Category: Turkey

  • Newly elected Turkish Cypriot president AKINCI pays first visit to Turkey

    Newly elected Turkish Cypriot president AKINCI pays first visit to Turkey

    I’m not a wizard says TRNC President Mustafa AKINCI

    Newly elected Turkish Cypriot President Mustafa Akıncı made his first official visit to Ankara on May 6, a little more than a week after engaging in a war of words with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan over the status of the relationship between Turkey and Turkish Cyprus.

    Akıncı arrived in Ankara on the invitation of Erdoğan and was welcomed by Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu and Ankara Deputy Governor Mehmet Ali Ulutaş at Esenboğa Airport.

    After visiting the mausoleum of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the Turkish Republic, he had a meeting with Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu.

    Mustafa AKINCI with Turkish Prime Minister Davutoglu

    Akıncı and Erdoğan are expected to hold a joint press briefing on late May 6.

    Akıncı, a leftist moderate who has promised to press for a peace deal in Cyprus, was elected the Turkish Cyprus president in a run-off on April 26. Ankara was irked by Akıncı’s remarks that the status of the relationship between Turkey and Turkish Cyprus should change.

    “It should be a relationship of brothers/sisters, not a relationship of a motherland and her child,” he had said.

    Erdoğan slammed these remarks on April 27. “Do his ears hear what he says? Even working together as brothers has its conditions. We paid a price for northern Cyprus. We gave martyrs and we continue to pay a price… For Turkey, northern Cyprus is our baby. We will continue to look at it the way a mother looks at her baby,” Erdoğan said.

    Peace talks between the Greek Cypriot administration and the Turkish Cypriot government, which have been on hold since October 2014, are expected to resume in the second half of May, following a meeting of on May 11 between Akıncı and Greek Cypriot leader Nicos Anastasiades.

    aafoto 5250583 060520151820230000 r gen 20150506000000 aa picture 20150506 5250583 high

    May/06/2015

     

     

  • PEACE LOOKS LIKE THIS

    PEACE LOOKS LIKE THIS

    Peter FitzSimons
    Peter FitzSimons

    When the actual Lone Pine service finishes in the early afternoon of Anzac Day, the problem for so many Australian attendees, who haven’t slept for the previous 36 hours is that it takes as long as – and I’m not making this up – EIGHT HOURS for the jam of buses to clear. Finally, though, most of the last lot get to the wharves where a ferry awaits to take them across the straits of the Dardanelles to Cannakale. They’re all, not to put too fine a point on it, buggered, and slump in their seats. At least most of them do. Not, however, the Barker Choir and Band, some 200 strong. Even as the ferry waits for the last stragglers to arrive, the young’uns assemble on the foredeck and start to sing and play. Oh, how they sing and play. The ethereal harmonies of Waltzing Matilda, Run To You, Nearer My God To Thee, the Australian and New Zealand National anthems rise rich and beautiful into the Turkish twilight, as even the passengers on other ferries come out to watch on their verandas. They clap, they join in, some dance ‘neath the diamond sky, with one handwaving free, silhouetted by the sea. And now, the final touch. As the last stragglers arrive and the Turkish guides who have been so good to them all start to wave goodbye and walk to the bus that is to take them back to Istanbul, the Barker choir instantly switches into a fabulous rendition of the Turkish national anthem. The guides stop, the wharf workers and security guards stare open-mouthed, the police and soldiers snap to attention. At the end, the Turks, the Australians and New Zealanders all together – 100 years on to the day since the beginning of the devastating battle that killed over 100,000 of our citizens – cheer and clap wildly.

    Peace between our fine nations. It looks like this.

    smh.com.au, May 3, 2015

    Here is a footage from the occasion

  • Cyprus talks to resume, says Turkish Cypriot president

    Cyprus talks to resume, says Turkish Cypriot president

    TRNC President Mustafa Akinci

    Cihan Photo

    Negotiations between the Turkish Cypriot government and the Greek Cypriot administration to find a solution to the ongoing dispute over the divided island are to resume, the recently elected Turkish Cypriot president has announced.

