Category: Business

  • Norwegian firm to design Istanbul’s new airport

    Norwegian firm to design Istanbul’s new airport

    Norwegian firm to design Istanbul’s new airport

    Istanbul Ataturk Airport
    Istanbul Ataturk Airport

    The Oslo-based architecture firm Nordic Office of Architecture has won an international competition to design what’s expected to become the world’s largest airport, in Istanbul. Gudmund Stokke, partner and manager of the firm, called it “a bit of a dream to land in this position.”

    The firm, formerly known as Narud Stokke Wiig Architects and Planners, joined with the British Grimshaw firm to beat out eight other contenders for the job. Nordic Office specializes in designing modern airports and was behind Oslo’s main airport at Gardermoen and its current expansion project, the Rajiv Gandhi Airport in Hyderabad, India, the Hanimaadhoo Airport in the Maldives and several in the Arctic areas of Norway.

    The new airport in Istanbul will be designed to accommodate 90 million passengers a year, and 150 million within 10 years. Its first phase is due to open in 2019.

    The project will also be the largest in Turkish history, opening with three runways and a terminal covering a million square meters. It aims to become a major hub, with Nordic Office in charge of the master plan and design. Stokke wouldn’t reveal the value of the contract.

    newsinenglish.no staff

  • Is Erdogan punishing a Turkish business empire for helping protesters?

    Is Erdogan punishing a Turkish business empire for helping protesters?

    Turkey’s Koc Holding has been investigated repeatedly since helping antigovernment protesters this summer. Will that chill investment?

    By Alexander Christie-Miller, Correspondent / October 8, 2013

    • 1008-turkey-Erdogan-Koc-holding_full_380

    Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan speaks during a meeting in Ankara, Turkey, Oct. 1, 2013.

    AP

    • In Pictures Turkey’s discontent

    A string of legal and administrative actions against Turkey’s largest business empire has led some to suspect a government vendetta, risking damage to the country’s investment-friendly reputation.

    • In Pictures Turkey’s discontent
    Related stories
    • Think you know Turkey? Take our country quiz.
    • Ergenekon case confronts Turkey’s past, but spawns doubts about motives
    • Turkish government hunkers down as world spotlight fades
    • Poll shows Erdogan’s popularity has taken a hit. Could he lose his mandate?

    Koc Holding, whose companies account for some 9 percent of Turkey’s GDP, incurred the wrath of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan when a Koc-owned hotel sheltered protesters fleeing from police during mass protests in Istanbul in June.

    Since then tax authorities have launched probes into two Koc companies, the government has cancelled a contract with one of its firms to build warships, and a university founded by Koc has been threatened with eviction over disputed back rent. Last month a lawyer filed a criminal complaint calling for an investigation into the company’s possible role in the overthrow of Turkey’s first Islamist government in 1997.

    While both Koc and Ankara deny any of these measures are politically motivated, analysts say the claims are tarnishing Turkey’s business image at a time when the country badly needs more direct foreign investment.

    Since the start of May, the value of the Turkish lira has plunged 11 percent against the dollar, and the Istanbul stock market has lost 14 percent of its value as investors moved their money out of emerging markets like Turkey. 

    The currency slump has prompted fears over Turkey’s reliance on short term foreign debt. With economists warning that the country needs to attract longer term foreign investment in order to secure itself against the threat posed by further currency devaluations, many are worried about the government’s possible targeting of Koc.

    “It seems like revenge, and I believe it’s damaging the image of Turkey’s business environment,” says Ugur Gurses, an economic columnist for the daily Radikal newspaper.

    RECOMMENDED: Think you know Turkey? Take our country quiz.

    Others remain unconvinced that there is any vendetta. “It is a huge company with many different operations, so hard to say whether it is being disproportionately impacted by regulatory oversight,” says Timothy Ash, head of emerging market research at Standard Bank in London.

    Whether or not Ankara’s hand is truly behind the measures against Koc, the perception is that it might be is adding to unease in the business community. 

