Category: News

  • Country at a crossroads

    Country at a crossroads

    Turkey: The nation that straddles Europe and Asia is also torn between secular and Islamic views of government, between cultural stability and terrorist violence. The direction Turkey takes will say much about the future of both regions | Jill Nelson

    Turkey

    BODRUM and ISTANBUL, Turkey–It is 10:19 pm in the bustling resort town of Bodrum on the southwestern coast of Turkey, and the call to prayer sounds from a small mosque surrounded by several couture shops. Less than 10 men—summoned for the last of the five prayers said each day by devout Muslims—are praying inside its open doors, and those on the streets pay scant attention to the beckoning loudspeaker.

    A few blocks down the street, the Bodrum Marina Yacht Club begins a call of its own. Popular Turkish and American tunes draw more than a -hundred people to an outdoor stage to listen to a five-piece jazz band and a popular Turkish singer. Like other night clubs in Turkey, its music will pulse several hours past midnight. Although Bodrum lies in the Asian portion of Turkey, this town feels more a part of the West than the East.

  • RELIEF BUT NO VICTORY FOR AKP IN CLOSURE CASE

    RELIEF BUT NO VICTORY FOR AKP IN CLOSURE CASE

    By Gareth Jenkins

    Thursday, July 31, 2008

     

    On July 30, Turkey’s Constitutional Court narrowly voted to allow the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) to remain open in the case filed for its closure by Public Prosecutor Abdurrahman Yalcinkaya on March 14 on the grounds that the party had become a focus for anti-secular activities (see EDM, March 17). Instead, the court ruled that the AKP would be fined $20 million.

    In the run-up to the announcement of the verdict, a monetary fine—rather than closure or acquittal—had always appeared the most sensible, if least likely, outcome. The general expectation had been that, given the hard-line secularist composition of the Constitutional Court, the AKP would be closed. In fact, a majority of the 11 members of the court did vote to outlaw the AKP, with six voting for closure and only five for the party to remain open. However, under the Turkish Constitution, the closure of a political party needs the support of seven of the 11 members of the court.

    Yalcinkaya had also called on the court to ban 71 current and former members of the AKP, including Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan and President Abdullah Gul, from membership of a political party on the grounds that their activities formed the basis for his application for the AKP’s closure. These charges were automatically dropped when the court decided to allow the AKP to remain open.

    There is little doubt that the closure of the AKP—particularly if it was accompanied by a ban on Erdogan—would have plunged the country even deeper into what was already the worst domestic political crisis in a generation, triggering early elections, increasing uncertainty and raising tensions in what is now a society dangerously divided over the role of religion in public life. As a result, the court ruling has come as an enormous relief. But it has not solved anything—merely bought Turkey some time.

    Since the AKP was founded in August 2001, it has angrily dismissed suggestions that it is an Islamist party and claimed to be committed to the principle of secularism enshrined in the Turkish constitution. Perhaps the most striking aspect of the Constitutional Court’s decision of July 30 was that 10 of its 11 members upheld Yalcinkaya’s claim that the AKP had become a focus for anti-secular activities, as exemplified by its attempt on February 9 to amend the constitution to lift the headscarf ban in Turkish universities (see EDM, February 11), only for the amendments to be annulled by the Constitutional Court on June 5 (see EDM, June 6). The difference between the 10 judges was not whether or not the AKP was attempting to erode secularism but whether its attempts were serious enough to merit the complete closure of the party. Six members of the court believed that they were. Four decided that a monetary fine was sufficient punishment. Only the court’s president, Hasan Kilic (born 1950), a conservative first appointed to the court by former President Turgut Ozal (1927-1993) in 1990, voted to dismiss Yalcinkaya’s application.

    In announcing the court’s ruling, a clearly shaken Kilic admitted that, even though the AKP had been allowed to remain open, the verdict constituted a “severe warning” to the party (CNNTurk, NTV, HaberTurk, July 30). In theory at least, the decision not to close the party for its past actions should serve as a restraint on the AKP’s future policies. Under Turkish law, members of the Constitutional Court are appointed by the president. President Gul is not due for reelection until 2012, and, as a former member of the AKP, can be expected to try to appoint conservative judges to the court. But none of the current members are due to step down until 2010, when three will reach the compulsory retirement age of 65. No other member of the court is due to retire until 2013. As a result, barring death or disability, at least seven of the 10 judges who ruled that the AKP had attempted to erode secularism will remain members of the court for the next five years—well after the deadline of July 2011 for the next general election. As a result, barring a change in the constitution, for the remainder of the government’s term, the judges who voted to uphold Yalcinkaya’s application will remain numerous enough to close down the AKP if they believe that it has not heeded the warning in the verdict of July 30.

