Category: News

  • Azerbaijan’s President and Turkish Prime Minister make a joint statement

    Azerbaijan’s President and Turkish Prime Minister make a joint statement

     
     

    [ 20 Aug 2008 20:41 ]
    Baku-APA. Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev and Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan made a joint statement. APA reports that the President of Azerbaijan noted that the relations were successfully developing between the two countries.

    Turkey-Azerbaijan factor ensures peace and tranquility in the region: “Turkey-Azerbaijan friendship contributes to the relations between the countries. Our will has paved the way for the implementation of wide-scale energy and transport projects”.

    Recep Tayyip Erdogan noted that Azerbaijan and Turkey had the same position from the standpoint of maintenance of peace in the South Caucasus. “Nagorno Karabagh conflict must be resolved only within the framework of Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity and on the basis of international legal norms. Minsk Group’s activity has not yielded any results for 16 years and we are very concerned about it. Caucasus Peace and Cooperation Platform can make a contribution to peace in the region”

  • Conference Announcement Turkey & the Balkans

    Conference Announcement Turkey & the Balkans

    An International Conference (28-30 August 2008) on Balkans will be held at
    Yeditepe University in Istanbul. Participants will be discussing the following
    topics both in English and Turkish:
    
    - Balkans and the Turks
    - Legal Status of the People in the Balkans under Ottoman Empire
    - Ottoman Administration in the Balkans
    - Turkish Culture in the Balkans
    - Turkish Foundations in the Balkans
    - Turkish Foundations (Waqfs) in the Balkans and their Condition Today
    - Independance of the Balkan States and the Turkish Immigration
    - Turkey’s Political Relations with the Balkan States
    - Turkey’s Economic and Trade Relations with the Balkan States
    
    For further information and the coference program, please email Prof. Dr.
    Mehmet Saray msaray@yeditepe.edu.tr
    
    Best,
    
    Vehbi Baysan
    Yeditepe University
    History Department
    
    YEDİTEPE’DE BİLİM, DOSTLUK VE İŞBİRLİĞİ ŞÖLENİ
    
    Yeditepe Üniversitesi 28-29-30 Ağustos 2008 tarihlerinde yapacağı
    “TÜRKİYE İLE BALKAN ÜLKELERİ ARASINDA DOSTLUĞU VE İŞBİRLİĞİNİ
    GELİŞTİRME KONFERANSI”na ilgilileri davet eder.
    
    Türkiye, Yunanistan, Bulgaristan, Romanya, Bosna-Hersek, Makedonya, Sırbistan
    ve Arnavutluktan Bakanların, Diplomatların, Akademisyenlerin ve
    İşadamlarının konuşmacı olarak katılacağı bu konferansta
    tartışılacak konular şu başlıklar altında olacaktır:
    
    -       Balkanlar ve Türkler
    -       Osmanlı Döneminde Balkan Halklarının Hukuki Durumu
    -       Balkanlarda Osmanlı İdaresi
    -       Balkanlarda Türk Kültürü
    -       Balkanlarda Türk Vakıfları
    -       Vakıfların Bugünkü Durumu
    -       Balkan Ülkelerin Bağımsızlıklarına Kavuşmaları ve Türk
    Göçleri
    -       Türkiye’nin Balkan Ülkeleriyle Siyasi İlişkileri
    -       Türkiye’nin Balkan Ülkeleriyle Ekonomik ve Ticari İlişkileri
    
    Tebliğler Türkçe ve İngilizce olarak sunulacaktır.
    
    KONFERANS YERİ:
    
    YEDİTEPE ÜNİVERSİTESİ
    İNAN KIRAÇ SALONU ile MAVİ SALON - SAAT:10:00
  • Turkey bows to the dark side

    Turkey bows to the dark side

    From the Los Angeles Times
    Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s visit is a sign that the West can no longer take Turkey for granted as a staunch ally against Iran.

    By Soner Cagaptay

    August 19, 2008

    ISTANBUL, TURKEY — Praying in Istanbul’s Blue Mosque on Friday, I witnessed firsthand Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s international publicity coup.

    Ahmadinejad’s visit produced little in terms of substantive policy; the signing of a multibillion-dollar natural gas pipeline deal was put off. But Ahmadinejad got something just as valuable: a chance to spin his own image, court popularity and bash the United States and Israel.

    I’ve long been fond of the Blue Mosque because it is where, many years ago, I attended my first Friday prayers. Last Friday, though, I felt uncomfortable in the prayer hall, where I found myself in front of God but next to Ahmadinejad, who turned the ritual into a political show.