    “What we need is direct investment, not loans, and if the government is taking revenge against Koc, this sends out a bad message for our future,” says Gurses.

    He believes the alleged targeting of Koc may fade away if more business-oriented minds in Ankara are able to appease Erdogan’s anger against the group.

    Chain of events

    The controversy surrounding Koc began when the Divan Hotel, close to Istanbul’s Gezi Park, opened its doors to anti-government demonstrators fleeing tear gas and riot police on the night of June 15.

    As scores of demonstrators sheltered in the lobby, including a German member of the European Parliament, riot police fired tear gas and a water cannon through its revolving doors. Although the hotel’s management made the decision to shelter the protesters, Koc Holding, which owns the hotel, has supported the decision.

    The following day Mr. Erdogan, who has consistently portrayed the demonstrators as violent and criminal, issued the first of a series of veiled threats against Koc.

    “We know which hotel owners helped terrorists. Those crimes will not remain unpunished,” he said at a rally of his supporters in Istanbul.

    The following month Turkey’s finance ministry launched an investigation into TUPRAS, the largest Koc-owned company and Turkey’s sole oil refiner, and another Koc company, Aygaz, which sells liquefied petroleum gas.

    Soon after news broke of the investigations, Turkey’s Finance Minister Mehmet Simsek denied they were politically motivated.

    “The Tax Inspection Board conducts 50,000 tax investigations every year. There is definitely no connection between the Gezi incidents and tax investigations,” he wrote in a message on Twitter.

    Late last month a $2.5 billion contract to build six corvettes for the Turkish Navy given to another Koc subsidiary, RMK Marine, was unexpectedly canceled after it was awarded in January. The cancellation came after a rival firm that had been excluded from the bidding process filed a complaint with a business standards council within the prime minister’s office claiming the tender had been unfair.

    Meanwhile, Turkish media also reported last month that the Ministry of Forestry is preparing to evict a university run by Koc from land the ministry claims to own for failing to pay disputed back rent of about 20 to 30 million Turkish lira ($10 million to $15 million).

    The measures evoked comparisons with another incident of alleged government bullying of big business: a $3.8 billion tax fine levied against the Dogan group in 2009. The fine came after newspapers belonging to Dogan, which owns the country’s largest media empire, took an aggressively negative line against Erdogan’s Islamist-rooted government, and the prime minister publicly rebuked owner Aydin Dogan.

    A clash of power players

    In an interview on Turkish television last month Koc Holding chairman Mustafa Koc, at once dismissed claims that his company was being targeted, but simultaneously defended his hotel’s ‘humanitarian approach’ during the protests.

    “Any change [in our investments] or cancellation [in our contracts], to date, is the subject of mere speculation. We want nothing to do with this,” he said.

    Koc Holding, founded by Mustafa’s grandfather Vehbi Koc in 1926, is among a clutch of family-owned business empires that make up Turkey’s secular aristocracy.

    While they retain much of their former economic clout, the political influence they once enjoyed has reduced dramatically over the past decade in which Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party has governed Turkey.

    The newly affluent pious class that has flourished under Erdogan views this old elite with bitter resentment, referring to them by the derogatory term “White Turks” and accusing them of complicity in past state repression of devout Muslims.

    On Sept. 16, a lawyer in the conservative city of Erzurum filed a complaint against Koc Holding and Dogan, calling for both to be added as suspects to a criminal case into the fall of Turkey’s first Islamist government in 1997. The trial involved more than 100 military officers accused of using covert pressure to engineer the overthrow of Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan, an episode now referred to by most Turks as the “postmodern coup.”

    The complaint was filed the day after Erdogan made a speech in which he seemed to call for the prosecution of business and media groups he said were involved.

    “Wasn’t there a contribution of conglomerates to [the 1997 coup]? Wasn’t there a contribution of print and visual media? I’m astonished that they aren’t on trial. I wonder why they aren’t called to account,” he said in a speech to industrialists in Istanbul.

    Mustafa Polat, the lawyer who filed the complaint, told The Christian Science Monitor he had heard Erdogan’s speech before acting, but was not influenced by it.