    Logically, the confrontation between the AKP and secularists over the role of Islam in public life should thus shift away from high profile iconic issues such as lifting the headscarf ban to lower level skirmishes on the margins of the political arena, such as political appointments. For example, in early August the rectors at 21 Turkish universities—approximately one-fifth of all the universities in Turkey—are due to step down and be replaced by candidates chosen by President Gul, who is generally expected to try to tighten the AKP’s grip on the education system by appointing conservatives.

    However, given Erdogan’s past record of reckless and often impulsive behavior—such as in his abrupt attempt to amend the constitution in February—it would be naïve to assume that, after a few months have passed, he will not attempt once again to challenge Turkey’s secular establishment and perhaps try to resurrect his plans to promulgate an entirely new constitution (see EDM, November 27, 2007).

    Perhaps most importantly, the Constitutional Court ruling of July 30 has provided only a temporary respite, not a solution to the question of the role of Islam in public life. In theory, it offers a breathing space and an opportunity for the two sides to reach a compromise. Unfortunately, there is still no indication that it is an opportunity that either side is anxious to take.

    Ironically, though many will have been disappointed by the court’s decision not to close the AKP, the verdict also offers secularists what may be their last chance to create a credible alternative to the current government. If the AKP had been closed and early elections held in late fall this year, there would have been too little time either to replace the jaded, discredited leaders of the secularist opposition or to establish an entirely new party. The constitutional court’s verdict has thus also given secularists an opportunity to prepare to mount an effective challenge to the AKP at the next election. But it remains to be seen whether it is an opportunity that will be taken.

  • EU hails Turkish court decision not to ban ruling party

    EU hails Turkish court decision not to ban ruling party

    ELITSA VUCHEVA

    Today @ 09:27 CET

    The EU has welcomed a decision by Turkey’s Constitutional Court on Wednesday (30 July) not to ban the country’s ruling party, the AKP, while urging Ankara to now speed up needed reforms.

    “Despite everything, this is a good day for Turkey and for Europe,” EU enlargement commissioner Olli Rehn told the Reuters news agency.

     

    The AKP “has never been a focal point of anti-secular activities,” said Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan. (Photo: Wikipedia/Ekim Caglar)

    “There is a vast majority among the Turkish people who are in favour of European values. I’m sure this played a role,” he added.

    Cristina Gallach, spokesperson for EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana, also said that the decision was “positive.”

    “Turkey is living a tense situation and we very much hope that the decision by the court will contribute to restore political stability,” she told the press agency.

    Welcoming statements came also from certain member states, with UK foreign secretary David Miliband saying the verdict “is a cause for celebration for Turkey’s friends,” as it means that “Turkey can follow a more democratic and European path.”

    Additionally, Swedish foreign minister Carl Bildt said that “an attempt to stage a thinly disguised legal coup” against the Turkish government had failed, AFP reports.

    A serious warning

    Turkey’s constitutional court on Wednesday ruled against outlawing the country’s ruling Justice and Development Party – the AKP – which prosecutors had accused of undermining the country’s secular system and progressively transforming Turkey into an Islamic state.

    Lifting a ban on wearing Islamic headscarves in universities had raised the hackles of secularists in the country.

    The party won its reprieve by a narrow margin, however, with six judges out of 11 voting in favour of the ban – just one short of the number needed to close down the AKP.

    The judges nonetheless decided that the AKP’s budget for this year should be cut in half.

    “It is not a decision to close down the party, but it is a serious warning,” the court chairman, Hasim Kilic, was quoted as saying by Turkey’s Hurriyet.

    “I hope the party in question will evaluate this outcome very carefully and grasp the message intended,” he added.

    The AKP, which had denied the charges, welcomed the verdict.

    “The Justice and Development Party, which has never been a focal point of anti-secular activities, will continue to defend the basic principles of the republic,” Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan said.