    New Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) President Mustafa Akıncı made the announcement on Monday after holding talks with Espen Barth Eide, the U.N. Special Adviser on Cyprus, in his Nicosia presidential office.
    espen%20barth%20eide
    Espen Barth Eide

    “There is an important opportunity for the solution of the Cyprus issue and the talks will resume,” Akıncı said in the press conference with Eide.

    Eide said the talks represented the “best opportunity” of the decade to resolve the ongoing dispute between Turkish and  Greek Cypriots.

    Nicos Anastasiades

    A date for the talks is expected to be set during a meeting on May 11 between Akinci and Greek Cypriot leader Nicos Anastasiades.

    Akıncı said TRNC Foreign Minister Özdil Nami, who will represent Turkish Cypriots in the negotiations with the Greek Cypriot side, is to pay a one-day visit to Ankara on May 6 to hold talks with Turkish authorities.
    “Both sides must show a will and resolution to solve the Cyprus issue,” he said.

    “The leaders must convene and discuss all issues. Above all, it must be seen whether they share the same vision, or not,” he added.

    Eide said Turkey should seize the opportunity of the next phase of the negotiation process, adding Ankara was well aware that a solution on the island would also benefit the country.

    Peace talks between the Greek Cypriot administration and the Turkish Cypriot government have been on hold since October.

    Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots have tried to find a comprehensive settlement to renew their partnership since a joint government on the island collapsed in 1963.

    The island has been divided into a Turkish Cypriot government in the northern third and Greek Cypriot administration in the southern two-thirds after a 1974 military coup by Greece was followed by the intervention of Turkey as a guarantor power in Cyprus.

    Peace talks were unilaterally suspended by the Greek Cypriot side last October after Turkey issued a navigational telex on behalf of the TRNC for seismic research off the coast of Cyprus.

    May/05/2015

  • Canada, Turkey and the Armenians

    Canada, Turkey and the Armenians

    KANADA da  Bugunku The Kingston Whig-Standard gazetesinde yayinlanan makale    Bora Hincer <bhincer@gmail.com>