    “Koc and Dogan cooperated with the coup party and they took financial advantage of the situation,” Mr. Polat says, adding that the companies are now being investigated by Turkey’s financial crimes bureau.

    Polat is a complainant in the case because he graduated from a religious high school, and following the coup, legal changes barred graduates from these schools from training as lawyers, forcing him to study in northern Cyprus.

    “If it wasn’t for the coup, I wouldn’t have had to go there,” he says.

    He added that at this stage it is not clear what penalty – if any – the companies could face. But he believes Koc deserves punishment regardless of the economic cost, using a Turkish saying: “The finger feels no pain that is cut off according to Sharia law.”

  • This Turkish hotel won a “hospitality innovation award” for protecting protestors from tear gas and police

    This Turkish hotel won a “hospitality innovation award” for protecting protestors from tear gas and police

    By Simone Foxman @simonefoxman October 8, 2013

    Not a bad place to settle down after getting tear gassed. AP Photo/Vadim Ghirda

    ap428612435868-divan-hotel-istanbul-protests1

    International hospitality awards usually go to hotels with the most creative design, impeccable service and attention to amenities like ultra-plush bathrobes. But the winner of the latest “hospitality innovation award” from PKF hotelexperts was selected on entirely different criteria.

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    The German hotel consultants awarded the honor to Divan Hotels’ flagship property in Istanbul in recognition for its offering refuge to protesters fleeing police tear gas.

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    The hotel is adjacent to Gezi Park’s Taksim Square, the site of protests last May and June. During some of the most tense moments, the Divan Hotel’s management took in people protesting against the government of Turkish prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, to the chagrin of officials.

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    Adding insult to injury, the hotel staff rebuffed police forces by asking whether they had a reservation at the hotel, according to Han Le, an American who observed the protests. Unsurprisingly, the police did not, and the staff—at least temporarily—prevented them from entering and arresting protesters camping out inside. The Financial Times reports (paywall) that the decision to take in protesters was initially made by the hotel’s management, but supported by the hotel’s parent company.

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    The chain of 11 Divan Hotels is owned by Koç Holding, a conglomerate owned by the wealthy Koç family, which says it generates 9% of Turkey’s GDP. The hotel’s parent company’s holdings also include Turkey’s only refinery and some joint ventures with Ford and Fiat.

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    The government has singled out Koç Holding, engaging in a “witch hunt” to pass off blame for the country’s struggling economy, according to an anonymous investment banker cited in Der Spiegel.  In June, Erdoğan accused the hotel of “harbor[ing] criminals.” Then, in July, tax investigators raided 77 offices of  Koç Holding’s energy subsidiaries.  The company was later named in a lawsuit alleging that it was part of a 1997 coup. In late September, it lost a government contract to build six warships.

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    While the Koç family may the government’s scapegoat du jour, the tensions between the company and the government are characteristic of the animosity between Turkey’s old capitalist elite and the Erdoğan administration. Erdoğan has also taken aim at the financial services industry, accusing the “interest rate lobby” of fanning unrest in order to speculate on the economy.

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    Unsurprisingly, German businessmen don’t share Erdoğan’s feelings. “Divan Hotels and Koç Family has showed solidarity and courage during Gezi Park protests and proved how important hospitality is during crisis situations,” PKF chair Michael Widman told Hurriyet Daily News.

    via This Turkish hotel won a “hospitality innovation award” for protecting protestors from tear gas and police – Quartz.

  • U.S. Military says Chemical weapons given to rebels in Turkey

    U.S. Military says Chemical weapons given to rebels in Turkey

    WND EXCLUSIVE

    U.S. military confirms rebels had sarin

    Classified document shows deadly weapon found in home of arrested Islamists

     

    author-image F. Michael Maloof

    F. Michael Maloof, staff writer for WND and G2Bulletin, is a former senior security policy analyst in the office of the secretary of defense.

    As part of the Obama administration’s repeated insistence – though without offering proof – that the recent sarin gas attack near Damascus was the work of the Assad regime, the administration has downplayed or denied the possibility that al-Qaida-linked Syrian rebels could produce deadly chemical weapons.