    A call to ‘resume’ reforms

    For its part, the EU had indicated that banning the ruling party – which would also have resulted in Mr Erdogan, Turkish President Abdullah Gul, and several other AKP officials forced out of party politics for five years – could have had a negative effect on the country’s EU accession process.

    “Court cases to close political parties are not normal in EU democracies,” Mr Rehn had previously said.

    However, now that the party escaped the ban, Ankara should focus on speeding up its reform process, the commission stressed.

    “I encourage Turkey now to resume with full energy its reforms to modernise the country,” said the commissioner in a statement. “The relevant parties [should] work towards sustainable reforms based on a consensus forged through a broad-based dialogue with all sections of Turkish society.”

    “Alignment of Turkey’s rules on political parties with European standards is essential,” he added.

    “It is a step forward for parliamentary democracy in Turkey,” liberal MEP Andrew Duff, in Turkey for the verdict, said. “This implies that accession negotiations between Turkey and the EU can continue.”

    Turkey won EU candidate status in 1999 and began EU accession talks in 2005.

    Before joining the 27-nation bloc however, Ankara is expected to push ahead with reforms in several areas.

    Among other demands, Brussels wants the country to limit the power of the military, which still exercises “considerable political influence,” to effectively implement reforms on freedom of the speech and to improve protections for minority rights.

  • Turkey Crisis Over, For Now

    Turkey Crisis Over, For Now

    Interviewee:
    Steven A. Cook, Senior Fellow for Middle Eastern Studies
    Interviewer:
    Bernard Gwertzman, Consulting Editor

    July 30, 2008

     On July 30, Turkey’s Constitutional Court decided not to ban the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). Critics of the party had claimed that a move to abolish a ban on headscarves at Turkish universities violated the country’s secularist constitution. Steven A. Cook, CFR’s leading expert on Turkey, says that the narrow decision marks a reprieve for Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s government. Cook adds, however, that the case sends a clear warning to the party. If the party regards the Court’s decision as a victory, Cook says, Turkey may find itself “back in the same place sometime in the not so distant future.”

    Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) was under threat of being banned for anti-secular activities, but the Constitutional Court has just ruled narrowly not to ban the party, but only to deprive it of state financing. Can you explain what happened?

    Very briefly, what’s happened is the state prosecutor, Abdurrahman Yalcinkaya, petitioned the Constitutional Court to close the ruling Justice and Development Party on the basis that the Justice and Development Party was a center of anti-secular activity. The Turkish Republic is officially a secular republic and any expression of religion in the public sphere is something that is vigorously resisted by a variety of state agencies including the state prosecutor and the military.

    The Court actually voted against the Justice and Development Party, 6 to 5, but a seven-vote majority was needed to actually ban the party. The chief judge said the party would be deprived of its state financing for a year, and said this was a “serious warning” to the party. What does all this mean?

    This is a great question. Clearly the secularists will be disappointed that the party was not banned, but they are likely to take some comfort in the fact that the AKP was warned. They will also point to the fact that 6 of 11 justices voted against the party, arguing that the party remains a threat to Turkey’s secular order. The situation will likely stabilize if Justice and Development returns to the prudent way it governed from 2002-2007. The case was inherently anti-democratic, but AKP certainly made a number of important mistakes along the way. If, however, the party regards this as victory and does not heed the chief justice’s warning, we may find ourselves back in the same place sometime in the not so distant future.

    Was there one particular issue that touched this off?

    It’s clear from reading the state prosecutor’s indictment, which runs almost two-hundred pages, that his office had been collecting evidence against the Justice and Development Party since it first came to power in late 2002. But the real trigger for the case, which was filed with the Constitutional Court in March, was legislation that was passed in the Grand National Assembly last year lifting the ban on hijab, or headscarves, in publicly funded universities. Since the 1980 coup d’état and the Constitution of 1983, women were not permitted to wear hijab in publicly funded universities. The Justice and Development Party, along with the Nationalist Movement Party, collaborated on legislation that changed the higher education law allowing women to wear the hijab at publicly funded universities. This was widely regarded to be the trigger that let the state prosecutor file his case in March.

    Was this a burning issue for Turkish women, or for just a small number? What actually happened? Did women immediately start wearing the hijab in the university?