    By Louis A. Delvoie

    0
    The Harper government has once again made statements commemorating the so-called “Armenian genocide” of 1915, in this the centenary of the events concerned. It has done so over the strong objections of the Turkish government. This move is at one and the same time unwarranted, unwelcome and unwise.
    The Harper government was elected (by 39% of the electorate) to govern Canada. It was not put into office to interpret the history of foreign countries. Yet that is precisely what it has done in this case. And one may legitimately ask to what extent the government is qualified to pass such judgments. Most of its members are career politicians, country lawyers, small businessmen or used car dealers. It is highly doubtful that there is even one member of the cabinet who can claim to be an expert on the history of the Middle East. And yet they do not hesitate to blunder into territory where most professional historians fear to tread. In so doing, they submit to political pressure from the Armenian-Canadian community, but are guilty of poor history and worse foreign policy.
    It is sometimes best to go back to basics on questions of this sort. And the most basic issue in this case is the definition of genocide. The Concise Oxford Dictionary defines genocide as the “deliberate extermination of a race, nation.” From this definition arises one initial finding. If the government of the Ottoman Empire was bent on the deliberate extermination of the Armenian people, it was certainly not very successful in the endeavour. There are today millions of Armenians living in Armenia, in the Middle East, in Europe and in North America. They are certainly not an extinct people.
    What happened to the Armenians in Turkey in 1915 is certainly not a simple or very edifying story. At the time, the Ottoman Empire was engaged in a life and death struggle in the midst of the First World War. To its southeast, it was confronted by a British army advancing from Mesopotamia. To its southwest, it had to deal with an expeditionary force of some 200,000 British and French troops who had landed on the Gallipoli peninsula. To the northeast, the Ottomans were experiencing a number of defeats at the hands of the advancing forces of the Russian Empire. All of this was enough to produce extreme nervousness in Ottoman ruling circles.
    In 1915, the greatest threat to the survival of the Ottoman Empire was the advancing Russian army. In the course of its campaign, the Russians enjoyed the support of Armenian nationalist movements both in Russia and in Turkey. These movements saw the war as an opportunity to advance the cause of an independent Armenia. Some Armenian volunteer units actually served in the Russian army. Under these circumstances, it is perhaps not astonishing that the Ottoman authorities came to view the Armenian minority within their territory as a potential fifth column that might assist the Russians as they moved forward into Ottoman lands.
    The Ottoman government decided to try to eliminate this potential threat by ordering the forced evacuation of Armenians from eastern and southern Anatolia. (In its intent, this move was comparable to the Canadian government’s decision to remove all persons of Japanese descent from the coastal areas of British Columbia during the Second World War.) Unfortunately for the Armenians, the operation went terribly wrong. Hundreds of thousands of Armenians were deported towards Syria. A combination of the inhospitable terrain, disease and starvation took its toll on the refugees and countless thousands died. Other Armenians were deliberately killed by Turkish soldiers or by irregular auxiliaries. All in all, it was a truly appalling episode in the history of the 20th century. But was it genocide?
    Canada’s most distinguished historian of the modern Middle East, the late professor William Cleveland of Simon Fraser University, concluded his treatment of the subject in these terms: “It would be pointless to enter the debate that rages today between members of the Armenian community in Europe and the United States, who accuse the Ottomans of genocide, and the Turkish government, which insists that the excesses have been overemphasized. Any episode in which as many as one million civilians may have lost their lives is an appalling one, whether it is calculated or the unintended result of internal security measures.”
    And as is so often the case, it is well to remember that this is not a simple story of good guys and bad guys. The Armenians were not entirely innocent in this case. Not only did some of them actively collaborate with the Russians against the Ottomans, but some of them were also guilty of excesses. In his history of the Middle East, Prof. Glenn Perry of Indiana State University points out that: “In turn, Armenians organized to massacre Turks whenever they had the upper hand, as during the Russian occupation of northeast Anatolia. Thousands of Turks, fearing the Armenians, died of hunger or cold as they fled their homes in the face of Russian advances.”
    There is a curious dichotomy in all of this. On the one hand, eminently qualified historians who have examined the historical evidence are not prepared to use the word “genocide” to describe the events of 1915. On the other hand, members of the Canadian government who know next to nothing about the subject do not hesitate to do so. In the process, they are giving offence to the Turkish government and the Turkish people. Successive Turkish governments have maintained that it is up to historians, not foreign politicians, to interpret this episode in their history. In this they are quite right.
    There appears to be a reluctance on the part of Canadian politicians to put themselves in the shoes of other people. One can only imagine how outraged Canadians would be if the Dutch or Norwegian governments were to issue statements condemning Canada for the Chinese poll tax or for the ill treatment of native children in the residential school system. Americans would be similarly outraged if the Italian or Greek governments were to make statements condemning the institution of slavery or racial discrimination in the United States. Viewed from this perspective, Canadian ministers should take on board two injunctions: “Mind your own damn business” and “Let he who is without sin cast the first stone.”
    Unfortunately, Canadian politicians are all too prone to succumb to the demands of ethnic lobby groups in the hope of securing their support at the next election. In this case, they are doing so while paying scant attention to Canada’s relations with Turkey, a country of ever-increasing political and economic importance on the world stage. This is a mistake.
    Louis A. Delvoie is a Fellow in the Centre for International and Defence Policy at Queen’s University.

  • Turkey is changing, and I am part of that change: an interview with filmmaker Fatih Akin

    Turkey is changing, and I am part of that change: an interview with filmmaker Fatih Akin

    His new film The Cut directly confronts the Armenian genocide. We talk to acclaimed Turkish-German filmmaker Fatih Akin about genocide commemorations, the Turkish-German community, and what Turkey’s notorious Article 301 is doing to debate.

    Fatih Akin. Demotix/ion ka. All rights reserved.Alex Sakalis: Let’s get the obvious question out of the way: why did you, as a filmmaker of Turkish origin, choose to make a film about the Armenian genocide?

    Fatih Akin: Well as you said, I’m a child of Turkish parents. The Armenian genocide is something very deep and immovable in our culture and history. It’s a blind spot where not so many people know about it, and not so many people talk about it. One of my main reasons for doing the film is to produce something where people come out and inform themselves, discuss, and start to create a room where they can reflect on their own history and trauma.

