Category: Main Issues

  • Is Turkey Sincere in its ‘Efforts’ to Find a Just Solution to the Armenian Question?

    Is Turkey Sincere in its ‘Efforts’ to Find a Just Solution to the Armenian Question?

    appo13By Appo Jabarian
    Executive Publisher/Managing Editor
    USA Armenian Life Magazine

    For decades, hardly a month went by without Turks worrying about what new actions would the Armenian Diaspora take. No year went by without Turkish officials acknowledging the nightmare “caused by the Armenian Diaspora.”

    In late 2010, at a time when he was searching for ways to render the Armenian Diaspora “powerless” through the infamous Protocols with Armenia, Turkey’s Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu lamented that some of the Diaspora’s actions were like “the sword of Damocles hanging above our heads.”

    Mr. Davutoglu’s comments were followed by Turkey’s Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan being dealt with an official embarrassment in Lebanon when the Lebanese Armenians mounted a remarkable protest against him. Like much of the world, Lebanon has been home to hundreds of thousands of Armenians who harbor deep animosity toward Turkey over the 1915-1923 Armenian Genocide and the resulting massive dispossessions and illegal occupation of their ancestral homeland in Western Armenia and Cilicia.

    During Erdogan’s visit, several hundred Lebanese Armenians clashed with army troops during a protest in Beirut. They tore up Erdogan’s billboard-size giant posters in the capital’s Martyrs’ Square to denounce his presence.

    In early 2010, Erdogan was ‘greeted’ with similar ‘stately’ embarrassment in Argentina when he abruptly cancelled the Argentina leg of his tour of Latin America because city officials in Buenos Aires called off an event inaugurating a monument to the ‘revered’ founder of modern Turkey, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk.

    Despite the fact that on numerous occasions, Erdogan called on the First Forum of the World Azerbaijani and Turkish Diasporas Organizations to “counter the intensifying attacks from the Armenian Diaspora,” no tangible results were achieved in subduing or overpowering the descendants of the Armenian martyrs and survivors.

    Now, some eighteen months later, taking valuable time out his busy schedule, FM Davutoglu has once again opted “to initiate a personal ‘dialog’ with the Diaspora on Armenian-Turkish issues. Earlier this month, Davutoglu met with Armenian-Americans, as follow up to the meetings he held in Washington last March. During their conversation in May, the Armenian interlocutors frankly advised the Turkish Foreign Minister that Ankara must address Armenian demands for genocide recognition and restitution before any ‘reconciliation’ could be achieved. The Turkish side reportedly indicated a willingness to discuss these thorny issues with Diasporan representatives. Despite the seeming openness of Foreign Minister Davutoglu, Armenians have well-founded reasons to mistrust such overtures, given Turkey’s decades-long denial of the Armenian Genocide and its antagonistic policies toward the Diaspora, Armenia and Artsakh. Armenians also suspect that Turkish officials may exploit meetings with the Diaspora to score propaganda points with world public opinion,” reported Harut Sassounian, Publisher of The California Courier.

    Is it possible that Ankara has learnt that honesty is the best policy; and that political courage is a lasting virtue? Are these values driving Turkey’s policy of ‘overtures’ to the Armenian Diaspora?

    During his presidency, in an effort to eliminate Turkey’s festering problems with world Armenians, Turkish Pres. Turgut Ozal seemed receptive to the idea of addressing the Armenian issue in a more open and fair manner.

    According to a recent article in Turkish daily ‘Today’s Zaman,’  “behind closed doors, Pres. Ozal defended the idea of holding negotiations with Armenians to settle a dispute that has had great potential to deal a serious blow to Turkish interests in international politics. Ozal’s close friends and former aides spoke to the newspaper about the politics of the day. In 1980’s Armenia was still part of the Soviet Union and Ozal defended the idea of holding negotiations with the powerful Armenian Diaspora. His close friends and advisers say that if Ozal were alive today, the problem of the Armenian Genocide might have already been solved.”

    Pres. Ozal’s “aim was to solve the [Armenian] problem before it got too late and through few concessions after reaching a deal with the Armenians. … Ozal sought to learn what Armenians wanted from Turkey. … In 1984 he ordered his advisors to work on possible scenarios about the economic and political price Turkey would have to pay if Turkey compromises with the Armenian Diaspora, an early Turkish acceptance of the term ‘Genocide.’ Another scenario was also prepared. This plan sought to gauge the political cost of a Turkish acceptance of genocide within 20 to 30 years if Turkey is forced to accept it one day,” Vehbi Dinçerler, 71, a former education minister and a state minister in Ozal’s Cabinet, said to “Today’s Zaman.”

