings,” Soyak continued.

    “Our latest project is a documentary movie to be made with the Armenian Marketing Association on the river Araks that separates the two countries.”

    The idea is for each country to film its own 30-minute documentary on the river, and later combine them into one film. Each segment will present a separate perspective on a common, shared treasure.

    The combined documentary will be translated into English as well as appearing in both Turkish and Armenian, and will help acquaint the inhabitants of both sides with current processes, problems and thoughts, creating links between the countries.

    While the Turkish businessman still cannot predict a date when the border between Armenia and Turkey will finally be opened, he is sure it would benefit not only the two countries but the whole region.

    For one thing, it would stimulate cultural tourism and create new jobs. As for the commodity turnover between Armenia and Turkey, worth only about 135 million US dollars in 2007, that would soar in a short period.

    “The opening of Kars-Gyumri railway would provide a lot of jobs,” Soyak explained. “Turkey, Armenia and Azerbaijan would then form a big market and a transport corridor.”

    Armenia is already officially in favour of reopening of the border – provided there are no preconditions on the subject of the disputed Armenian enclave of Nagorny-Karabakh.

    But Turkey has until now insisted on concessions over the enclave as the price of reopening the border, which it closed in 1993.

    Yerevan continues making optimistic statements on the normalisation of relations, even though Turkish prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan repeatedly stated this month that Ankara will not reestablish ties without a resolution of the Nagorny-Karabakh issue.

    Recent reports in foreign media, which suggested Armenia and Turkey would sign a protocol to re-establish diplomatic relations in Yerevan on April 16, proved inaccurate.

    But less than a week later, on April 22, the Armenian, Turkish and Swiss foreign ministries issued a joint statement that confirmed that Turkey and Armenia, with Switzerland as mediator, had been “working intensively with a view to normalising their bilateral relations”.

    It declared the two parties “had agreed on a comprehensive framework” for doing so and “a road map has been identified”.

    The surprise development, coming only two days before the annual April 24 anniversary of the Armenian genocide, provoked as much anger as amazement in some Armenian circles, who deemed it insensitive.

    According to Richard Giragosian, director of the Armenian Centre for National and International Studies, ACNIS, Yerevan had “demonstrated an appalling degree of short-sightedness and irresponsibility”, by signing the statement, and had “abdicated its responsibility to both the passing generation of genocide survivors and the present generation of their ancestors”.

    Other Armenian officials, politicians and experts have also voiced strong doubts over Turkey’s intentions, albeit less harshly.

    Armenia’s former foreign minister, Vardan Oskanian, who has much experience of talks with the Turkish side, says the current situation in Armenian-Turkish relations appears strange.

    “Recent statements made by both parties … made me think that there were some real developments in relations… in spite of my continual suspicions based on ten years of experience,” he said.

    “But the present situation really puzzled me,” Oskanian added, regarding the Turkish premier’s statements on the Karabakh.

    The former foreign minister says the Armenian side should set a precise date for the opening of the borders.

    Either a document should be signed between the two countries on opening the border that day, or Yerevan should drop out of talks. The current continuous negotiations were beneficial only to Turkey, he maintained.

    Another former foreign minister, Raffi Hovhannisian, now head of the opposition Heritage party in parliament, struck a tougher line. “It was Turkey that closed its borders with Armenia, so let it reopen the border on its own,” he said.

    “It’s unacceptable for Armenia to make concessions over the Armenian Genocide or the Karabakh problem in exchange for opening the Turkish border.”

    Ara Nranian, of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation parliamentary bloc, also questions the value of discussions on reopening the border.

    “We have nothing against the reopening of the border, bearing in mind that it wasn’t Armenia that closed it [but] Turkey’s terms for reopening of the border are simply inadmissible for Armenia,” Nranian told IWPR.

    Vladimir Karapetian, who coordinates foreign ties for the opposition Armenian National Congress, ANC, led by former president Levon Ter-Petrosian, also doesn’t expect much progress in Armenian-Turkish relations in the near future.

    “The opening of the borders is very important for Armenia. But what is more important is the way we achieve it,” he said.

    “The time game started by the Turks from the day President Gul arrived in Yerevan in September 2008 brought Turkey more international dividends than it did to Yerevan.”

