Category: Main Issues

  • Which One Is It: Division or Solution on Cyprus?

    Which One Is It: Division or Solution on Cyprus?

    Yavuz Baydar

    Columnist, ‘Today’s Zaman’; Ombudsman, ‘Sabah’

    These interesting times, it seems obvious, exert enormous pressure for most of the countries in the east Mediterranean and the Middle East to make historic, almost existential, choices.

    With Egypt increasingly rudderless, and helpless about its economy; Israel finally apologizing to set the record straight with Turkey for a new political opening; the destructive economic contamination having now spread from Greece to Cyprus; and, of course, Syria and Iraq spreading considerable amount of negative energy all around, the real challenge is how to be able to steer towards win-win solutions for, at least, the key democratic, regional players.

    If Israel and Turkey really convert the apology into constructive positive will, a game-changer will have taken place. But, elsewhere, not far away, another problem, partly tied to this context, threatens to make things more complicated than they are.

    It all centers around the question of whether tiny Cyprus, with a problem much bigger than itself, will be persuaded and be able to shift from petty regional politics to a benevolent partner for the much needed stability in the east Mediterranean. Needless to say, given the Russian involvement in both Syria and Cyprus, both politically and economically, it is primarily in the interest of NATO and should definitely be in the interests of the EU.

    It can be said that much of the suffering imposed upon of the poor Cypriots, now having spilled over from the north to the south (for which an inconsistent and immoral EU policies are also to blame), depends a great deal on the defiant, blockheaded policymaking of Cypriot administrations.

    More importantly, the current crisis of Cyprus has also declared a bankruptcy of its Turkey politics. It has hit a wall.

    A recent, excelllent analysis by the International Crisis Group (ICG) is spot-on when it says: “If Europe truly wants to help fellow EU members Greece and Cyprus in their hour of need — to put these damaged economies back on a healthier path, and to guide Turkey’s EU relationship onto a more normal track — its leaders should turn their attention once more to the mother of all obstacles to stability and prosperity on the southeastern edge of Europe: settling the division of Cyprus.”

    Without a doubt, the Cyprus crisis offers a great opportunity, despite hardship for Greek Cypriot President Nicos Anastasiades, to grab the bull by the horns. It is not only about energy, trade or a reconfiguration of democracies, but also about working out new modalities on cooperation across cultural and religious divides. It presents a chance for Greece, Cyprus, Turkey and Israel to construct a hinterland of peace for the EU.

    Yet, in the picture of this grand opportunity, old reflexes, stubbornness and “win-lose” mentality (which almost always means lose-lose at the end of the day) looms.

    Shouldering the huge burden of undue pro-Russia policies and EU-skeptic attitudes of Dimitris Christofias administration, Anastasiades still shows desperate signs of turning the energy resources issue in the region into a mess. He will reportedly visit Israel to discuss energy cooperation, as Benjamin Netanyahu was also keen to assure Athens about deepening Greek-Israeli ties.

    All this is fine, as long as Anastasiades and Greek Prime Minister Antonis Samaras devote a much larger portion of their time to settling the mother of all problems in the region: the conflict of Cyprus.

    Otherwise, all the efforts to sideline Turkey, a continuation of old policies of “Turkey isolation” will set new stumbling blocks to achieve stability in the region; — inevitably lead to a division of the island and further entanglement of who has what right in the seas.

    Turkey’s Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu pointed out in his latest move, which includes three proposals the immediate resumption of talks for a comprehensive political settlement between the Turkish and Greek Cypriots within a set timeframe; or if this were to fail, the establishment of a joint committee of Turkish and Greek Cypriot representatives to decide on how to share the hydrocarbon reserves between the two communities in the absence of a political settlement; and finally a two-state solution that would mean permanent partition of the island.

    “This is the first time in 30 years that Turkey has openly talked of supporting a two-state solution,”Davutoğlu said. “We don’t put it [two-state solution] on the table as a threat. We put it forward as positive leverage. But it is not possible for us to accept an understanding that ‘all resources belong to us’.”