    Ozal was right. The decades following his predictions, the list and the magnitude of Armenian political victories in much of the world proved to be fairly impressive. Turkey was dealt with one political defeat after another.

    In all fairness to a growing segment of Turkish society, many lucid and courageous voices from Turkey have been speaking out against the long-standing official Turkish policy of cover-up and deception regarding the Armenian Genocide and the legitimate Armenian demands for restitution.

    Righteous Turks have acknowledged the Genocide at the cost of risking their freedom and lives. I would like to name a few of them: Award-winning Turkish Publisher Ragip and his son Deniz Zarakolu; Turkish writers/ journalists: Elif Safak, Ayse Gunaysu, Ahmet Insel, Baskin Oran, Cengiz Aktar, Ali Bayramoglu, Erol Ozkoray, Kemal Yalcin, Nobel laureate Orhan Pamuk, Dogan Akhanli, Sait Cetinoglu, Ahmet Altan; Turkish scholars: Ayse Nur Zarakolu, Omer Asan, and Taner Akcam.

    In a March 6, 2010 article titled “Genocide,” popular Turkish writer Ahmet Altan had written in Taraf Turkish newspaper: “When a commission of the US Congress votes for ‘genocide,’ we are ‘humiliated’. Do you know what humiliation is? Humiliation is millions of people holding their breaths for the outcome of a few votes in somebody else’s parliament. That is humiliation. … Turkey is humiliated because it itself cannot shed light on its own history, has to delegate this matter into other hands, is frightened like hell from its own past, has to squirm like mad in order to cover up truths.” Mr. Altan then lambasted Turkish officialdom’s nearly century-old policy of denial.

    Turkish officials can only blame their defunct policies of denial for causing the escalation of anti-Turkish international backlash.

    Back in early 2010, I had written: “Maybe it’s high time for Ankara to consider adopting Mr. Altan’s approach, because time will prove him as being genuinely patriotic and pragmatic. His clear thinking regarding the dark pages of Turkish history can certainly illuminate an atoned Turkey’s pathway to a bright future.”

    Are Turkish Pres. Gul, PM Erdogan, and FM Davutoglu sincere in their efforts to echo Mr. Altan’s and other courageous Turks’ wisdom? Are Messrs. Gul, Erdogan, and Davutoglu genuinely vying to emulate the late Turkish Pres. Ozal?

    Sooner or later their true intentions will be revealed.

    In the meantime, in my humble opinion, prudence and vigilance on the part of all Armenians are the orders of the day.

  • Turkey says Israeli plane violates N.Cyprus airspace

    Turkey says Israeli plane violates N.Cyprus airspace

    ISTANBUL (Reuters) – Turkey said on Thursday it had scrambled military jets to intercept an Israeli plane that violated northern Cypriot airspace this week, and demanded an explanation for the incursion.

    cyprus airspaceAn Israeli military spokesman declined to comment on the accusation. But the incident marked a fresh source of tension between the former allies.

    Relations between Turkey and Israel fell apart after Israeli commandos raided the Mavi Marmara aid vessel in May 2010 to enforce a naval blockade of the Gaza Strip and killed nine Turks in clashes with pro-Palestinian activists.

    Monday’s reported air incursion coincided with tensions on the Mediterranean island of Cyprus over oil and gas exploration plans there, which could hinder U.N.-backed efforts to reunite the island.

    “A plane belonging to Israel, the model of which could not be identified, violated KKTC (Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus) airspace (above its territorial waters) five times,” the Turkish military said in a statement posted on its website.

    “In response to this situation, our 2XF-16 plane based at Incirlik was scrambled and our planes carried out patrol flights in KKTC airspace, preventing the said plane from continuing to violate KKTC airspace,” said the statement.

    Turkey’s foreign ministry said it had contacted Israel’s mission in Ankara, seeking an explanation for the incursion.

    In Jerusalem, an Israeli military spokeswoman said she was checking the report.

    Cyprus has been divided since 1974, when the Turkish military invaded the island after a short-lived Greek Cypriot coup engineered by the military junta then in power in Athens.

    Turkey still keeps about 30,000 troops in the north and is the only nation that recognizes the self-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus.

    ENERGY EXPLORATION TENSIONS

    The internationally recognized Greek Cypriot government reported an offshore natural gas discovery in December but its attempt to exploit the reserves has been challenged by Turkey.