    Departing from established practice of having visiting Muslim heads of state pray in a smaller mosque in Istanbul, the government allowed Ahmadinejad to pray in the Blue Mosque, Turkey’s symbol of tolerant Ottoman Islam. With permission from Turkish authorities, he also allowed Iranian television to videotape him during the entire prayer, in violation of Islamic tradition, which requires quiet and intimate communion between God and the faithful. There was so much commotion around Ahmadinejad that the imam had to chide the congregants. Then, as he left the mosque, Ahmadinejad got out of his car to encourage a crowd of about 300 to chant, “Death to Israel! Death to America!”

    Even without this behavior, any visit from a leader representing an authoritarian, anti-Western autocracy would have created controversy in Turkey just a few years ago. Not today. The ruling Justice and Development Party, or AKP, government not only opened the Blue Mosque to Ahmadinejad but accommodated his refusal to pay respects at the mausoleum of Kemal Ataturk, the founder of modern, secular Turkey — a major violation of protocol for an official visit.

    In 1996, when Iran’s president, Hashemi Rafsanjani, refused to go to Ataturk’s mausoleum, snubbing Turkey’s identity as a secular pro-Western state, it led to a public outcry and sharp criticism of Iran. Relations soured. When the Iranian ambassador suggested a few months later that Turkey should follow Sharia law, he was forced to leave the country.

    This time, though, the AKP government has taken a different stance, playing down the diplomatic insult. It moved the meeting from the capital, Ankara, to Istanbul and labeled it a “working” meeting rather than an official visit. Yet all sorts of AKP officials flocked to Istanbul to meet with the Iranian president.

    Turkish Foreign Minister Ali Babacan asked the Turkish public to ignore the snub and instead “focus on the big picture.” It is the “big picture,” though, that is most disconcerting. By extending an invitation to Ahmadinejad, the first such move by any NATO or European Union member country, Turkey has broken ranks with the West. The West can no longer take Turkey for granted as a staunch ally against Tehran.

    In the past, Turkey stood with the West, especially after the 1979 Islamist revolution in Iran. Also, Tehran gave refuge to the Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK, which carried out terror attacks in Turkey from bases in Iran. Since the Iraq war began, however, Iran has shifted tactics to win Turkey’s heart. While the U.S. delayed taking action, Iran actually bombed PKK camps in northern Iraq.

    Meanwhile, since the AKP assumed power in Turkey in 2002, bilateral visits with Iran have boomed; Ahmadinejad’s trip crowns dozens of visits by high-level officials. Trade has boomed as well, increasing from $1.2 billion in 2002 to $8 billion today. And even though the two countries didn’t formalize the deal last week, plans are still going forward for a $3.5-billion Turkish investment in Iranian gas fields — this at a time when the West is adopting financial sanctions against Iran to cripple Tehran’s ability to make a nuclear bomb. If there were any doubts about a Turkish-Iranian rapprochement, they were laid to rest last week: During Ahmadinejad’s visit, the two countries agreed to make 2009 an “Iran-Turkey year of culture” — marked by regular cultural and political programs and exchanges — to bring the two countries closer.

    Ahmadinejad’s visit also speaks volumes about the future of Turkish-U.S. ties regarding Iran. According to a recent opinion poll in Turkey, when asked what the country should do in the event of a U.S. attack against Iran, only 4% of respondents said Turkey should support the U.S., while 33% wanted to back Iran and 63% chose neutrality.

    As I shared the canopy of the Blue Mosque’s divine dome with Ahmadinejad, I could not help but ponder how far Turkish foreign policy has shifted since 2002. Before, Turkey picked allies based on shared values — democracy, Western identity, secular politics and the principle of open society — that appeared to reflect the Turkish soul. Iran has not become a pro-Western, secular democracy since 1996, nor have Tehran’s mullahs accepted gender equality or the idea of a free society. Yet Ankara has had a change of heart toward Tehran. Years from now, Ahmadinejad’s visit to Istanbul will be remembered as the tipping point at which the West lost Turkey, and Turkey lost its soul.

    Soner Cagaptay is a senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy and a visiting professor at Bahcesehir University in Istanbul.

  • Turkey: Suicide Car Bombing Injures 6 Police Officers

    Turkey: Suicide Car Bombing Injures 6 Police Officers

     
    August 19, 2008
    A suicide car bombing injured six police officers at a checkpoint in the southern Turkish province of Mersin on Aug. 19, Reuters reported, citing a report from CNN Turk. The bomber detonated explosives in his car after police began pursuing his vehicle and tried to stop him at the checkpoint. The six police officers were said to be slightly injured; the attackerʼs identity was not clear.
  • Window on Eurasia: Moscow Expert Admits Russian Interest in Blocking Baku-Ceyhan Pipeline

    Window on Eurasia: Moscow Expert Admits Russian Interest in Blocking Baku-Ceyhan Pipeline