    AS: April 24 is of course the centenary of the Armenian genocide, with commemorations being held across the world. It seems like it has taken a long time to make a film about the Armenian genocide. The only other one I can think of is the Atom Egoyan film, Ararat.

    FA: There’s a film by the Taviani brothers too, The Lark Farm. There’s also a film called Mayrig with Omar Sharif, and then a film called Ravished Armenia. It’s a silent movie from 1919, with, I believe, just one reel in existence. And a film which people acclaim as having the background of the genocide is Elia Kazan’s America, America. But my film is the first fiction film by a Turkish origin director that deals with that.

    AS: How do you think it will be received in Turkey?

    FA: I think the society is ready for such a film. I really do.

    AS: I find the “I Apologise” movement in Turkey to be very interesting, but then there’s Article 301 of the Turkish penal code, which has a kind of chilling effect on free speech in the country. What do you think about Article 301?

    FA: In the last eight years – since Hrant Dink was shot – there were fewer people prosecuted because of that article. Before he died, there had been many more prosecutions. But his killing was in a strange way a turning point. The government realised that this sort of politics hadn’t succeeded, because 100,000 people went out onto the street for his funeral.

    And these weren’t Armenians. These were mainstream Turkish people saying, ‘We are all Armenian’ and ‘We are all Hrant Dink’. So it was visible that many Turkish people were not supporting the politics with the Armenians. That was a turning point and since then there have been civil movements, such as the ‘I Apologise’ campaign, programmes in universities, and books which were published about the genocide of Armenians in Turkey with no Article 301 prosecutions. So that’s what I mean. There’s change. I’m part of that change. Not the leader of the change – not at all. I’m part of that movement. I’m a filmmaker. Film can reach a lot of people.

    AS: But you could say, yes, there were 100,000 people who came out for Hrant Dink’s funeral, but these were mainly the liberal, cosmopolitan middle class. Maybe people in more rural parts of Turkey don’t go along with this change you describe. Not to mention the notoriously conservative state, what with Erdogan’s recent attempts to organise a media campaign against the genocide commemorations…

    FA: There is a movement acknowledging and reflecting upon the genocide. First of all, there are many people in every city and in every village who acknowledge that these things happened. They don’t call it genocide, but they are aware that something had happened and that Armenian churches had become mosques, or in some cases become barnhouses. They know that. Many people know about it, not everyone, but many people. This is the first thing to appreciate.

    The second is this: let’s look at certain movements in the past – certain changes of values; for example, the attitude in Germany against nuclear power stations. In the early 80s, if you were against nuclear power stations in Germany, you were a crazy left-wing terrorist. This is the 1980s we’re talking about. Not so long ago. Today even Angela Merkel, from the conservative wing of politics, says we should change power in Germany from atomic to alternative. It took 35 years for a marginalised political opinion to become mainstream.

    A still from The Cut. Soda Pictures.AS: But do you think Turkey could develop like Germany? They are very different countries.

    FA: They are different countries, but the truth is the truth. It doesn’t have a national passport.

    AS: What’s the feeling among Turks in Germany with regards to the Armenian genocide?

    FA: The debate in Turkey is more developed than in Germany among Turks.

    AS: Do you think the Turkish community in Germany is less progressive in their views than those in Turkey?

    FA: Sometimes I think they are not really up to date with what’s happening in Turkey.

    AS: Does being part of a diaspora make them more defensive about their history and culture? Maybe they feel a siege mentality being a minority in a country like Germany.

    FA: There’s too little identification with Germany itself – although this is also changing. It’s not constructive for an individual to see yourself not part of the country you were born and grew up in, and instead believe your country is somewhere else. This is creating illusions. And illusions are not something you can really hold on to. I think a lot of this is due to the fact that a lot of Turks still don’t feel as if they are welcome in Germany. They feel like second class citizens.

    AS: Turkish first and German second?

    FA: Yeah. Even a lot of second and third generation Turks feel this way. It’s getting better though. They are identifying themselves more and more with Germany. But still it’s too little. Many are still bound to this immovable idea of Turkey and Turkishness, without realising that Turkey itself is moving.