    Ankara has in turn given approval for Turkey’s state-run oil firm to carry out oil and gas exploration in six offshore areas around northern Cyprus, drawing condemnation from the Greek Cypriot government, which lays claim to the territory.

    Israel has separately reported two major energy finds offshore in the sea separating it from Cyprus.

    Israel has worked to enhance ties with Cyprus and Greece as its relations with Turkey have frayed.

    The eastern Mediterranean has recently seen joint Israeli military maneuvers with its partners, as well as long-distance training by Israel’s air force for a possible strike against Iran’s nuclear facilities.

    Israel uses warplanes and pilotless drones, as well as naval craft, to patrol its offshore natural gas fields.

    Turkey stirred fears of a possible confrontation at sea by saying last year it would boost its naval patrols in the eastern Mediterranean.

    But a senior Israeli military officer told Reuters there had been no discernible increase in Turkish naval operations in Israel’s economic waters, which extend 187 km (117 miles) from its coast.

    (Additional reporting by Dan Williams in Jerusalem and Tulay Karadeniz in Ankara; Writing by Daren Butler; Editing by Andrew Heavens)

    via Turkey says Israeli plane violates N.Cyprus airspace – chicagotribune.com.

  • Russian, Italian, French companies among 15 bidding for oil and gas drilling rights off Cyprus – The Washington Post

    Russian, Italian, French companies among 15 bidding for oil and gas drilling rights off Cyprus – The Washington Post

    By Associated Press, Published: May 11

    NICOSIA, Cyprus — Major oil and gas companies such as Russia’s Novatec, Italy’s ENI, France’s Total, and Malaysia’s Petronas are among 15 firms and consortiums that are seeking to carry out exploratory drilling for gas deposits off southern Cyprus, the island’s commerce minister said Friday, despite Turkey’s strong objections.

    The minister, Neoklis Sylikiotis, said the companies that applied for a license to drill by Friday’s deadline also include ones from Canada, the UK, Norway, Israel, South Korea and the U.S., surpassing the government’s hopes.

    The bids come as the small east Mediterranean island nation is reeling from Europe’s financial crisis. It economy is projected to shrink by half a percentage point of GDP this year, and unemployment is hitting record highs.

    “We’ve all had great expectations from this licensing round and I can tell you not only have the results not belied those expectations, they’ve exceeded them by far,” Sylikiotis told a news conference.

    via Russian, Italian, French companies among 15 bidding for oil and gas drilling rights off Cyprus – The Washington Post.

  • Armenian Issue – Ermeni Meselesi (Video)

    Armenian Issue – Ermeni Meselesi (Video)

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    ermeni

  • ETHNIC CLEANSING’ AGAINST ARMENIANS?

    ETHNIC CLEANSING’ AGAINST ARMENIANS?

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    Maxime Gauin
    JTW Columnist

    This column is a reaction to one of Mustafa Akyol’s in Hürriyet Daily News, published on April 25, 2012.

    There is absolutely nothing personal, or even ideological, in this response; I want only to respond to these precise points, as a historian working on the Armenian question.

    Mr. Akyol alleges that “the nationalist Young Turk government decided to expel almost all Armenians to Syria” and that “The ‘Turkism’ of the Young Turks, Kaplan reminded, yearned for not a plural nation of many faiths and ethnicities, but an exclusive ‘Turkish homeland.’”

    The Ottoman census counted around 1,300,000 Ottoman Armenians on the eve of 1914. This census undercounts both Muslims and non-Muslims, for technical reasons (a lack of material and human power to count everybody, especially in eastern Anatolia and Arab lands). The most serious estimations count around 1,700,000-1,750,000 Armenians.[1]

    There is no definitive study on the number of relocated Armenians. The Ottoman sources indicate that 438,758 Armenians were relocated until the beginning of 1916 to Arab provinces, including 382,148 who arrived at their destination and 56,612 who perished.[2]Certainly, more perished due to illness or being attacked by Arab tribes, especially during the year 1916; others had been killed in inter-communal clashes in Van, Urfa, and some other cities. There are also reasons to believe that the account of relocated Armenians is not comprehensive.[3]

    Now, let’s look at the Armenian sources. In 1918, Boghos Nubar, co-president of the Armenian delegation in the Paris peace conference, estimated the total to be 600 or 700,000.[4] In addition, the Russian army relocated about 300,000 Armenians (half whom perished, surely not because of any “ethnic cleansing” design)[5], and some others were relocated from one Anatolian town to another.