    Monday, August 18, 2008

     Paul Goble

    Vienna, August 18 – A leading Moscow State University expert on the post-Soviet states argues that the Russian Federation’s main goals in Georgia did not include blocking the flow of oil through the Baku-Ceyhan pipeline, but she says that “the possibility cannot be excluded” that Moscow was pursuing “other goals” including that.
    In an interview to MGU’s Information-Analytic Center on the CIS countries, Natalya Kharitonova, the general director of that body, said that “considering the love” Russian and Western experts have for focusing on energy issues, “one ought to have expected” that there would be a discussion of oil in the Georgian conflict (www.ia-centr.ru/expert/1989/).
    Many experts, she points out, connected the August 6 PKK attack on the pipeline which stopped the flow of oil and the beginning of the military conflict, with some of them implying if not saying outright that either the one led to the other or that the two together were part of a general plan to force Azerbaijan to seek alternative routes for the export of its oil.
    “Baku, forced to significantly reduce the pumping of oil, immediately stopped using the Baku-Batumi and Baku-Kulevi rail lines again in connect with military actions in Georgia.” The Baku-Supsa line had already been stopped for “technical reasons,” Kharitonova says, but “in official versions are being invoked almost exclusively political reasons.”
    Now as a result, Azerbaijani hydrocarbons are flowing through Russian territory on the Baku-Novorossiisk line, but because Baku can export only 7 to 8 percent as much via this pipeline as via Baku-Ceyhan, she added, “Turkey intends to buy additional supplies from Russia and Iran” to compensate.
    Not surprisingly, given the impact all this is having on both the economic well-being and geopolitical relations in the region, the Moscow scholar says, Tbilisi has accused the Russian government of planning to disrupt such flows as part of its military effort, although such suggestions have been dismissed by Russian and Western specialists.
    But now other explanations are springing up. Some, Kharitonova notes, are saying that the disruption was the “work of Georgian provocateurs” who were looking for something to blame Russia that would attract the attention of the West, while others are saying this is yet another effort to disrupt the NABUCCO program.
    Most of those making these suggestions, however, offer little or no evidence to back up their claims, but the Moscow specialist points out that there are two obvious things going on. On the one hand, Iran is getting more active and is now talking about building a Neka-Dzhask pipeline to compete with Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan and thereby increase Tehran’s influence.
    And on the other, Russia has two clear motives for an interest in the stopping of the BTC pipeline. First of all, it has never wanted to see the construction and operation of oil and gas pipelines that bypass Russian territory. And second, it has an interest in “forcing Western countries to put pressure on Georgia” to draw back so that the oil can flow.
    “There are a large number of versions” of why this has happened, Kharitonova notes, and she “suggests that one ought not to ignore any of them,” although she adds that it would be a mistake to fail to see that what has happened in Georgia and with the BTC may be nothing more than “a simple coincidence.”
    But she ends by acknowledging that “there are too many interests” intersecting in this part of the world to ignore the ways in which those who produce oil, those who transport it and those who consume it are in geopolitical competition. Indeed, she says, it is time to talk about “geo-economics” when it comes to oil, gas and politics in the Caucasus.

  • Turkey ‘No Enemy’ To Armenia

    Turkey ‘No Enemy’ To Armenia

     

     

     

     

     

    AFP

    President Abdullah Gul sent a reconciliatory message to neighboring Armenia on Saturday, saying Turkey is “no enemy” to any country in its region, as he mulled a possible landmark trip to Yerevan.

    The conflict between Georgia and Russia shows the need for “early measures to resolve frozen problems in the region and… prevent instability in the future,” said Gul in televised remarks in the central city of Nevsehir.

    “This is our understanding on all problems. We are no enemy to anyone in the region,” he said, reiterating a Turkish proposal to set up a regional forum for stability in the Caucasus.

    Gul’s conciliatory remark came in response to a question on whether he would accept an invitation by Armenian President Serzh Sarkisian to go to Yerevan in September to watch a World Cup qualifying match between Turkey and Armenia. He replied he was still evaluating the invitation.

    Ankara has refused to establish diplomatic ties with Yerevan since the former Soviet republic gained independence in 1991 because of Armenian efforts to secure international recognition of Armenian massacres under the Ottoman Empire as genocide. In 1993 Turkey shut its border with Armenia in a show of solidarity with its close ally Azerbaijan, then at war with Armenia, dealing a heavy economic blow to the impoverished nation in the strategic Caucasus region.

    Diplomats from Turkey and Armenia met secretly in Switzerland in July in a fresh effort to normalize ties following three rounds of talks in 2005 and 2006. No progress is so far publicly known.

    Turkish and Armenian leaders have meanwhile met on the sidelines of international gatherings, including a Black Sea regional summit in Istanbul last year.