    The question is do the EU, Samaras and Anastasiades really want a division or a solution? Stability or an abuse of this seemingly endless, costly “conflict of luxury” for further, dangerous tension? Creating fruitful economic cooperation, with fair shares for all citizens around, or feeding further hatred?

    Objectively, they could not have found a more pragmatist, fiercely market-driven government in Turkey than than the ruling AKP. This momentum should not be wasted.

    The Economist also has its finger on the spot. In an analysis, it underlines the most logical exit; a quick settlement that reunifies the island. There are two carrots: gas finds off-shore present huge opportunities. But the second carrot is, linked toit, is much bigger: a political solution would make a pipeline from Cyprus to Turkey and Europe not only possible, but also it would be ‘$15 billion cheaper than the $20 billion alternative of building a liquefied natural-gas plant’.

    “Could Mr Anastasiades do it after so many have failed?” the weekly asks. “The political obstacles are large; Mr Christofias got nowhere. Yet unlike his predecessors Mr Anastasiades voted for the Annan plan in 2004. And a desire to exploit the Mediterranean gas, which is also claimed by the Turkish-Cypriots, makes a settlement far more pressing. Turkey has just mended its fences with Israel, which shares some of the gasfield. Relations with the EU are also improving.”

    It concludes:

    “Next year sees the 40th anniversary of the island’s division. Young people on either side of the “green line” have no memory of a united Cyprus, so a settlement is not getting any easier. Yet if Mr Anastasiades misses this opportunity, the island may be mired in economic gloom for decades to come. Inept handling of the EU bail-out may have weakened his chances. Even so, he needs to try.”

    Well, in short, it is the time for new thinking, and realism. Political boldness is required, and as shown by the Swedish foreign minister Carl Bildt by paying a very timely visit to the island and Athens, with Turkey, east Mediterranean and the EU enlargmenet on the agenda, genuine engagement, benevolent will and encouragement.

  • Turkey’s Promising Shift to the West

    Turkey’s Promising Shift to the West

    Turkey’s Promising Shift to the West

    By the Editors

    The recent drama over the euro area’s bailout of Cyprus diverted attention from two important events, both of which feature the island’s old nemesis, Turkey.

    The first was a cease-fire declaration on March 21, made by the imprisoned leader of the Kurdish Workers’ Party, or PKK, Abdullah Ocalan. His decision was the result of overtures made by Turkey’s government, after more than a year of escalated conflict in one of the world’s longest and bloodiest insurgencies.

    The second signal event came a day later, March 22, when Israel apologized for its killing of nine Turks onboard a Gaza- bound ferry in 2010. Turkey’s acceptance of the apology, on lesser terms than it had demanded, was no less significant. It suggests Turkey wants to do more than simply humiliate Israel.

    Each of these developments is a response to the deteriorating security situation in Turkey’s neighborhood, as the conflict in Syria is radicalized; the rift between mainly Sunni nations, including Turkey, and the Shiite governments in Iran and Iraq widens; and the differences over Syria dim prospects for deeper Turkish ties with Russia.

    Any form of U.S.-backed intervention in Syria, which Turkey wants, would require cooperation between Turkish and Israeli security forces. Indeed, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu publicly justified his apology on grounds of the threat in Syria. Intervention would also be less dangerous for Turkey if it were no longer at war with the PKK, which is closely allied to the main Kurdish organization in Syria.

    Domestic Influence

    Politics being local, domestic triggers for these moves were paramount, including, for Israel, a new government and a visit by U.S. President Barack Obama. Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, meanwhile, needs to gain the support of ethnic Kurdish voters ahead of presidential elections in 2014. A peace deal with the PKK would help.

    Still, it’s clear that Turkey is rebalancing its foreign policy, embracing old allies in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization while moving away from the Turkey-Iran-Russia triangle it nurtured in the 2000s. The confrontation with Israel has been a hindrance, especially to improved relations with Washington. The latest moves follow Turkey’s decision to host the radar for NATO’s missile defense system (angering Iran and Russia), and to place NATO Patriot missile batteries on its border with Syria.