    Well this is part of an ongoing culture war that plays itself out over and over again in Turkey between arch-secularists, who in the context of Turkish politics regard the hijab as a symbol of reactionary-ism or radicalization and see this as the first step for building a theocratic state in Turkey. Those on the other side of the issue, the Justice and Development Party constituencies of pious Muslims, saw this really as an issue of self-expression and freedom of expression and that women should be able to wear whatever they’d like at public universities. If that’s hijab, that’s fine. If it is midriff, you know, showing one’s belly button—that should be okay as well. So they cast it as an issue of freedom of expression. As a result it garnered actually quite wide support in Turkish society for the lifting of this ban. Now the question being are there more women wearing headscarves now is a matter of debate in Turkey. One study, done by a very prominent Turkish think tank, demonstrated that it’s not that more women are wearing head scarves now since the Justice and Development Party came to power, it’s just that women who wear the headscarf are showing up in places where they had never been found before, such as in places where only the secular elite were found. Now more pious women are showing up as well in chic restaurants in Istanbul, malls, and so on and so forth. So it seems to people that there are more women wearing headscarves than there were before.

    Are there any polls on this—what do women say about this?

    There has been poll after poll after poll of Turks asking the question whether they want to live under Islamic law. It is a very, very small number that actually do. The Justice and Development Party was very shrewd in casting this as a freedom of expression issue.

    So people can wear tank-tops to the universities?

    Sure, no problem with that. When we talk about Turkish secularism it’s almost a misnomer. It’s not the secularism that we enjoy here in the United States, where people can wear whatever religious garb they want. In Turkey, the authorities are directly involved in controlling religion. The state is directly involved in engaging surveillance of the public sphere to ensure that religion doesn’t enter the public sphere. And that’s the difference. It’s state control of religion to enforce this principle that religion shouldn’t enter the public sphere.

    The headscarf law has already been overturned?

    Right. The Constitutional Court a number of weeks ago overturned the lifting of the ban on the headscarf, which some took as an indication of the direction of where the court was leaning when it came to the closure of the Justice and Development Party.

    Explain to me why the Justice and Development Party pushed on that particular law when it must have known it would cause a stir among the secularists that had been running the country for all those years. What prompted this? Were they just arrogant? Sometimes when you win an election you think you have a mandate to initiate change.

    Well, I think there are two things going on. It’s important to recognize that during their first term in office they did not push on this issue. They won 47 percent of the vote and believed that they had a mandate to push this issue as a pay-off to their core constituency, which wants to see the ban on the headscarf lifted. It’s one of those hot-button issues. The other thing is this is legislation that originated in the Nationalist Movement Party—the conservative, right-wing, ultra-nationalist party, to the right politically of the Justice and Development Party—which shares some constituencies. So in an effort to outmaneuver the Justice and Development Party politically and try to pull in some of the Justice and Development Party’s core constituencies, the Nationalist Movement Party, or MHP, went ahead with this legislation.

    It was instigated by the MHP?

    It was instigated by the MHP, but the Justice and Development Party immediately signed on because they couldn’t be seen as directly opposing something that its core constituency wanted. So, it was really a political game, and the Justice and Development Party, as shrewd as it has been, was sort of caught off-guard.

    Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan has been a very popular Prime Minister. He’s been respected by the Americans and other Western countries. Is that correct?

    Well, he was certainly popular in the summer elections last year. The party won 47 percent of the vote, which is unprecedented in Turkish politics. He is someone who has presided over democratization, economic development, and brought real changes in Turkey. I would have made the argument a year ago that Turkey’s coming into its own, politically, diplomatically, economically, playing a bigger and more constructive role in the Middle East and the Caucasus and Central Asia and so on and so forth. There were significant problems between the United States and Turkey in previous years, primarily over the Iraq war and the Turkish perception that the war in Iraq had a negative effect on Turkey’s national security. But that did not mean that Erdogan was not successful in forging a good personal relationship with President Bush, that the United States and Turkey sought to improve their relations, and relations have been put back on track in the last eight or nine months. Erdogan has demonstrated leadership and been constructive in European circles and Turkey’s been well received throughout Europe as well. And in fact, the party has bought Turkey closer to European Union membership than any previous Turkish government.