     

    However, in a classified document just obtained by WND, the U.S. military confirms that sarin was confiscated earlier this year from members of the Jabhat al-Nusra Front, the most influential of the rebel Islamists fighting in Syria.

     

    The document says sarin from al-Qaida in Iraq made its way into Turkey and that while some was seized, more could have been used in an attack last March on civilians and Syrian military soldiers in Aleppo.

     

    The document, classified Secret/Noforn – “Not for foreign distribution” – came from the U.S. intelligence community’s National Ground Intelligence Center, or NGIC, and was made available to WND Tuesday.

     

    It revealed that AQI had produced a “bench-scale” form of sarin in Iraq and then transferred it to Turkey.

     

    A U.S. military source said there were a number of interrogations as well as some clan reports as part of what the document said were “50 general indicators to monitor progress and characterize the state of the ANF/AQI-associated Sarin chemical warfare agent developing effort.”

     

    “This (document) depicts our assessment of the status of effort at its peak – primarily research and procurement activities – when disrupted in late May 2013 with the arrest of several key individuals in Iraq and Turkey,” the document said.

     

    “Future reporting of indicators not previously observed would suggest that the effort continues to advance despite the arrests,” the NGIC document said.

     

    The May 2013 seizure occurred when Turkish security forces discovered a two-kilogram cylinder with sarin gas while searching homes of Syrian militants from the al-Qaida-linked Jabhat al-Nusra Front following their initial detention.

     

    The sarin gas was found in the homes of suspected Syrian Islamic radicals detained in the southern provinces of Adana and Mersin.

     

    Some 12 suspected members of the al-Nusra Front were arrested. At the time, they were described by Turkish special anti-terror forces as the “most aggressive and successful arm” of the Syrian rebels.

     

    In the seizure, Turkish anti-terror police also found a cache of weapons, documents and digital data.

     

    At the time of the arrest, the Russians called for a thorough investigation of the detained Syrian militants found in possession of sarin gas.

     

    This seizure followed a chemical weapons attack in March on the Khan al-Assal area of rural Aleppo, Syria. In that attack, some 26 people and Syrian government forces were killed by what was determined to be sarin gas, delivered by a rocket attack.

     

    The Syrian government called for an investigation by the United Nations. Damascus claimed al-Qaida fighters were behind the attack, also alleging that Turkey was involved.

     

    “The rocket came from a place controlled by the terrorists and which is located close to the Turkish territory,” according to a statement from Damascus. “One can assume that the weapon came from Turkey.”

     

    The report of the U.S. intelligence community’s NGIC reinforces a preliminary U.N. investigation of the attack in Aleppo which said the evidence pointed to Syrian rebels.

     

    It also appears to bolster allegations in a 100-page report on an investigation turned over to the U.N. by Russia. The report concluded the Syrian rebels – not the Syrian government – had used the nerve agent sarin in the March chemical weapons attack in Aleppo.

     

    While the contents of the report have yet to be released, sources tell WND the documentation indicates that deadly sarin poison gas was manufactured in a Sunni-controlled region of Iraq and then transported to Turkey for use by the Syrian opposition, whose ranks have swelled with members of al-Qaida and affiliated groups.

     

    The documentation that the U.N. received from the Russians indicated specifically that the sarin gas was supplied to Sunni foreign fighters by a Saddam-era general working under the outlawed Iraqi Baath party leader, Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri.

     

    Al-Douri was a top aide to Saddam Hussein before he was deposed as Iraqi president.

     

    The sarin nerve gas used in the Allepo attack, sources say, had been prepared by former Iraqi Military Industries Brig. Gen. Adnan al-Dulaimi. It then was supplied to Baath-affiliated foreign fighters of the Sunni and Saudi Arabian-backed al-Nusra Front in Aleppo, with Turkey’s cooperation, through the Turkish town of Antakya in Hatay Province.

     

    The source who brought out the documentation now in the hands of the U.N. is said to have been an aide to al-Douri.