    Karapetian said Turkey had continued to insist that without the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabagh conflict, or significant progress in Armenia-Azerbaijan dispute, the border would remain closed, he told IWPR.

    Even some of the government’s own parliamentary allies are restive over the government’s policy towards Ankara.

    On April 22, Hrant Margarian, leader of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, a member of the ruling coalition, said official policy toward Turkey had harmed Armenia and given Ankara the role it had long sought in the Nagorny-Karabakh peace process.

    This party is reportedly mulling leaving the coalition over the issue. “The Armenian side must acknowledge that it has been defeated in this stage of Turkish-Armenian fence-mending negotiations,” Markarian said.

    Turkey has sought to become more involved in the Nagorny-Karabakh peace process for several months now.

    Last October, for example, a trilateral meeting took place between the foreign ministers of Armenia, Turkey and Azerbaijan in New York.

    According to Karapetian, “Turkey’s endeavour to tie the opening of the border with the Nagorno Karabakh conflict has become more visible and, probably, more understandable in the eyes of the international community than it was before.

    “The Armenian authorities have allowed Turks to draw a linkage between opening the border and settlement of the Karabakh conflict, which can endanger both – the process of reconciliation and the Karabakh conflict.”

    Armenia continues to insist that Turkey is not in fact directly involved in talks over the future of Nagorny-Karabakh.

    Questioned on Turkey’s role in any talks, Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian said negotiations between Armenia, Nagorny-Karabakh and Azerbaijan were taking place within the context of the OSCE Minsk Group, which oversees the Karabakh peace process. “This is the only format of the negotiations. Turkey is not a mediator in the process of the Karabakh conflict resolution,” Nalbandian said.

    Azerbaijan is following the recent flurry of high-level talks between Yerevan and Ankara with a mixture of interest and irritation.

    While officially welcoming steps towards solving regional problems, Baku opposes reopening the Armenian-Turkish border and the restoration of the ties between the two countries without concessions over the enclave.

    Azerbaijan’s deputy foreign minister, Mahmoud Mamedkuliev, attending the Black Sea Economic Cooperation council in Yerevan on April 16 – the first senior Azeri diplomat to visit Armenia in years – said Baku considered any talks between Armenia and Turkey an affair of these two countries.

    But he added, “Our position is that the restoration of the ties between Armenia and Turkey can be only connected with the resolution of Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict.

    “Armenia and Turkey broke off relations once and the main reason for this was the occupation of Azerbaijani territories. We think the relations between Armenia and Turkey… should be connected with the resolution of this conflict.”

    Mamedkuliev added that Turkey’s role in this process was indispensible. “Turkey is a member of the Minsk Group and is one of the most significant players in the region,” he said.

    Meanwhile, Armenia’s president has continued to say that following his February 6 meeting with the Turkish prime minister in Switzerland, the latter half of 2009 could see a new level in Armenian-Turkish relations.

    On April 10, he said he still hoped to cross the already reopened border to arrive in Turkey for the Turkey-Armenia World Cup Qualifier match.

    Sticking to the sporting metaphor, he said, “Now the ball is on the Turkish side of the field and while speaking about football diplomacy, it must be noted that the ball can’t remain in one part of the field for a long time and that every football game has certain limits.”

    Yerevan-based political scientist Giragosian agrees there is a likely time limit for the Turkish-Armenian reconciliation process to bear fruit.

    He sees a window of opportunity over the coming months, lasting roughly until the end of the year, “but after that, if the process drags on into next year, there is a much larger danger that something else will go wrong and more complications will arise”.

    Meanwhile, Armenian are preparing to commemorate the 94th anniversary the Armenian genocide on April 24 – an occasion for mourning the tragic events of 1915 and a day on which the Armenian head of state traditionally delivers a speech.

    But this year Armenians are more interested in another presidential speech on the subject of the bloodshed in 1915 – that of United States president Barack Obama.

    During his presidential campaign, Obama told the Armenian diaspora in the US he would not shrink from using the term “genocide” in his speech on April 24.

    But many Armenians suspect Obama is unlikely to honour that pledge, as such a step would not only undermine US-Turkey relations but might harm the warming process in Armenian-Turkish relations as well.