    As a result, to pretend that “the nationalist Young Turk government decided to expel almost all Armenians to Syria” is at least questionable and an overly simple assertion.

    Most of the Armenians of Ystanbul (160,000), Yzmir (13,000), Edirne (33,650), Kastamonu (13,700), Kütahya (several thousand), Antalya (at least 500), Mara? (6 or 7,000), and Aleppo (22,000)were not relocated during WWI, and neither were thousands of Armenians who were Catholics, Protestants, artisans or parents of soldiers.[6] They were not because they did not represent a threat to the Ottoman State’s security.

    Indeed, it should be noted that there was no “Turkism” in the main reasons for the relocation. If the CUP “yearned for not a plural nation of many faiths and ethnicities, but an exclusive ‘Turkish homeland,’” why did this party accept Christians, Jews and non-Turkish Muslims, not only as members, but also for high positions, like mayors, deputies and ministers?

    The presence of Jews, including Emmanuel Carasso, a leader of the Young Turks, provoked anti-Semitic reactions against the CUP from various factions. The Young Turks supported the election of its sympathizer Bedros Kapamaciyan as mayor of Van in 1909. Kapamaciyan was assassinated by the Armenian Revolutionary Federation in December 1912.[7]The CUP promoted Gabriel Noradunkian to minister of commerce in 1908, despite him havingmade his career as a top-rank civil servant under Abdülhamid. Noradunkian served as minister of foreign affairs in the anti-CUP government of 1912-1913. Regardless, the CUP, coming back to power in January 1913, proposed several times, in vain, that Noradunkian remain in his position.[8] From January 1913 to November 1914, the minister of PTT, Oskan Mardikian (member of the CUP), was Armenian, and the minister of public works, SülaymanBustani, was a Christian Arab. Both resigned because they supported the neutrality of the Ottoman Empire; the majority of the CUP leaders considered maintaining the neutrality to beimpossible.

    In summer 1914, the CUP proposed in vain that Boghos Nubar become the Ottoman minister of foreign affairs. The Armenian insurrections (see below) did not provoke an absolute and general distrust of Armenians by the CUP leaders. Indeed, Berç Keresteciyan, deputy director general of the Ottoman Bank, was promoted to director general during WWI. Keresteciyan supported the Kemalist movement during the Turkish war of independence, and was a deputy of Afyon from 1935 to 1946.

    It should also be noted that even Enver Pasha was a staunch supporter of the full integration of non-Muslims in the Ottoman army, at least until 1914.[9]

    Mr. Akyol rightfully praised the book of Guenter Lewy on the Armenian question. This book contains a devastating analysis of the allegations against Ziya Gökalp, an intellectual and member of the CUP central committee, wrongly presented as a chauvinist and anti-Christian.[10]

    What motivated the Ottoman government in 1915 to relocate a portion of the Armenian community? Chiefly, military and security reasons. In addition to the well-known insurrection in Van (April 1915), other important revolts took place in Zeytun (August 1914, February 1915) and Bitlis. Insurrectional activities were organized in Cilicia as well, with the Armenian committees hoping for and repeatedly making claims of an Anglo-French landing. Even in the Bursa region, there were Armenian gangs attacking the Ottoman army and Muslim civilians. Considering the atmosphere of panic in spring 1915 and the limited number of roads in the Ottoman Empire, the decision is easy to understand.[11] The gradual reaction of the Istanbul authorities is another argument against the “ethnic cleansing” allegation: The insurrectional movement in Zeytun was crushed in the relocating of the Armenians of this city to Konya, instead of Arab lands; and as late as May 2, 1915, Enver suggested relocating only the Armenians living in the vicinity of Lake Van.[12]

    “Ethnic cleansing” was so far from the Ottoman government’s mind that, as early as 1916-1917, several thousand Anatolian Armenians were allowed to goback to Urfa.[13]

    It is perfectly true, however, that the Armenian committees, assisted by the Greek government, prevented the coexistence of communities in Cilicia through intense and misleading propaganda.[14] Similarly, the Greek army practiced a scorched earth policy during its retreat of 1922, which not only included a general burning of all villages and cities, as well as numerous massacres, but also the forced exile of Christians, to undermine the recovery of the Turkish economy after the peace treaty.[15] This was a kind of “ethnic cleansing.”

    If the descendants of Christian Anatolians want to present grievances, if Turks want to show a “common pain,” they should logically begin presenting their critiques to Athens and to the headquarters of the three old Armenian nationalist parties, namely the ARF, Hunchak and Ramkavar.

