Category: News

  • Turkey is not considering sending ground troops into Syria: minister

    Turkey is not considering sending ground troops into Syria: minister

    Defense Minister Yılmaz says Ankara is not going to send its land forces into Syria, but will destroy any elements threatening Turkey’s security

    Turkish Defense Minister Ismet Yılmaz said on Sunday that Turkey is not thinking about sending its ground forces into Syria.

    Yılmaz’s remarks comes amid ongoing tension on the Turkey-Syria border as the Turkish military continued artillery fire on the Democratic Union Party (PYD) targets in Syria for a second day.

    Turkey said it fired inside Syria according to the rules of engagement to retaliate against an attack on its border from PYD-held areas in Azaz town of northern Aleppo.

    Following the military attack, some international media outlets wired reports that Turkey’s ground forces entered into Syria at the weekend.

    “It is not true,” Defense Minister Yılmaz said during his speech to a Turkish parliamentary commission. He added that Turkey is not considering sending ground troops into Syria.

    “There is no thought of Turkish soldiers entering Syria,” Yılmaz said, and added that Turkish military will do everything to protect its border security.

    Ankara sees PYD as a Syrian branch of outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) terrorist group, which has been conducting terrorist activities in southeastern Turkey for more than three decades and killed at least 40,000 civilians.

    YPG intends to show itself as a resistance group in northern part of Syria, which has been mired in a devastating civil war for more than five years, but Turkey said it has enough documents to prove that the group is launching ethnic cleansing in the area against Arabs, Turkmens, Sunnis and even Kurds who oppose their terrorist activities.

    Ankara also said both PKK and YPG are led by the same leaders in Qandil, PKK headquarters in northern Iraq, as PYD sends weapons and militants into Turkey to PKK.

    Turkish leaders repeatedly warned YPG and its supporters not advance to west crossing the Euphrates River and vowed to hit any elements that intend to cross the “red line.”

    For months the terrorist group stayed behind the “red line” declared by Ankara, but with the support of Russia, which supplies weapons and intelligence to the group, YPG crossed the line and advanced to the border town of Azaz, just a few kilometers away from Turkish territory.

    Tensions have increased along the Turkish-Syrian border in the last few days; the Turkish army and the PYD terrorists continue to trade fire along the border.

    A mortar fired from Syria hit a Turkish border post Sunday, Yilmaz said. According to the minister, the bombardment was carried out by PYD forces that hit a post in Kilis province to which the Turkish military responded with shelling.

    According to Turkish media reports, the military fired at least 100 shells and killed over 40 PYD terrorist near Azaz town.

    Turkish Prime Minsiter Ahmet Davutoğlu said on Sunday that the Turkish military will continue attacking PYD targets near Azaz and the airbase until the terrorists leave the area.

    “PYD must leave the area immediately,” he said adding that the terrorist group is trying to gain more ground by taking advantage of recent developments in the country. “It has blood on its hands,” he said.

    Turkish officials denied claims that Turkey and Saudi Arabia are planning to send ground forces to Syria to fight against Daesh, saying that it only can be possible along with other partners of the US-led anti-Daesh international coalition.

    About claims that Saudi warplanes have arrived in Turkey, defense minister said: “At the moment they [aircraft] haven’t arrived, but they [Saudis] have come for exploration.”

    “Four [Saudi] F-16s will come, the decision has been taken,” Yılmaz said

    He clarified that the Saudi jets have not arrived “today, but they can come tomorrow.” He said that Turkey has allowed Saudi authorities to send their warplanes.

    On Saturday, Saudi military spokesman Brigadier Ahmed al-Assiri told Al Arabiya television network that Saudi military jets have arrived in Turkey’s Incirlik air base in southern Adana province to carry out missions against Daesh. He said that the aircraft will be used in joint operations against Daesh in Syria.

    While answering a question about the Turkish defense industries budget plan, minister Yılmaz said Turkish state-run defense firm ASELSAN is running a domestic missile project, Hisar-A, which will be ready to use in 2020.