    Tatul Hakobian is a commentator with the English-language Armenian Reporter newspaper, published in the United States.

  • Armenia marks so-called genocide anniversary

    Armenia marks so-called genocide anniversary

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    Armenia – Armenians mark Genocide Remembarence Day, Yerevan, 24Apr2009

    24.04.2009
    Hovannes Shoghikian

    Hundreds of thousands of people silently marched to a hilltop memorial in Yerevan on Friday in an annual remembrance of more than one million of fellow Armenians killed in Ottoman Turkey in what is widely considered the first genocide of the 20th century.

    As always, a steady stream of mourners flowed to the genocide memorial on the Tsitsernakabert hill overlooking the city center throughout the day, laying flowers by its eternal fire surrounded by twelve inward-bending basalt columns.

    The day marked the 94th anniversary of the arrest and subsequent execution by the regime of the Young Turks of hundreds of Armenian intellectuals in Istanbul. That was followed by the mass killings and depurations of the virtually entire ethnic Armenian population of the crumbling Ottoman Empire.

    The somber commemoration began in the morning with a traditional prayer service at Tsitsernakabert led by Catholicos Garegin II, head of the Armenian Apostolic Church, and attended by President Serzh Sarkisian and other top government officials.

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    Armenia – Armenian President Serzh Sarkisian, Catholicos mark Genocide Remembrance Day, Yerevan, 24Apr2009

    In a written address to the nation, Sarkisian described the Armenian genocide as a “crime against humanity” and said Armenia’s government will continue to campaign for its greater international recognition. “For the Armenian people and the Republic of Armenia, international recognition and condemnation of the Armenian genocide is a matter of restoring historical justice,” he said.

    “We have repeatedly pointed out that the process of international recognition of the genocide is not directed against the Turkish people and that Turkey’s recognition of the genocide is not a precondition for establishing bilateral relations,” added Sarkisian. He praised in that regard “those Turkish intellectuals who share our pain.”

    Senior members of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Dashnaktsutyun), one of the four parties represented in Sarkisian’s coalition government were conspicuously absent from a large group of officials who accompanied the president. Dashnaktsutyun on Thursday strongly condemned a far-reaching agreement announced by the Armenian and Turkish foreign ministries the previous night. It said the announced “roadmap” for normalizing Turkish-Armenian relations dealt a serious blow to the decades-long Armenian campaign for genocide recognition.

    Armen Rustamian, one of the nationalist party’s leaders, said the Turkish-Armenian deal, many details of which are not known, all but precluded the use of the word genocide by U.S. President Barack Obama in a statement due later on Friday. “I had some expectations, but after this statement those expectations are almost gone,” he told RFE/RL while visiting the genocide memorial.

    According to Rustamian, Sarkisian did not consult with Dashnaktsutyun leaders before signing up to the U.S.-backed statement that seems to have taken the party off the guard. He confirmed that they will decide whether or not to quit the ruling coalition after holding a meeting with Sarkisian “in the coming days.” “This is not the kind of issue that can be taken lightly,” said Rustamian. “We have to make a thorough decision after discussing it in depth.”

    A deputy chairman of Sarkisian’s Republican Party of Armenia (HHK) defended the Turkish-Armenian statement and claimed that Dashnaktsutyun’s reaction to it was “not that tough.” “I think [the statement] is only the beginning and it is wrong to expect a very quick result,” Razmik Zohrabian told RFE/RL.As always, a steady stream of mourners flowed to the genocide memorial on the Tsitsernakabert hill overlooking the city center throughout the day, laying flowers by its eternal fire surrounded by twelve inward-bending basalt columns.

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    An elderly Armenian carries flowers to the genocide memorial in Yerevan on April 24, 2009.

    https://www.azatutyun.am/a/1615357.html

  • Yerevan Tight-Lipped On Turkish-Armenian ‘Roadmap’

    Yerevan Tight-Lipped On Turkish-Armenian ‘Roadmap’

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    Football fans at Yerevan’s Hrazdan stadium pictured during the Armenia-Turkey match on September 6, 2008.