     


    [1] Guenter Lewy, The Armenian Massacres in Ottoman Turkey, Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2005, p. 235; Justin McCarthy, “The Population of the Ottoman Armenians,” in TürkkayaAtaöv (ed.), The Armenians in the Late Ottoman Period, Ankara: TTK/TBMM, 2001, p. 70, https://web.itu.edu.tr/~altilar/tobi/e-library/TheArmenians/thearmenians_table2page70.gif

    [2] Yusuf Halaço?lu, “Realities Behind the Relocation,” in TükkayaAtaöv (ed.), The Armenians in the Late…, pp. 130-133, https://web.itu.edu.tr/~altilar/tobi/e-library/TheArmenians/Relocation.pdf

    [3] GuenterLewy, The Armenian Massacres…, pp. 198-203, 209-220 and 236.

    [4]

    [5] Richard G. Hovannisian, Armenia on the Road to Independence. 1918, Berkeley-Los Angeles-London: University of California Press, 1967, p. 67.

    [6]Kemal Çiçek, “Relocation of the Ottoman Armenians in 1915: A Reassessment,” Review of Armenian Studies, n° 22, 2010, pp. 120-121; Yusuf Halaço?lu, The Story of 1915. What Happened to the Ottoman Armenians?, Ankara: TTK, 2008, pp. 52 and 91; GuenterLewy,The Armenian Massacres…, pp. 158, 165, 180, 186-187, 191, 203-205; HikmetÖzdemir and Yusuf Sarynay, Turkish-Armenian Conflict Documents, Ankara: TTK/TBMM, 2007, pp. 119, 127, 175, 201, 203, 207, 213- 221, 237, 265, 283, 321, 339, 341.

    [7]HasanOktay, “On the Assassination of Van Mayor Kapamacyyan by the Tashnak Committee,” Review of Armenian Studies, I-1, 2002, pp. 79-89, http://www.eraren.org/index.php?Lisan=en&Page=DergiIcerik&IcerikNo=94; KaprielSeropePapazian, Patriotism Perverted, Boston: Baikar Press, 1934, p. 69.

    [8]YücelGüçlü, The Holocaust and the Armenian Case in Comparative Perspective, Lanham-Boulder-New York-Plymouth: University Press of America, 2012, pp. 85-86.

    [9]Odile Moreau, L’Empire ottoman à l’âge des réformes. Les hommes et les idées du « Nouvel Ordre » militaire (1826-1914), Paris : Maisonneuve et Larose, 2007, pp. 49-50 and 70-71,

    [10] Guenter Lewy,The Armenian Massacres…,pp. 43-47.

    [11]Numerous references in MaximeGauin, “The Convergent Analysis of Russian, British, French and American Officials Regarding the Armenian Volunteers (1914-1922),” International Review of Turkish Studies, I-4, Winter 2011-2012, pp. 13-16,

    [12]Yusuf Halaço?lu, “Realities Behind the Relocations…”, pp. 109-110; Facts on the Relocation of Armenians. 1914-1918, Ankara: TTK, 2002, pp. 58-60 and 67-68; GuenterLewy, The Armenian Massacres…, p. 307, n. 4.

    [13]GuenterLewy, The Armenian Massacres…, pp. 203 and 215.

    [14] Background and references in MaximeGauin, “The Convergent Analysis…”, pp. 34-41.

    [15] See, for instance,MevlütÇelebi (ed.),Greek Massacres in Anatolia on Italian Archive Documents, Ankara: AAM, 2010, pp. 102-110; Rapport d’ElzéarGuiffray, administrateur délégué de la Société des quais de Smyrne, 27 juillet 1922 ; Raymond Poincaré au colonel Mougin, 7 septembre 1922 ; Colonel Mougin au général Pellé, 8 septembre 1922 ;Ministère des Affaires étrangères au représentant français à Athènes, 8 septembre 1922 ; ministère aux ambassadeurs à Londres, Rome et Washington, 8 et 9 septembre 1922 ; Général Pellé au ministère des Affaires étrangères, 12 septembre 1922 ; ministère au chargé d’affaires à Washington, 26 septembre 1922, Archives du ministère des Affaires étrangères, P 1380 (the microfilm P 1380 is full of French documents regarding the Greek scorched earth policy).