     

    Al-Dulaimi was a major player in Saddam’s chemical weapons production projects, the former aide said. Moreover, Al-Dulaimi has been working in the Sunni-controlled region of northwestern Iraq where the outlawed Baath party now is located and produces the sarin.

     

    The NGIC depiction of the variety of sarin as “bench-scale” reinforces an analysis by terrorism expert Yossef Bodansky, who said the recent findings on the chemical weapons attack of Aug. 21 on the outskirts of Damascus, Syria, was “indeed a self-inflicted attack” by the Syrian opposition to provoke U.S. and military intervention in Syria.

     

    Bodansky, a former director of the U.S. Congressional Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare, said a preliminary analysis of the sarin showed that it was of a “kitchen” variety and not military grade.

     

    He questioned that the sarin was of a military variety, which accumulates around victims’ hair and loose clothing.

     

    Because these molecules become detached and released with any movement, Bodansky said, “they would have thus killed or injured the first responders who touched the victims’ bodies without protective clothes … and masks.”

     

    Various videos of the incident clearly show first responders going from patient to patient without protective clothing administering first aid to the victims. There were no reports of casualties among the first responders.

     

    “This strongly indicates that the agent in question was the slow acting ‘kitchen sarin,’” Bodansky said.

     

    “Indeed, other descriptions of injuries treated by MSF (The French group Doctors Without Borders) – suffocation, foaming, vomiting and diarrhea – agree with the effects of diluted, late-action drops of liquefied Sarin,” he said.

     

    The terrorism expert said that the jihadist movement has technologies which have been confirmed in captured jihadist labs in both Turkey and Iraq, as well as from the wealth of data recovered from al-Qaida in Afghanistan in 2001 and 2002.

     

    He added that the projectiles shown by the opposition, which were tested by U.N. inspectors, are not standard weapons of the Syrian army.

     

    Meanwhile, an  Italian former journalist and a Belgian researcher who were recently freed from their al-Nusra captives say they overheard their captors talking about their involvement in a deadly chemical attack “last month,” which would have been the Aug. 21 chemical weapons attack.

     

    The Italian, Domenico Quirico, and Belgian researcher Pierre Piccinin were released Monday after five months of captivity.

     

    “The government of Bashar al-Assad did not use Sarin gas or other types of gas in the outskirts of Damascus,” Piccinin said.

     

    While captive, Piccinin said the two had overheard a Skype conversation in English among three people.

     

    “The conversation was based on real facts,” said Quirico, claiming one of the three people in the alleged conversation identified himself as a Free Syrian Army general.

     

    He added that the militants said the rebels carried out the attack as a provocation to force the West to intervene militarily to oust the Assad regime.

     

    Both men told a news conference they had no access to the outside world while they were held captive and knew nothing about the use of chemical weapons until they heard the discussion on Skype.

     

    Now, a former analyst for the Central Intelligence Agency, Ray McGovern, similarly backs the claim that the Syrian rebels perpetrated the poison gas attack on Aug. 21

     

    McGovern was one of a number of veteran intelligence professionals who recently signed a letter to Obama saying that Damascus wasn’t behind the Aug. 21 chemical attack.

     

    As WND recently reported, former U.S. intelligence analysts claim current intelligence analysts have told them Assad was not responsible for the Aug. 21 poison gas attack, saying there was a “growing body of evidence” that reveals the incident was a pre-planned provocation by the Syrian opposition.

     

    The analysts, in an open letter to Obama, referred to a meeting a week before the Aug. 21 incident in which opposition military commanders ordered preparations for an “imminent escalation” due to a “war-changing development” that would be followed by the U.S.-led bombing of Syria. They said the growing body of evidence came mostly from sources affiliated with the Syrian opposition and its supporters.

     

    Those reports, they said, revealed that canisters containing chemical agents were brought into a suburb of Damascus, where they were then opened.

     

    “Initial meetings between senior opposition military commanders and Qatari, Turkish and U.S. intelligence officials took place at the converted Turkish military garrison in Antakya, Hatay Province, now used as the command center and headquarters of the Free Syrian Army and their foreign sponsors,” the analysts said.