    He also informed that Turkey has boosted the National Intelligence Agency (MIT) budget to 379 million dollars.

     

  • Press Release:  New Revolutionary Rental App Waanaa Crowd Funding Campaign

    Press Release: New Revolutionary Rental App Waanaa Crowd Funding Campaign

    DrawingPress Release

    In English:

    New Revolutionary Rental App Waanaa Crowd Funding Campaign

    The rental app Waanaa that cuts out estate agents, middle man, stop rogue landlords and saving tenants hundreds of pounds in fees.

    Local entrepreneur of London Tolga Cakir today announced the launch of a crowdfunding campaign for the new revolutionary rental app Waanaa. The new application, which will be available online through the Apple iPhone “App Store,” and “Play Store” and will feature easy rental search so that tenants can find a property for rent with easy instructions throughout the UK.

    The new revolutionary rental app Waanaa will cut out estate agents, saving landlords and tenants hundreds of pounds. The functions of the advance app will also help construction companies to cut freight traffic. The Waanaa app will help the landlords and tenants with up to date local stats about the local areas.

    This campaign is very important for Tolga as he has personally suffered from rogue landlords in the past. Corrupt landlords must be known so that other tenants won’t suffer the same way.

    About Tolga Cakir

    Tolga Cakir is an Amazon number one best-selling author in the UK, USA and Australia. Tolga has a background in business information systems and received his BSc (Honours) degree in Business Information Systems from Leeds Metropolitan University. Tolga has provided consultancy to many entrepreneurs, executives, business owners, and managers. In addition to being a consultant Tolga has got years of experience as a journalist and professional coach. Despite his demanding career, Tolga makes time to be involved with the community and professional organisations. Tolga lives in London, and always seeks and works on inspiring new innovations and ideas.

    For Media Enquiries: bill@tolgacakir.com

    Contact Phone Number: +44 208 1338883

    Campaign Page URL: https://www.indiegogo.com/projects/waanaa-new-revolutionary-rental-appDrawing

    Basın Bülteni

    In Turkish (Türkçe):

    Emlakçıları, aracıları, hilekar ev sahiplerini ortadan kaldıran ve kiracılara büyük tasarruf sağlayan emlak uygulaması Waanaa

    Londra’da yaşayan girişimci yazar Tolga Çakır Waanaa isimli devrimsel Emlak uygulaması için kitlesel fonlama kampanyasını kamuoyuna bugün açıkladı. Appstore ve Playstore’da kullanıcılara sunulacak olan uygulama ilk aşama olarak kiracılara İngiltere’de ev arama ve bulmalarında kolaylık sağlayacak.

    Yeni devrimsel uygulama emlakçıları, sahtekar ev sahiplerini, aracıları ortadan kaldırmayı amaçlayıp uygulamadan yararlanan kiracılara ciddi tassaruflar sunacak. Uygulama ileri fonksiyonları ile birlikte aynı zamanda inşaat firmalarına nakliye ücretini azalatacak kolaylıklar sağlayacak. Waanaa uygulaması aynı zamanda ev sahipleri ve kiracılara yararlı bölgesel güncel istatistikler sunacaktır.

    Tolga Çakır sahtekar ev sahiplerinin faaliyetlerine kendisi de bizzat maruz kaldığını belirtmekte beraber gelecekte bu ve benzeri olaylar yaşanmaması ve de kiracıların sahtekar ev sahiplerine engel olması için bu uygulamanın etkili olacağını belirtmekte.

    Tolga Çakır Hakkında

    Tolga Çakır Amazon’da İngiltere, Amerika, ve Avustralya’da en çok satan yazarlarda bir numara yazarlar arasındadır. Leeds Metropolitan Üniversitesi, iş ve Enformasyon Sistemleri Bsc(Hons) bölümünden mezun olan Tolga Çakır bir çok iş adamı, yönetici ve iş sahibine danışmanlık yapmıştır. Bunun yanında Tolga Çakır yıllarca gazetecilik ve profesyonel koçluk yapmıştır. Yoğun kariyerine rağmen toplumsal ve profesyonel organizasyonlara vakit ayırmaktadır. Tolga Londra’da yaşamakla beraber iş dünyasında yenilikler arayıp ve yeni fikirler üzerinde çalışmaktadır.