    Turkey deserves credit for these actions, but they are only beginnings. Erdogan has pronounced the Israeli apology a victory and says he will visit Gaza in April. He should understand that he can’t influence a settlement with Palestinians if he uses the occasion just to lob insults at Israel, as he did in a recent United Nations speech in which he described Zionism as a crime against humanity. Instead, he should lean on Hamas to reverse its position on Israel’s right to exist.

    As relations are gradually restored, Erdogan should also include Israel in the annual joint NATO Anatolian Eagle military exercises, conducted in Turkish airspace. Israel was disinvited in 2009, when relations were already deteriorating. That would help re-establish a functional security relationship between the nations.

    Turkey’s rebalancing offers opportunities to others, too. The European Union should pull its collective head out of the sand and end its blockade of Turkey’s membership negotiations. Moving the accession talks forward can only help the EU and Turkey, both economically and in security terms, regardless of whether Turkey eventually joins the bloc.

    Growth Possibility

    Turkey’s shift also creates opportunity for Cyprus. The terms of the Cypriot bailout will destroy the country’s offshore finance business, dooming its economy to years of Greek-style contraction. The only readily available growth substitute lies in the unexploited natural-gas reserves that surround the island.

    Israel and Cyprus have begun to explore these reserves, much to Turkey’s fury. The island has been divided ever since Turkish troops occupied the northern, ethnic Turkish part in 1974. That makes exploitation of the waters around Cyprus open to dispute; the uncertainty is one reason that Russia declined to bail out Cyprus in exchange for exploration rights.

    Cyprus should have reunified in 2004, when the Turkish north voted for a UN-brokered plan, but the Greek south voted against. Reunification now would bring Cyprus real investment, new tourism and the potential to benefit quickly from gas reserves that the Cypriot government estimates at 60 billion cubic feet. That represents a fortune for the island’s 1.1 million people.

    It was Turkey’s conflict with Israel over the Mavi Marmara ferry incident that led Israel to boost ties with Cyprus as well as Greece, Turkey’s old rivals in the Mediterranean. All four have an interest in repairing relations now.

    via Turkey’s Promising Shift to the West – Bloomberg.

  • David L. Phillips: Turkey and Armenia at Loggerheads

    David L. Phillips: Turkey and Armenia at Loggerheads

    Turkey and Armenia missed an historic opportunity to improve ties when Turkey refused to ratify the Protocols on the Establishment of Diplomatic and Bilateral Relations signed on October 10, 2009. Rather than rapprochement, Armenians are now fully mobilized to organize worldwide activities commemorating the one hundred year anniversary of the Armenian Genocide on April 24, 2015. Armenia would never sacrifice gaining greater global recognition of genocide for cross-border cooperation with Turks. However, trade can still play a helpful role reducing tensions and creating positive momentum in Turkish-Armenian relations.

    More than a closed border, Turks and Armenians are divided by different perceptions of history. More than one million Armenians perished during the final years of the Ottoman Empire between 1915 and 1923. Turkey disputes these facts, referring to the events as “shared suffering.” Turkey demands a joint historical commission to address the “Armenian question.” The political impasse between Turkey and Armenia is compounded by Ankara’s linking of relations with Armenia to resolution of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh where Armenians and Azerbaijanis fought a brutal war displacing 600,000 people in the early 1990s.

    The governments of Turkey and Armenia may be at loggerheads, but Turks and Armenians are still engaging in economic diplomacy, working on cross-border activities beneath the radar. Commercial contact involves mostly “suitcase trade” involving consumer goods transported from Turkey through Georgia to Armenia.

    But bigger business is possible. Armenia could sell surplus electricity to Turkey which needs energy to power its economic boom. Armenia could also tap into Turkey’s state-of-the-art fiber optic cable to meet its growing demand for Internet. Railway service between Kars in Turkey and Gyumri in Armenia could resume when Turkey opens its border gate. In anticipation, Armenia could begin conforming the country’s Soviet-era railway gauge to Turkish and European standards.