     

  • Krispy Kremein agreement to open franchised outlets in Turkey

    Krispy Kremein agreement to open franchised outlets in Turkey

    Jul 30, 2008 Krispy Kreme Doughnuts Inc (NYSE: KKD), a speciality retailer of sweet treats, announced on Tuesday (29 July) that the company has entered into a franchise development agreement with Almana Yiyecek Ve Icecek San Ve. Tic Ltd STI, part of the Almana Group, for the development of Krispy Kreme retail outlets in Turkey.
     
    Under the agreement approximately 25 Krispy Kreme retail locations will be opened over the next five years in Istanbul, the Republic of Turkey.

    Comments on this story may be sent to admin@m2.com

  • Another conspiracy theory about the Discovery Institute

    Another conspiracy theory about the Discovery Institute

    First there was the “wedge document” conspiracy theory and now there is a conspiracy theory that the Discovery Institute is in cahoots with radical creationist Islamofascists. Timothy Sandefur said in an article on Panda’s Thumb,

    There’s an amusing dispute going on between the Discovery Institute and Little Green Footballs, the latter of which recently unveiled some very interesting details about links between Islamic and Christian creationists. Needless to say, the DI folks are demonstrating their usual haphazard acquaintance with the truth.

    I agree that the dispute is amusing, but not for the reasons that Sandefur thinks. For starters, the Little Green Footballs blog is highly biased about this subject. Here are some things that Wikipedia says about LGF:
    .

    Little Green Footballs (LGF) is a political blog run by California web designer Charles Johnson. In the wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks, Johnson — who describes himself as “pretty much center-left before 9/11″[1] – transformed his blog’s discussion of bicycle racing, programming, web design, and the occasional humorous news item into a very active discussion of the War on Terror, Islam and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Media observers have described the site as “right wing”;[2] observes Johnson: “I’m not pretending I’m giving equal time to both sides. But I do think what I’m advocating, and what I believe in, is the right side.”[3]

    For “promoting Israel, and Zionism” and “presenting Israel’s side of the conflict,” LGF won the “Best Israel Advocacy Blog” award from the Jerusalem Post in 2005 [4]. According to Gil Ronen, a reporter for Internet news outlet, Israel National News:[5] “If anyone ever compiles a list of Internet sites that contribute to Israel’s public relations effort, Johnson’s site will probably come in first, far above the Israeli Foreign Ministry’s site.” . . . .

    R. J. Smith, writing in Los Angeles Magazine, stated that LGF is a “dysfunctional mix of beautiful photos Johnson takes on coastal bike rides and constitutionally protected hate speech” which “believes all Muslims are terrorists until proven innocent.”[35]

    Ibrahim Hooper, spokesman for the Council of American Islamic Relations (CAIR) called Little Green Footballs “a vicious, anti-Muslim hate site” and claims that the FBI has “investigated several threats of physical harm against Muslims posted by Little Green Footballs readers”.[3]

    Columnist Antonia Zerbisias has described LGF as a “virulently anti-Muslim/Arab website”.[36]

    Journalist Eric Boehlert has written that LGF “oozes disdain for Arabs and journalists (and most of all, Arab journalists)” and is “obsessed with proving that all MSM reporting from Iraq and the Middle East is biased in favor of Islamic terrorists.”[37]

    Columnist Andrew Sullivan described LGF as “enthusiastically pro-torture”.[44]

    Vanity Fair theater critic James Wolcott characterized the LGF community as “sort of like a disorganized Nuremberg Rally, a lot of angry ruffians with nowhere to go….”[45]

    LGF blogger Johnson is also a co-founder of Pajamas Media. A better name would be “BVD media.”

    LGF has the following message for those who want to register to post comments:

    LGF registration is temporarily closed. Please try again later. (We occasionally open registration during weekend afternoons, Pacific time.)

    Also, Sandefur’s article on Panda’s Thumb is closed to commenting.

    LGF says in an article titled “Audio: The Discovery Institute Collaborates with Turkish Creationists,”

    Last year CBC radio had a segment devoted to Islamic creationism in Turkey, with some amazing revelations:

    The Institute for Creation Research has been heavily involved with Turkish creationists for years, supplying propaganda and teaching materials and DVDs, to the point where Turkey’s school system has purged the teaching of evolution in favor of creationist pseudo-science.