    24.04.2009
    Emil Danielyan, Tatevik Lazarian

    Armenia’s leadership remained tight-lipped on Friday about details of a potentially ground-breaking agreement with Turkey despite growing pressure from the domestic opposition concerned about its possible implications.

    The Armenian government stopped short of explicitly denying the purported specifics of the “roadmap” for the normalization of Turkish-Armenian relations that were reported by Turkish newspapers.

    According to the “Sabah” daily, Armenia will formally recognize its existing border with Turkey and agree to the formation of a joint commission of historians tasked with studying the mass killings of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. It said historians from other countries could also join the commission. Turkey will in return gradually establish full diplomatic relations with Armenia and reopen the Turkish-Armenian frontier closed it 1993, reported “Sabah.”

    Another paper, “Hurriyet,” claimed that the lifting of the Turkish blockade will be contingent on a breakthrough in the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process. “It would be up to Turkey to decide whether to open the gate,” it wrote on Friday.

    Commenting on the “Sabah” report, Armenian Foreign Ministry spokesman Tigran Balayan said: “One should trust information about such serious issues only if it comes from official sources.” He did not elaborate.

    Armenia’s two main opposition forces demanded, meanwhile, the immediate disclosure of the “roadmap” which the two countries’ foreign ministries announced in a joint statement on Wednesday night. The statement said Ankara and Yerevan have agreed on a “comprehensive framework for the normalization of their bilateral relations” but did not give any details.

    “The Armenian authorities do not have the public mandate to make such statements and have in effect put Armenian national interests at risk by abusing the principle of confidentiality [of the talks,]” the opposition Zharangutyun (Heritage) said in a statement. It condemned the fact that the agreement was announced on the eve of the annual commemoration of the Armenian genocide.

    A similar statement was issued by the larger Armenian National Congress (HAK). “We demand that the authorities immediately disclose that document,” Levon Zurabian, a top HAK representative, told RFE/RL on Friday.

    “I am concerned that this statement could stop more countries recognizing the genocide,” said Stepan Demirchian, another HAK leader. “We support the normalization of Turkish-Armenian relations but not at the expense of our national dignity.”

    The HAK and its top leader, former President Levon Ter-Petrosian, are strongly opposed to the idea of Turkish and Armenian scholars jointly determining whether the 1915-1918 mass killings constituted a genocide. “If there is such a thing in that document, it is unacceptable to us,” said Zurabian.

    That Yerevan agreed to the establishment of a Turkish-Armenian body dealing with historic disputes was seemingly admitted by President Serzh Sarkisian in an interview with “The Wall Street Journal” earlier this week. “You are asking what questions can be addressed by that historical sub-commission,” he said. “I can give you one example. The historic Armenian monuments in the Ottoman Empire and today. There are thousands of such monuments. I am sure that Turkey would have many questions to raise with us.”

    When asked whether that can include the genocide issue, Sarkisian replied: “We cannot prohibit Turkey from raising any issue in any of the sub-commissions, just as they cannot limit us in raising any issue.”

    The Armenian leader also hit out at Turkish Prime Minister Recep for repeatedly stating this month that Ankara will not normalize ties with Yerevan before a solution is found to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. “I think already now the motivation of Turkey has decreased, because as you said Prime Minister Erdogan is now offering preconditions,” he said, speaking two days before the announcement of the “roadmap.”

    Sarkisian further made clear that he will not visit Turkey this October for the return match of the two countries’ national soccer teams if the Turkish-Armenian border is not reopened or about to be reopened by then. “I was not supposed to travel to Turkey as a simple tourist or as a football fan,” he said.

    The prospect of a breakthrough in Turkish-Armenian relations prompted renewed concerns from Azerbaijan, which maintains that their unconditional normalization would deal a heavy blow to its positions in the Karabakh conflict. Turkish President Abdullah Gul phoned his Azerbaijani counterpart Ilham Aliev late Thursday in a bid to address those concerns.

    “There is no misunderstanding in our relations,” Gul told journalists on Friday. “We are in agreement that everything that is being done is of advantage to both our countries, Azerbaijan and Turkey,” he said, according to news agencies.