    In addition, Qualifying Industrial Zone (QIZ) could be established to catalyze joint enterprises between Turks and Armenians. A QIZ is an industrial park and a free-trade zone, which is linked to a free-trade agreement with the United States. Goods qualify when partners contribute raw material, labor, or manufacturing. Kazan, an area in Armenia on the Turkish border, would be a suitable destination for joint ventures in textile and piece goods manufacturing.

    The QIZ should proceed with steps to relax restrictions on the surface transport of commercial goods. Armenian trucks are allowed to use Turkey as a transit country, but can’t off-load on Turkish soil. The same holds true for Turkish trucks transiting through Armenia. Trucks should be allowed to transfer goods destined for markets in the neighboring countries, with Turkey and Armenia identified as destinations in the export registry.

    Normalized travel and trade would also stimulate the tourist industry. Many Armenians are coming from Russia to cultural sites in Eastern Turkey. Allowing Armenian tourist buses to cross the Turkish-Armenian border would be a windfall for local business. Charter flights between the eastern Turkish city of Van and Yerevan would enhance commercial contact and a Turkish Airlines office in Yerevan would boost travel. The Ani Bridge across the Akhurian River, which symbolized the connection between Armenian civilization and the Anatolian plain, should be restored.

    A useful database is being prepared by the Turkish-Armenian Business Development Council profiling opportunities and connecting potential business partners. Linkages could also be established between local chambers of commerce and mayors with the goal of establishing sister-city relationships and fostering trade and investment.

    Such civil society and private sector initiatives have intrinsic value. Moreover, they can also incentivize official diplomacy or serve as a safety net when diplomacy stalls. They are not, however, a substitute for official diplomacy.

    There is currently no contact between Turkish and Armenian officials. While the Turkey-Armenia protocols called for a “dialogue on the historical dimension,” Armenians balked when Turkey demanded a commission to determine whether the events of 1915 met the definition of genocide.

    Instead of trying to reinvent history, Turkey’s Prime Minister Erdoğan can make history through an executive order to open the border and normalize travel and trade as a step toward diplomatic relations. Bolder yet, he could submit the protocols on normalization and diplomatic relations to the Turkish parliament with his personal endorsement for ratification.

    With an eye on his legacy, Erdoğan could also call for parliament to repeal Article 301 of the penal code, which makes it a crime to “denigrate Turkishness” and is used to repress free the freedom of expression. Repealing regressive legislation would make Turks more free, and also benefit Turkey’s EU aspirations.

    Turkey’s moral authority is undermined by the government’s denial of the Armenian Genocide. On Remembrance Day, April 24, Erdoğan should apologize for what happened to Armenians during the waning days of the Ottoman Empire. Reconciling with Armenia would help consolidate Turkey’s role as a regional power, as well as a force for good in the world.

    Mr. Phillips is Director of the Program on Peace-building and Rights at Columbia University’s Institute for the Study of Human Rights

    via David L. Phillips: Turkey and Armenia at Loggerheads.

    David L. Phillips

  • Turkey reconciliation won’t come between us

    Turkey reconciliation won’t come between us

    Netanyahu reassures Greeks: Turkey reconciliation won’t come between us

    Israel’s security and economic ties with Greece have strengthened over the past three years as relations with Turkey have floundered.

    By Barak Ravid and Agencies
    Source: Haaretz
    4216751875

    On Friday, shortly after his conversation with Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan that brought about the end of the crisis with Turkey, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu spoke by phone with Greek Prime Minister Antonis Samaras, to reassure him that the reconciliation with Turkey will not come at the expense of ties with Greece.

    The two also agreed to hold a summit meeting between the two governments in the coming months.

    Over the past three years, as relations with Turkey floundered, Netanyahu worked to strengthen relations with its historic rival, Greece. Security cooperation between Israel and Greece was upgraded, and the two countries’ military forces held joint air force and naval exercises. The Israel Air Force conducted training exercises in Greek air space after years in which they had been held in Turkish air space.