    Basın İletişim: bill@tolgacakir.com

    Telefon Numarası: +44 208 1338883

    E-mail: bill@tolgacakir.com

    Kampanya web adresi : https://www.indiegogo.com/projects/waanaa-new-revolutionary-rental-app

  • PKK FILES : Hands Off Our Heritage

    PKK FILES : Hands Off Our Heritage

    PKK: Hands Off Our Heritage

    Mesopotamia has been the cradle of many civilizations such as the Sumerians, Acadians, Babylonians, Assyrians, Semites, Romans, Byzantines, Seljuks and Ottomans for a millennia and harbors the cultural heritage of the entire world. The city of Diyarbakır is home to invaluable historical heritage from this multicultural history of civilizations, and there are ancient ruins in its city center. Various cultural structures ranging from the Virgin Mary Ancient Assyrian Church to the Grand Mosque in the Diyarbakır Citadel.

    This cultural site has been occupied by the people who fled their homes in the rural towns which include Lice, Dicle, Kulp, Silvan and other surrounding provinces amid the rise of PKK terror in the 1990s. Inadequate substructures and the reluctance of municipal officials to address the issue turned the area into a slum. The narrow-minded, low-educated, impoverished new residents of the Citadel became the targets of intense PKK propaganda and provocation in the past two decades. Now, under the influence of the Syrian civil war, the PKK extended its violent campaign from the rural areas to urban centers like Diyarbakır, turning the historical site of the Citadel into a PKK post aimed at attacking local law enforcement.

    THE MEGALI IDEA THIS TIME FOR SOUTHEASTERN TURKEY

    Claiming to have gained public ground among Citadel residents – either by brute force, intimidation or coercion, the PKK has insisted that the urban fight in the city center emerged as a reflex response by the region’s youth reacting negatively to governmental policy. After the June 7 general elections, masked young people – ages 15 to 20-something –brought AK-47s to the streets and began digging trenches and erecting barricades in the streets of the Citadel. Indeed, the young people who started this so-called civil disobedience were the frontier actors for the PKK’s urban warfare strategy, which was intentionally designed using the experience gained during the ongoing Syrian civil war. Behind the young people with limited military training were the PKK’s cell cadres who were experienced in fighting in rural areas of Turkey and urban centers in Syria, particularly in northern Syrian, which is called “Rojava” in Kurdish. these cell cadres were responsible for the recruitment of young people via civil organizations, training them at rural base camps around the city of Lice, that symbolizes the establishment of the PKK in the late 1970s, and sending some of them into Syria to gain urban combat experience before organizing and arming them to conduct urban warfare against Turkish security forces.

    Contrary to the PKK’s expectations, the fight in the urban areas did not evolve into a civil war, but, rather, alienated the locals, depriving them of basic services such as power, water and sewage along with economic assets and a daily routine, igniting critical public reaction against the group. Local people became the targets of terror; their homes were occupied by the terrorists and used as posts to stage counterattacks against the security forces. Some were even forced to serve in the urban militia and some family members were killed in armed conflict to make it appear as if the security forces were responsible. During this course of action, the PKK reinforced its armed elements with more experienced fighters and took over the fight from the manipulated young people in the Patriotic Revolutionary Youth Movement (YDG-H). The PKK’s armed elements; namely, the People’s Defense Forces- (HPG), oriented Civil Defense Unit (YPS) forces which carried out relentless attacks on civilians and security forces – roads were blocked, vehicles were set on fire, local political figures were kidnapped, power lines were destroyed, GSM base stations were damaged and construction sites for new roads, dams and other aquatic projects were also targeted. The PKK’s atrocities spilled into urban life, resulting in immense humanitarian, political and economic costs for the people of Diyarbakır. Hundreds of people, including civilians, security personnel and terrorists, have been killed in the last two months. Thousands of people had to flee their homes and neighborhoods. Schools were set on fire and students are unable to attend school. Businesses are closing, causing unemployment to rise.