    The Discovery Institute is also “working closely with their Turkish counterparts,” and the DI’s David Berlinski (CBC mistakenly calls him “Paul”) explicitly says that Islamic creationists are allies of US creationists.

    What is wrong about the DI working closely with “creationist” counterparts who share the same idea of doubting Darwinism? And what’s wrong with Berlinski’s statement that “Islamic creationists are allies of US creationists”? Isn’t that what the preceding statement said, i.e., “The Institute for Creation Research has been heavily involved with Turkish creationists for years”?

    Another LGF article drivels,

    I did not “imply” the Discovery Institute was in league with Islamic radicals. I stated outright that the Discovery Institute is in league with Islamist creationists, a fact that is indisputably true, as we’ll see in a minute . .

    (We can argue whether creationism is a “radical Islamic” position, but when even Islamist shill Inayat Bunglawala believes in evolution, it strongly suggests that the creationist position is a radical one).

    Here Johnson contradicts himself — he first says that the question of whether creationism is a “radical Islamic” position is arguable, then implies that he thinks the question is not arguable because even an “Islamic shill” believes in evolution.

    And the egregious error: “slander” means a “false spoken statement.” The word for which Chapman was searching is “libel,” meaning a “false published statement.”

    That is hardly an “egregious” error — in informal usage (though not in formal legal usage), both libel and slander can be oral or written.

    Johnson then quotes one of Berlinski’s statements in a Turkish creationism conference sponsored by the Islamist AKP party’s Istanbul Municipal Authority:

    Berlinski: There is astonishingly little experimental evidence in favor of Darwin’s theory. [This is] not about replacing Darwin’s theory, that’s not gonna happen anytime soon. But about areas that I find deeply challenging within biological theory itself, it may be rewarding to you to think about.

    Johnson then quotes from a CBC interview of Berlinski:

    Berlinski: I think these ideas, these ideas, are current everywhere. There’s a long interesting tradition of design theoretic arguments within Islamic theology that goes straight back to the 9th century. And there are outstanding figures within Islamic theology who participated in these discussions … there’s no reason to be surprised, this is a very rich tradition. We need to get together, we need to talk. There needs to be an exchange, a current needs to flow.

    This is a hot issue. We’re in the midst of a world-wide religious revival. I mean, historians 500 years from now will talk about the religious revival of the late 20th, early 21st century. There are a billion Muslims out there who are taking Islamic doctrine very seriously. Christianity too.

    So on the basis of just those few statements by someone associated with the Discovery Institute (who, BTW, happens to be an agnostic), Johnson concludes that DI’s agenda is religious:

    Notice that despite the Discovery Institute’s frequent denials that their agenda is religious, here’s one of their main spokespersons waxing rhapsodic over a “world-wide religious revival.”

    BTW, an article on the website of the National Center for Science Education says,

    Adding to the creationism sightings around the world, Reuters (November 22, 2006) ran a story on Islamic creationism in Turkey, where “[s]cientists say pious Muslims in the government, which has its roots in political Islam, are trying to push Turkish education away from its traditionally secular approach.” The main source of antievolution propaganda in Turkey is Harun Yahya — a pseudonym probably for a pool of writers, headed by Adnan Oktar — which, as Taner Edis told Reuters, “has managed to create a media-based and popular form of creationism.” Efforts to popularize “intelligent design” in Turkey are lagging, Reuters suggests, because most Turks “see no need to avoid naming God,” but Education Minister Huseyin Celik recently told CNN Turk that “intelligent design” should not be disregarded just “because it coincides with beliefs of monotheistic religions about creation.” (emphasis added)

    In fact, some Moslem fundies — like some Christian fundies — might even regard ID as blasphemous or sacrilegious because they might see it as implying doubt of god’s word by suggesting that there is a need to provide evidence to support creationism. Ironically, the Turkish education minister said that ID ”

    should not be disregarded just ‘because it coincides with beliefs of monotheistic religions about creation’ ” whereas the Darwinists say that ID should be rejected for that reason.

    Darwinists don’t give supporters of ID (or other scientific or pseudoscientific criticisms of Darwinism) any Brownie points for repudiating creationists — the Darwinists will use the term “intelligent design creationism” in any case. So supporters of ID have no reason to not be friendly towards creationists.