    “Statements of facts or opinions appearing in the pages of Journal of Turkish Weekly (JTW) are not necessarily by the editors of JTW nor do they necessarily reflect the opinions of JTW or ISRO. The opinions published here are held by the authors themselves and not necessarily those of JTW or ISRO.Materials may not be copied, reproduced, republished, posted without mentioning the mark of JTW or ISRO in any way except for your own personal non-commercial home use. For the news and other materials republished by the JTW you must apply the original publishers. JTW cannot give permission to republish this kind of materials.”

     OTHER COMMENTS OF MAXIME GAUIN
    Did the Ottoman Government Practice ‘Ethnic Cleansing’ against Armenians?
    7 May 2012
    Clearing Some Misconceptions About the Armenian Issue
    5 May 2012
    The Revenge of Law on Politics
    5 March 2012
    Nicolas Sarkozy, Victim of Himself
    14 February 2012
    France-Turkey: The Night Will End
    2 February 2012
    France-Turkey: What Went Wrong?
    16 January 2012
    Resisting Nicolas Sarkozy
    10 January 2012
    ASALA’s Day in the French National Assembly
    7 January 2012

     

    MUSTAFA AKYOL

    [email protected]

    Armenian ethnic cleansing as ‘de-Islamization’

    Yesterday was the 97th anniversary of what Armenians call the “Great Catastrophe,” or the ethnic cleansing of Ottoman Armenians from Anatolia, their historical homeland, in 1915. Those who commemorated the tragedy included some Turks, such as the group that gathered in Istanbul’s Taksim Square.

    With the slogan, “Let’s meet with the common hope that comes out of common sorrow,” these were a group of liberal activists who defy both the anti-Armenian enmity of Turkish nationalists, and the anti-Turkish bias of the Armenian Diaspora. And, most notably, they included not only secular liberals, who have always been at the forefront of “revisionism” on “the Armenian issue,” but also some Islamic figures.

    One such figure was Hilal Kaplan, a young veiled lady who has degrees in sociology and writes an influential column in Yeni Şafak, a mainstream Islamist daily. She not only joined the Taksim commemoration, but also called on fellow Muslims to do the same in a significant piece she wrote the day before.

    Titled “1915 as a move of de-Islamization,” Kaplan’s piece defined the ethnic cleansing of Ottoman Armenians as a part of secular Turkish nationalism’s onslaught against Islam. Islam, she reminded, was the very reason why Armenians had lived safely under Ottoman rule for centuries, for Islamic law had defined Christians as “People of the Book” with inalienable rights. That is why in 1915, when the nationalist Young Turk government decided to expel almost all Armenians to Syria, some Islamic opinion leaders, such as the famous mufti of Boğazlıyan, Abdullahzade Efendi, defied Istanbul’s orders and tried to protect the Armenians.

    The “Turkism” of the Young Turks, Kaplan reminded, yearned for not a plural nation of many faiths and ethnicities, but an exclusive “Turkish homeland.” This led not only to the destruction of Armenians, but other tragedies of the Republican period, such as the ethnic cleansing of other Christian groups, or the Kurdish massacres in Dersim.

    In her piece, Kaplan also called on all conservative Muslim Turks to revisit their respect for “our forefathers.” “Isn’t it worth asking,” she wrote, “whether your forefathers are those who formed and protected the multi-religious [Ottoman] structure, or those who brutally wasted it?”

    In fact, Kaplan’s piece was only one example of a new rhetoric that is emerging among a new generation of liberal-minded Islamic intellectuals: They see the ethnic cleansing of Ottoman Armenians, along with all the oppression that non-Muslims of Turkey have faced in the past century, as an abomination against Islamic values. And they argue for what one can dub as “neo-Ottomanism,” which is basically a call for a pluralist Turkey of many faiths and ethnicities.

    Of course, the historic accuracy of this argument can be debated. What is perhaps more important, however, is its political promises. For one of the reasons why liberal pluralism did not flourish in modern day Turkey is that its supporters remained an elite group of Westernized secular liberals, who often had the best of intentions, but also lacked the cultural connections with the common Turk.

    However, Islamic liberals such as Hilal Kaplan speak within the Islamic values that are engrained in large segments of Turkish society. And that is why their message is more promising for building a more democratic, self-critical, and, I would say, virtuous Turkey.

    April/25/2012

     

     

  • Armenian Issue – Ermeni Meselesi (Video)

    Armenian Issue – Ermeni Meselesi (Video)

    IF YOU HAVE YOUR OWN WEB SITE OR YOU ARE WEB MASTER OF A TURKISH ASSOCIATION WEB SITE, PLEASE ADD THE FOLLOWING URL’S to your web site or the address in turkish forum web pages..

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