    The PKK not only attacked civilians, but government officials and security personnel as well, who were either harassed, kidnapped, assassinated or came under direct armed attack and the threat of improvised explosive devices. In response to the PKK’s confrontation in urban centers, the Turkish government has initiated a simultaneous, indignant counterterror operation in some urban centers and is expected to realize its goal very soon. Problematic neighborhoods were contained, curfews were imposed, the majority of civilians were evacuated and terrorists were disengaged. While an estimated 400 PKK fighters, both experienced rural PKK fighters and agitated youths, were presumed responsible for the terrors attacks in the Citadel area of Diyarbakır. Many deceived young people had to flee the conflict zone, leaving the fight to PKK cadres. As of Jan. 29, 144 PKK terrorists were killed and 30 more are presumed perpetrators of ongoing attacks. More than 250 inexperienced fighters are thought to have fled the site among civilians as they were being evacuated. More importantly, the PKK is using child soldiers, forcing them to carry strategic messages to other terrorists in the conflict zone.

    Amid the recent atrocities, the PKK is assumed by many locals not to be a representative of the people, but a deceptive organization. Even though it is common knowledge that the PKK runs on hatred and violence, people are intimidated to the point of silence, refusing to voice their criticism of the terror organization. Hatred and violence are two vital components, both vying for the PKK’s cycle of survival. Indoctrinating children with a mentality of hatred is one of the ruthless methods that PKK-affiliated associations and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) frequently apply. Below is a simple example of how the PKK roots hatred in the minds of young children.

    UNPRECEDENTED TERROR AGAINST FOLKLORIC AND ARTISTIC VALUES

    The Tigris Euphrates Culture and Art Association was founded on April 13, 2003 and took its name from the two famous rivers, attributing the meaning of “rebellious” to the Euphrates and “free” to the Tigris. Symbolizing violence and enmity with these local rivers, the association has organized and performed folkloric and artistic activities under the names of folk dance, theater, painting, photography, music and so on. It recently organized an activity to bring school children to draw pictures of curfews and urban damage in the Citadel area, calling the areas besieged. These children are 7 to 10 years old from the İskenderpaşa district of Sur, which is near the conflict zone. Instead of giving hope for the future, these children are inured with hatred by being encouraged to draw pictures of abstract, anti-government concepts created in their minds to be potential PKK fighters in the future. More to the point, the PKK strategically uses civil society organizations as the main facilitator to shape radical tendencies in youth by framing all these activities in terms of democracy.

    Associations such as the Mesopotamia Youth Research Center Association (MEGAM-DER) in downtown Diyarbakır are hubs to organize older children to turn to violent actions. MEGAM-DER organized a picnic in the vicinity of the village of Yolçatı in Lice on April 23, 2014. High school students aged around 15 were taken to a rural area where the PKK’s rural activities are rather common and they were encouraged to protest the ongoing building efforts of a gendarmerie post in the vicinity. Later on, these children were accompanied by female PKK terrorists and some of them were taken to a nearby rural PKK base camp. Among those taken to the training camp were Halime Gündüz and Fırat Aydın Eren. After figuring out that their children were being recruited by PKK, the Gündüz and Eren families claimed their children from the PKK. Families found no people to address at MEGAM-DER, the pro-PKK Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) or the PKK itself regarding their children’s return. Almost one month later, on May 19, 2014, families started a vigil in front of the HDP-run Diyarbakır Municipality and were accompanied by other families. Some of the children, including Halime and Fırat, were released by the PKK due to public pressure, but the PKK’s radicalization efforts have not stopped since then.

    The PKK claims the two important points of heritage are history and children. Both struggle to coexist under PKK manipulation, agitation and psychological and physical damage. Government investments, together with local, national and international contributions for recovering children, and seizing historical sites from the PKK are the only ways to bring real peace, welfare and stability to the southeast. Ankara’s master plan for how to end the urban fights should provide a platform for local people to state their stance against the PKK. There is no doubt that the peace initiative is necessary in publically debatable terms and conditions.