    AS: Moving forwards or backwards?

    FA: It’s moving in every direction. When Erdogan last year, one day before the anniversary, had this speech saying to the Armenians that the pain of your grandchildren is our pain too, that we are sorry for your pain – well, that was a historical step. No matter what he may have said before, what he said there was a forward step and he cannot go back from this.

    For instance, I felt secure with my film and I felt, in a strange way, protected when he did that. No matter what political motivation he may have had, the point is that he said something that nobody had ever said before. This was a historical thing for a Turkish leader to do. The room for the discussion became bigger.

    You know, in 2007, there was a vote in the chamber of the lawyers of the constitution, on whether they wanted to stop Erdogan’s party, the AKP. Some felt it had become too religious. So Erdogan and his party – and by saying this I’m not expressing an opinion, just explaining – they were a target of the Kemalist movement. Article 301 is something that the AKP can use or not, but 301 is older the AKP, than Erdogan’s Turkey. It’s something that comes from the constitution, from the military, from Kemalism. Those people used 301 to attack Orhan Pamuk, Hrant Dink and many others. Those powers were the same powers that had an interest in getting rid of AKP.

    So you have the AKP here, the intellectuals there, and the Kemalists way over there. And they are fighting against the intellectuals because they want to acknowledge the genocide. They are fighting against the Kurds. They are fighting against the minorities. They are fighting against the religious. Erdogan comes from the religious party. So through Erdogan’s internal war with the Kemalists – those who use 301 as a sharp knife – they are getting weaker. By saying that I don’t mean that to defend Erdogan’s beliefs or actions. That’s just me explaining how complicated it is in Turkey.

    AS: Have you shown your film to audiences in Turkey?

    FA: Yes.

    AS: What were the reactions?

    FA: The first people I showed it to were artists in Turkey – painters, filmmakers, writers. That was the first group who saw it and they liked it.

    —-

    The Cut will be released by Soda Pictures in the summer. There will be commemorative screenings of The Cut on 24 April at the Picturehouse Crouch End, the Gulbenkian Cinema Canterbury and the QFT Belfast, before going on general release later this summer. Tickets for Crouch End are now on sale here.

    If you enjoyed this article then please consider liking Can Europe Make it? on Facebook and following us on Twitter @oD_Europe

    About the authors

    Alex Sakalis is associate editor of openDemocracy. He edits the Can Europe Make It? debate.

     

    Fatih Akin is a German film director, screenwriter and producer of Turkish descent.

    Subjects

    Armenia

    Turkey

    Germany

    Armenian genocide

  • AMERICAN PERSPECTIVE ABOUT SO-CALLED ARMENIAN GENOCIDE (1)

    AMERICAN PERSPECTIVE ABOUT SO-CALLED ARMENIAN GENOCIDE (1)

    11182223_858730010860434_1784935104285680856_n

    Arthur Tremaine Chester,”We hear a great deal about the deportation of Armenians from the Northeast of Turkey during the World War. The facts are that the Turks sent an army to the Russian border to defend their country against the threatened Russian invasion.The army consisted of Turkish subjects of all nationalities, being drafted just as ours are drafted. At the front the Armenians used blank cartridges and deserted in droves. This was bad enough, but the Armenians were not satisfied with this form of treachery.”

    Source / Kaynak : Arthur Tremaine Chester, “Angora and the Turks,” The New York Times Current History, Feb.1923

    Arthur Tremaine Chester,”Dünya savaşı sırasında Türkiye’nin Kuzey doğusundan Ermenilerin tehciri hakkında büyük bir anlaşma duyuyoruz.Rus tehditdine karşı Türklerin Rus sınırına ülkelerini savunmak için ordu gönderdiği.Ordunun, Türk tebasında olan bütün milletlerden oluşturulduğu, tıpkı bizim [ABD] askere aldığımız gibi. Ermeniler, cephede boş kartuşlar kullanıp ve kalabalıklar halinde terkettiği. Bunun yeterince kötü olduğu, ama Ermeniler ihanetin bu tarzı ile memnun değildi.”