     

    The VIPS memo to Obama reinforces separate videos, which show foreign fighters associated with the Syrian opposition firing artillery canisters of poison gas. One video shows Nadee Baloosh, a member of an al-Qaida-affiliated group Rioyadh al-Abdeen, admitting to the use of chemical weapons.

     

    In the video clip, al-Abdeen, who is in the Latakia area of Syria, said his forces used “chemicals which produce lethal and deadly gases that I possess.”

  • Erdoğan’s fall from grace in Turkey is pure Shakespearean tragedy

    Erdoğan’s fall from grace in Turkey is pure Shakespearean tragedy

    Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip ErdoHide

    Turkey’s PM has become the personification of the corrupt despotism of the regime he was elected to sweep away

    • Fiachra
      • guardian.co.uk,
    Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdo

    Turkey’s prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, has turned ‘an insignificant protest in a scrubby little park into a national emergency.’ Photograph: Adem Altan/AFP/Getty Images

    As the protests in Turkey continue, spare a thought for the man whose personal tragedy few have the grace to acknowledge – Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Until three weeks ago Erdoğan was destined to go down as one of the greatest reformers in Turkish history alongside Ataturk and Suleiman the Magnificent, despite all the bullying and the backsliding of the past three years.

    Here was a man who seemed to have the power to tackle Turkey’s century of conflict with the Kurds, Armenians and Greeks, and to lead it to a peaceful, prosperous, and democratic future – a model not just for Muslim countries but for other rising economic powers shaking off less than perfect pasts.

    But Erdoğan’s greatest achievement – greater still than a decade-long boom that bucked global depression – was his breaking of the power of the military that had shackled Turkish democracy for so long. In pre-Erdoğan Turkey, we would have had a coup by now.

    Yet the power he concentrated to defeat the generals – by foul means as well as fair – and the paranoia of that battle, has undone him. In a matter of days Erdoğan has become the personification of all the corrupt despotism and violence of the old Kemalist Turkey he was elected to sweep away.

    The ironic thing is that he has done this to himself. Such was his grip on power that only Erdoğan could have destroyed Erdoğan. And that is what he has done by turning an insignificant protest in a scrubby little park into a national emergency.

    I met Erdoğan twice while he was mayor of Istanbul – and there was much I liked about him. No other European leader has risen from humbler beginnings – nor had so much stacked against them.

    He had the warmth and emotion of his Georgian roots, and then at least, an uncommon sincerity. He had a clear vision – to make Istanbul work and right historic wrongs he believed religious Anatolian conservatives had suffered at the hands of Turkey’s secular elite. Behind this was a hazy notion of rolling back time to an Ottoman nirvana of what might have been if Ataturk and the Young Turks – neither much troubled with democracy – had not existed.

    What struck me then was how Erdoğan’s telling of his own story unconsciously mirrored Ataturk’s – and the lingering suspicion that he too believed Turks needed to be told what was good for them.

    With Erdoğan’s power having become so personalised, and self-censorship so rife that a press baron openly consulted him last month as to who should edit one of his papers, it was clear Erdoğan had vanquished the generals only to adopt their methods. His response to the Gezi crisis came straight from the old Kemalist coup handbook: brutality, black propaganda, conspiracy theories and lots of bad faith. Few politicians get into people’s heads the way Erdoğan does. His hectoring manner and his way of tying logic in knots may play well with his supporters but it drives many more Turks mad.

    Just as Erdoğan became all-powerful he also became personally vulnerable, battling cancer and grieving the loss of his mother who had shielded him from his frustrated and over-religious father – whose worst traits his son is now displaying as he tours Turkey to chastise his ungrateful children at a series of monster rallies: “Look what I have done for them! And this is how they reward me?” The “pious generations” he had talked of raising have spoken back.

    Islamist hubris alone has not undone Erdoğan; it’s more the mile-wide authoritarian streak he inherited from Ataturk and which runs through Turkish life, filtering down to humblest officials currying favour by second guessing and zealously enforcing their superiors’ orders.