    Erdogan, for his part, appeared to downplay the significance of the Turkish-Armenian understandings. “We will not take any steps that will hurt our [Azeri] brothers,” “Hurriyet Daily News” quoted him as saying. “There is nothing that is signed but a finalized protocol.”

    https://www.azatutyun.am/a/1615483.html

  • Is Rasmussen the Right Man?

    Is Rasmussen the Right Man?

    Dennis Nottebaumwrongman

    President Obama’s European tour went remarkably smoothly. Many expected the G20 summit to end in fights over stronger regulations of the global financial system, but despite president Sarkozy’s hard-line position the outcome was surprisingly consensual. The US and most West European governments were even able to agree on a common candidate for NATO’s new Secretary General, an issue that has led to rather longer arguments in the past. Everyone seemed to be in high spirits until Turkish Prime Minister Erdoğan disturbed the party with his publicly declared opposition to the candidacy of Anders Fogh Rasmussen – a diplomatic clanger.

    An ultimate veto against the candidate could only be avoided by reportedly broad concessions to Turkey, chief among which was the appointment of a Turkish deputy to Rasmussen and the shut-down of the allegedly pro-PKK TV channel Roj TV, which operates from Denmark. Despite the seeming resolution of the situation, the implications of the choice of Rasmussen remain problematic. The quarrel indicates two developments that will pose great challenges to both NATO and the European Union. First, Erdoğan’s conduct demonstrates a new Turkish self-assurance in standing up to its Western partners, that can largely be traced back to a general strategic reorientation in Ankara. The case also highlights a serious lack of sensitivity towards the ‘Islamic world’ on the part of central NATO member states, calling into question NATO’s strategic reorientation.

    The causa Rasmussen

    Rasmussen has become a persona non grata in much of the ‘Islamic world’ due to his fervent support of the Iraq war and his mismanagement of the cartoon controversy in 2005. After the cartoons were published in Denmark several ambassadors from Muslim countries tried to enter into dialogue with Rasmussen on how to defuse the situation. The Danish Prime Minister arrogantly snubbed them. While insisting on free speech as a vital component of civil liberties in his country, he nevertheless failed to acknowledge the need to communicate this principle or to engage in dialogue over what had occurred. His behavior left the ambassadors startled and ruined his reputation in the ‘Islamic world’. Moreover, Rasmussen’s minority government has long relied on toleration of the right-wing Folkeparti, a group that has repeatedly used racist, anti-Muslim rhetoric.
    It is indeed surprising that it took an embarrassing public declaration by Erdoğan to point out the implications of the candidate. Still NATO chose to ignore Rasmussen’s bad standing in a key region of the globe and a primary area of operation for NATO. It is essential for a Secretary General of NATO to be able to get along well with the ‘Muslim world’. Rasmussen’s appointment comes as a welcome present for the propagandists of Al Qaeda and the Taliban, who have long declared NATO’s intervention in Afghanistan anti-Muslim. It also contradicts president Obama’s efforts to reorganize NATO and clearly shift its focus to AfPak.

    Turkey’s reorientation

    Turkey’s geographical proximity to the Balkans, the Middle East and the Caucasus locates it at an intersection of pivotal energy and transportation networks. Its political and economic ties to Syria, Iran and other Southern neighbours provide Ankara with unique access to and influence in one of the most troublesome areas of the globe. Turkey’s position benefits the increasingly outward-oriented EU and NATO when it comes to influence and credibility in this area; an asset that shouldn’t be trifled with.

    The country has always been torn between its ties to these neighbours and to the European Union. Atatürk’s secular model of the state launched Turkey on a westernising path, but this path is by no means uncontested. After having lost some eight percent of the popular vote in the recent parliamentary elections, Erdoğan has come under increased pressure from within his party. Conservative elements in the AKP have long demanded a more self-assured position for Turkey against its Western allies, particularly the European Union. The ‘special treatment’ that has characterized the long and troubled process of Turkey’s accession to the Union has alienated many Turks from the western orientation of Erdoğan’s early years. His and his party’s steadily decreasing popularity signify this, as does the subsequent cessation of Turkish reform efforts towards meeting the Copenhagen criteria since 2005. The political costs of the accession process are starting to outweigh the gains that Turkey aspired to. It gets harder and harder for the pro-EU parties to keep up their support for the accession process in the light of a rising popular reservation against further concessions without clear signals from the EU.
    Erdoğan’s refusal to support Rasmussen’s candidacy emphasizes the implications of Turkey’s strategic reorientation. Turkey will increasingly turn towards its Southern neighbours in order to assert its power in the region. The assurance of a distinctively pro-Muslim policy will highlight Turkey’s key role and further its position as a spokesman of the ‘Muslim world’. Erdoğan’s row with Shimon Peres in Davos hinted at such a strategy, underlined by Turkey’s successful conduct as a mediator between Syria and Israel.