    This article published by Murat Yeşiltaş and Necdet Özçelik.

    [Daily Sabah, February 5, 2016]

  • AK PARTİ FILES /// Presidential System : A Latin American Experi ence

    AK PARTİ FILES /// Presidential System : A Latin American Experi ence

    Presidential System: A Latin American Experience

    After President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s official visit to the three Latin American countries of Chile, Peru and Ecuador, the presidential systems implemented in the region have become one of the hot topics of discussion about political systems and a new constitution in Turkey. Contributing to these discussions appropriately without misunderstanding and prejudice is difficult, as they are critical. After the 1990s, Latin American countries underwent democratization processes and the position presidents played was significant in these processes. Thus, understanding the outlines of the Chilean system can be an initial point to comprehend other areas of the region.

    THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH

    Even if the historical roots of the presidential system in Chile can be traced back to its 1925 constitution, the system in effect today was established after the 1980 constitution. Chile has a unitary and bicameral system where the state administration is functional and territorially decentralized. According to Article 25 of the 1980 constitution, to be elected president of the Republic, the candidate must have Chilean nationality, be up to or over 35 years of age and hold the other qualities necessary to be citizen. The president can exercise his functions for a period of four years and may not be re-elected for the following period. In other words, at least a one-term break is compulsory.

    The president is elected by direct vote, winning by receiving the absolute majority of valid votes. The presidential election is held in conjunction with parliamentary elections in the manner determined by the respective constitutional law.

    If the presidential election that contains more than two candidates and none obtain more than half the valid votes, there will be a second round of voting to limited to the candidates who obtained the two highest vote totals and the winner is the one that receives the most votes. This new vote is verified in the manner prescribed by law.

    As the head of the executive branch, the president has broad authority with special powers such as contributing to the making of laws under the constitution, sanctioning and promulgating them, convening and closing the Congress by stating the reason, declaring states of exception in cases and forms prescribed in the constitution, and to appointing and removing ministers, deputies, mayors, governors, ambassadors, diplomatic ministers and representatives from international organizations at will.

    Besides these powers, the president can appoint magistrates and prosecutors from the Courts of Appeals judges and lawyers on the proposal of the Supreme Court and the Courts of Appeal, respectively, members of the Constitutional Court, and judges and prosecutors of the Supreme Court and the attorney general with the consent of the Senate.

    After the constitutional amendment in 1989, the president’s right to dissolve parliament was abolished.

    When it comes to the budget, the president, with the signature of all the ministers of state, can decree payments not authorized by law to meet needs arising from postponed public calamities, foreign aggression, internal commotion, serious injury or danger to national security or the depletion of resources to maintain services that cannot be stopped without serious damage to the country. Payments made under these circumstances cannot exceed 2 percent annually of the amount of expenditure authorized by the Budget Law.

    After the election, the president’s relations with his political party automatically end. However, because of dominance of political parties in the system, the president unofficially maintains his relations.

    THE LEGISLATIVE BRANCH

    The National Congress of Chile (Congreso Nacional) is based on a bicameral system consisting of the Chamber of Deputies (Cámara de Diputados) with 120 members and Senate (Senado) with 38 representatives. The Chamber of Deputies is composed of members elected by the direct vote of constituencies and is renewed in full every four years. Senators remain in office for eight years and half of them in turn are renewed every four years through a binomial system. This system separates the country into senatorial districts and each of them has at least one representative.

    The exclusive powers of the Chamber of Deputies are to supervise the acts of the government by adopting agreements or suggesting observations, summoning a minister of state under special circumstances, creating special investigating commissions at the request of at least two-fifths of the deputies, declaring whether or not there have been accusations of the president seriously affecting the honor and security of the nation or openly violating the constitution or laws. In the case of the Senate, its exclusive powers are acting as a jury in investigating commissions, hearing jurisdictional disputes that arise between political or administrative authorities, granting recovery of citizenship and declaring the incapacity of the president arising from physical or mental impairment.