    What we are witnessing here is pure Shakespearean tragedy but one that threatens to turn into a national calamity. That Erdoğan called his “people” together on Sunday in Istanbul at the place where Mehmet the Conqueror gathered his troops for the assault on the old Byzantine capital, added another layer of foreboding.

    Turkey is in a dark place but Gezi may yet prove to be a turning point on the twisted path to democracy. One thing is for sure, the broad coalition that brought the AK party to power has been broken, perhaps forever.

    Over the weekend I talked to a textile magnate from Kayseri, one of the many “Anatolian tigers” whose money has bankrolled Erdoğan’s party. He was sending his workers on free buses to the first of Erdoğan’s monster rallies but his headscarfed daughter was no longer talking to him over his support for him. “There are arguments in the house every day.”

    When I asked if he still backed Erdoğan’s campaign to change the constitution so he could become a French or Russian-style president, his tone changed: “We cannot make this man president. Not now. Tayyip may destroy us all yet.”

    What’s this?

    More from the Guardian
    • Turkey’s ‘standing people’ protest spreads amid Erdoğan’s crackdown 18 Jun 2013
    • Turkey’s ‘standing man’ shows how passive resistance can shake a state 18 Jun 2013
  • Erdogan’s response has been a political hara-kiri

    Erdogan’s response has been a political hara-kiri

    by EDITORIAL
    tayyip5
    Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has none but himself to blame for turning an apparently innocuous pro-environment demonstration into a crisis. And in doing so, Erdogan has demonstrated how inept he has been in coping with the consequences of democratic freedoms his reforms have given to Turkey. In a fit of hubris perhaps he condemned the demonstrators as “looters”, “anarchists” and “terrorists” and he was wrong. The people who had gathered at Taksim Square were demanding preservation of a park where the government had planned to allow construction of a shopping mall. It was a peaceful demonstration that protested uprooting of trees. Pulling down Erdogan or his government was not on their agenda. It could have been defused with absolute ease had Erdogan and his government been rational and seen the rationale of the demonstrators. Instead, hubris came into play, Erdogan felt insulted, panicked for no reason and saw seditious intentions which weren’t there.
    Turkish Prime Minister’s reading of the situation was wrong and unwarranted which only undermined his accomplishments and offered succour to a harmless impromptu demonstration. He committed a political hara-kiri and let the situation escalate by opting for high handed means to crush the demonstration. Overnight, Erdogan fell in popular esteem from a comfortable position of being a very popular leader to an autocratic zealot who isn’t least interested in listening to justified aspirations of the people. News pouring out of Istanbul suggests that ruling AKP is considering projecting President Abdullah Gul as the new face of the country. And if this happens Erdogan may even be replaced as the prime minister which analysts feel would probably be a good move to stem an escalating crisis snowballing into Turkish Spring.
    Still now Turkey has not become Egypt and Taksim Square is not Tahrir. But the belligerence with which Erdogan responded to the demonstration has not only eroded his support base among Turkey’s “conservative Anatolian population of the rural heartland” but has also put the country at a critical crossroad. Erdogan can justifiably claim credits for Turkey’s impressive economic growth; he has made the country an important bridge between Europe and Asia and has placed Turkey as an invisible partner of both Europe and the United States on several critical global issues. His high handedness in dealing with Taksim Square demonstration has, however, made Europe rethink over its partnership with Turkey. And that may, in long term, prove disastrous for Ankara.
    Erdogan’s defiant and belligerent response has not helped in containing the demonstrations. He is now seeing lengthening shadows of conspiracies which may or may not be true. But, on one fact there is no doubt. Turkish opposition has now found the handle which it has long been in search of to unseat an elected government. To the ruling party it is a snowballing threat which AKP isn’t very keen on overlooking. For the ruling party the options are few and replacing Erdogan is perhaps the best means to quell the popular anger which is fast turning into a conflagration across Turkey. Erdogan has chopped off the branch on which he was sitting.