    At the same time this emphasizes the strategic importance of the only Muslim NATO member as a key ally both for the Alliance and the EU. It is high time for the Union to acknowledge Turkey’s geopolitical potential and its uniqueness as a secular democracy with a predominantly Muslim population. Turkey as an EU member (provided it meets the Copenhagen criteria) will be an invaluable asset in the region because it can better than any other country play the role of the honest broker. Moreover, as the only NATO member keeping diplomatic contact with Tehran, Ankara is a prime channel for a rapprochement. If the EU continues to alienate Turkey and invent new strategies to protract the accession process it will lose the Turks. It becomes increasingly hard to explain to the Turkish people why they face harsh visa restrictions when traveling to the EU while most EU citizens can freely go to Turkey. And Ankara’s elites are hesitant to perform any further pro-European reforms as long as European governments – especially Germany and France – continue to undermine the perspective of full membership.
    The window of opportunity that the Erdoğan government has represented (at least in its earlier years) is closing. A future Turkish administration is much likely to be a lot less pro-Western.

    NATO’s strategic choice

    President Obama’s visit to Turkey and his call for the EU to fast-track the accession of Ankara are signs that the new American administration acknowledges the importance of NATO’s only predominantly Muslim member. It also came as a well-placed nod to moderate Islam. Turkey’s ties to Iran and Syria may be another reason here, as is the potential use of Turkish territory during the US pullout from Iraq. Many in Europe still believe that cooperation with Turkey is nothing more than a benevolent gift to an emerging country. It’s not. From a geopolitical perspective, and for economic reasons, strong ties are a win-win-situation. Obama’s visit has made this very clear: there is something to gain for America in Turkey. And despite strong anti-American sentiments, the Turks seem to respond positively to Obama’s open hand. Again the Europeans are losing ground.

    The whole controversy around the appointment of the new NATO secretary general emphasizes that a few calls between Washington, London and Berlin are no longer sufficient to govern a multipolar world. Other states need to be actively incorporated in order to achieve a broad consensus and thus a strong strategic position. Engaging Turkey is a first step – and a smart one given Ankara’s influence.

    Obama’s call for a large-scale reform of NATO towards a more flexible, globally operating security force is highly controversial within the Alliance, especially among its larger Western European members. However, NATO’s future mission will undoubtedly include a more active role in regional crisis areas, especially in the wider Middle East. The importance of its image in the region therefore must not be underestimated, which NATO still does given the symbolic meaning of a Secretary General Rasmussen. The issue comes as a huge ideological burden for NATO’s operations in Afghanistan and elsewhere; a needless mistake, that should have been avoided. And yet another reason to embrace Turkey.

    Source: www.morungexpress.com

  • Opening of Armenia-Turkish border weakening Russian influence

    Opening of Armenia-Turkish border weakening Russian influence

    By Messenger Staff

    Thursday, April 23

    Alexander Skakov from the Russian Institute of Strategic Research thinks that opening the Turkish and Armenian border will hamper Russian attempts to bring Armenia under its influence.

    Today Armenia is under the Russian sphere of influence because it is confronting Azerbaijan and Turkey. Its connection to the rest of the world through Georgia is partly blocked and therefore the basis of its communications is Iran.

    The Americans think they can offer Armenia better options and thus attract it into the US sphere of interest. Skakov says that if Armenia receives direct access to the Turkish coast, Black Sea and Mediterranean it will engage in more direct trade with the West, bypassing Russia. The West will also guarantee Armenia’s sovereignty. Skakov thinks that after opening the border with Turkey Armenia will become less dependent on Russia and more on NATO and the EU.

    Source:  www.messenger.com.ge, 23 April 2009