    THE JUDICIAL BRANCH

    The-20 member Supreme Court of Chile is at the highest point of the judicial system in the country. Except the Constitutional Court, Board of Election and Military Courts, all courts are under supervision of the Supreme Court. The president of the Republic, with Senate approval, appoints judicial the prosecutors of the Supreme Court. The president of the Republic also appoints judicial ministers and attorneys of the Courts of Appeal while the Supreme Court proposes three candidates. Judges can be discharged on the grounds of impeachment. Superior Court judges, judicial prosecutors and lawyers of the judiciary cannot be apprehended without order of the competent court, except in cases of criminal activity.

    It should be noted that each presidential system, independent from legal practices and rules, has unique characteristics arising from social, cultural and traditional aspects of the specific country. Thus, a reductive approach to evaluate systems without concerning distinctive features of each country can cause misinterpretations in debates. Debates on a presidential system in Turkey should be more fact-based and offer reliable information to create a more productive platform for discussion.

    [Daily Sabah, February 5, 2016]

  • MIDDLE EAST FILES : No Time for Another Sykes-Picot

    MIDDLE EAST FILES : No Time for Another Sykes-Picot

    No Time for Another Sykes-Picot

    Whether they are in Washington, Ankara, Irbil or Geneva, "It’s the end of Sykes-Picot," Middle East experts and politicians often argue in discussions about the region’s future. Seeking to redraw the map of the Middle East, Sykes-Picot’s challengers are also quick to pronounce dead the post-World War I order. Ironically, both DAESH’s claim to caliphate and Kurdish nationalists’ dream of an independent state rest on the core premise that the Sykes-Picot agreement has become obsolete. Those who disagree with this assessment, too, invariably know deep inside that the Middle East will never be the same. Nowadays, American decision-makers looking to fight terrorism, regional powers fighting proxy wars and Russian generals bombing civilians all have something in common: They are updating their playbooks and reconsidering traditional alliances.

    A quick glance at media reports would establish that the challenges are great. On one hand, the Russians argue that Turkey is preparing to invade Syria. On the other, Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) President Masoud Barzani says his government will hold a referendum to attain independence. At a time when superpowers and regional players seek to dictate the new rules of the game in battlefields across the Middle East, the main problem is that hardly anyone can guess what exactly will replace Sykes-Picot.

    To be clear, the artificial regional order sanctioned by France and the United Kingdom – the Great War’s victors – had zero chance of survival all along. In places like Iraq and Syria, the repression of the majority by artificially-empowered minorities could not last. U.S. foreign policy, however, notably expedited the process of dissolution. Arguably the most crucial development in recent years was the U.S. invasion of Iraq. Unable to replace Saddam Hussein’s regime with a functional government, Washington paved the way to sectarian clashes by putting Nouri al-Maliki, a Shiite politician with a sectarian platform, in charge. In retrospect, it was hardly surprising that the Sunni anger across the country led to the rise of DAESH. Meanwhile, Syrian leader Bashar Assad’s regime lost control of Syria by disproportionately responding to the Arab Spring revolts. In the end, violent conflicts in Iraq and Syria turned the Middle East into hell.

    Moving forward, the demise of nation-states in Syria and Iraq will irreversibly destroy the regional status quo. Keeping in mind that these post-Ottoman nation-states were the most successful experiments in the region, there is no reason to believe that Gulf nations will prove more persistent. To make matters worse, the Geneva-III talks established beyond all doubt that the U.S. and Russia merely pay lip service to the territorial integrity of Iraq and Syria. Having alienated Sunni Arabs to facilitate DAESH’s rise, superpowers now pave the way to a new wave of violence by working with the Democratic Union Party (PYD) and its armed wing People’s Protection Units (YPG) in northern Syria.

    Regional powers, to be clear, aren’t doing much better. Under the pretext of pursuing national interests, they promote sectarian clashes – a policy that won’t help create a new regional order. Their current plans, instead, are likely to create new failed states down the road. Faced with challenges to their territorial integrity, unconsolidated nation-states across the Middle East are likely to spark new conflicts.

    The only way out of the current crisis is to promote integration instead of disintegration. Although Turkey has been calling on regional governments to cooperate more closely, things are going south. One would only hope that the humanitarian crises in Syria and Iraq will help other governments wise up and take necessary steps before it’s too late. After all, another Sykes-Picot agreement won’t bring peace and stability to the Middle East.

    [Daily Sabah, February 8, 2016]

  • SYRIA FILES : Forcing Syrians to Flee the Country is a Tactic of the Syrian Regime

    SYRIA FILES : Forcing Syrians to Flee the Country is a Tactic of the Syrian Regime

    Forcing Syrians to Flee the Country is a Tactic of the Syrian Regime

    Since the beginning of the refugee crisis in the Syrian civil war, most astute observers of the conflict have said that the ultimate long-term solution for the Syrian refugee crisis is building peace and stability in the country to enable refugees to freely go back to their homes and continue their lives from the point when they left. The belated attempts by the international community to accept some refugees was only a bandage for the growing and deepening problem of Syrian refugees. In the absence of a feasible long-term solution it is unrealistic to expect the flow of refugees from the conflict to end.

    Last week, we saw this reality in Syria once more when the intensifying Russian airstrikes in northern Syria started to generate another major wave of refugees coming to Turkey. Since the beginning of the crisis, there has been a correlation between any intensification of the crisis and the number of refugees fleeing to neighboring countries. Since the beginning of the airstrikes, the use of Scud missiles and chemical weapons, we have seen a huge number of Syrian civilians fearing the increasingly violent war machine of Bashar Assad’s regime fleeing to adjacent countries. With the rise of DAESH, we saw another major wave, this time from Iraq as well as Syria. The most significant wave of refugees was from Kobani, which probably had one of the highest numbers in just a few days, and from Sinjar in northern Iraq. Later, with the People’s Protection Units’ (YPG) capture of Tal Abyad, another major flow of refugees started. Later, some human rights group reported that some of these people were forcefully evicted from their homes by YPG forces. In the most recent phase of the conflict with Russian airstrikes and their gradual intensification on opposition-held territories, we started to see another major wave of refugees.

    Since the intensification of the attacks in the Turkmen Mountain region against the Turkmens there, observers of the refugee problem have pointed to the danger of the continuation of similar attacks in other parts of Syria, which could generate similar refugee problems. The international community mostly ignored these calls and warnings, and now we are facing another critical juncture in the crisis with increasing attacks on areas surrounding Aleppo. Last week, Turkish authorities indicated that at least 70,000 people fleeing heavy airstrikes on their towns and cities were walking toward the Turkish border. Some 20,000 of them have already gathered on the Turkish border. Considering the distance, the weather conditions and increasing attacks, these people face serious dangers. In a similar way, the Assad regime, with the support of the Russian air force, has been starving towns as a weapon through sieges in recent months. Last month, dozens of people in the town of Madaya died from starvation. Many observers warned that the use of this tactic could generate a serious humanitarian crisis. However, the reaction from the international community was insufficient to deter the regime from using similar tactics in other areas. As suspected, now the regime uses this tactic in various parts of Syria and uses the threat of starving Syrians to empty cities and towns.

    The creation of this new crisis shows that the regime continues to use the tactic of emptying towns and cities to capture territory. From the beginning, the regime tried to scare and threaten civilians, and now with the use of starvation, various chemical agents, barrel bombs and the Russian air force, a critical point has been reached, and a majority of Syrians may find that leaving the country is the best and last course of action. This means that if the regime is not stopped from using this horrendous tactic – threatening its own citizens, we will face more refugees and internally displaced people in the coming months. It must be remembered that the regime used the most horrible tactic of starving people while preparing for the talks in Geneva, and the intensifying of airstrikes took place, while their representatives were making their case to the U.N. special envoy. This shows the sincerity of the Syrian regime with regard to a political solution and the outcome of the inaction of the international community. In the coming days and weeks, we need to be cautious about what the Syrian regime means concerning a solution, as the regime and its allies may think that emptying most of the country is a viable solution to win the war.

    [Daily Sabah, February 8, 2016]