    Similarly, economic collaboration was tightened, particularly in the area of gas exploration in the eastern Mediterranean; diplomatic understandings were reached regarding flotillas to Gaza, and tourism to Greece was boosted. Hundreds of thousands of Israelis who in the past had vacationed annually in Turkey began to spend their holidays in Greece, funneling much-need funds into Greece’s collapsing economy.

    Immediately after Passover, diplomats and jurists from Turkey and Israel are to begin talks on the compensation Israel is to pay to the families of the nine Turkish nationals killed during the Israeli Defense Forces raid on the Mavi Marmara, which was part of aflotilla trying to break Israel’s Gaza blockade in May 2010.

    Erdogan suggested Sunday that relations with Israel would normalize only after the compensation is paid. But Israel did not commit to ending its Gaza blockade as part of the reconciliation with Turkey, and could clamp down even harder on the Palestinian enclave if security is threatened, Israeli officials said Sunday.

    Erdogan on Friday said Israel had met his demands to apologize for the Mavi Marmara, pay compensation to those bereaved or hurt and lift the blockade by allowing in more consumer goods. That fell well short, however, of an end to the blockade – which Erdogan had routinely insisted on during the almost three-year-old rift as a condition for rapprochement.

    Although Israel has relaxed curbs on overland civilian imports to impoverished Gaza, it signaled that the naval cordon, imposed during Operation Cast Lead in 2009, would remain.

    “We have nothing against the Palestinian people. The maritime blockade derives from security considerations only, as terrorist groups can smuggle huge amounts of weaponry by sea,” senior defense official Amos Gilad told Army Radio. Another official told Reuters that Hamas was still trying to bring in arms into Gaza, and that this made “the blockade as necessary as always.”

    “If there is quiet, the processes easing the lives of Gaza residents will continue. And if there is Katyusha fire, then these moves will be slowed and even stopped and, if necessary, even reversed,” National Security Adviser Yaakov Amidror told Army Radio. “We do not intend to give up on our right to respond to what happens in Gaza because of the agreement with the Turks.”

    Amidror also insisted that U.S. President Barack Obama did not force Israel to apologize to Turkey.

    “There was no pressure at all, not even a hint of pressure,” Amidror told Israel Radio. “The president asked us. He saw it also as an American interest that the U.S.’s two allies in the Middle East settle their differences.”

    Amidror said Netanyahu made the apology, both “as a gesture to the president and also so that we can better cope with regional threats, especially the Syrian danger.” He added: “We have 500 years of friendship between the Jewish people and the Turkish people, and there is no reason why we shouldn’t go back to being good friends and partners in an effort to achieve more security and stability in the Middle East.”

    U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry called the reconciliation “a very important development that will help advance the cause of peace and stability in the region.”

    Netanyahu and Erdogan “deserve great credit for showing the leadership necessary to make this possible,” Kerry said.

    President Shimon Peres told CNN in Turkish and the Turkish newspaper Hurriyet that “there are a thousand reasons why Israel and Turkey should be friends, and one can’t think of a single reason they should be enemies. The countries have a mutual history and Turkey was the first Muslim country to recognize the State of Israel.”

    Chief of General Staff Benny Gantz, who had supported wrapping up the crisis with Turkey, said yesterday while touring the Binyamin Brigade base with Peres that the decision to apologize to Turkey was the right one. “We have to look after the interests of the State of Israel, particularly when we consider the Syrian arena,” said Gantz.

  • INTERESTING VIDEOS ; WWII German-Americans vs. WWI Ottoman-Armenians

    INTERESTING VIDEOS ; WWII German-Americans vs. WWI Ottoman-Armenians

     


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  • Turkey claims part of Cyprus’ natural resources

    Turkey claims part of Cyprus’ natural resources

    A Palestinian child holds a Turkish flag during a protest against Israel in east JerusalemTurkey is against the intention of the Cyprus authorities to unilaterally solve their economic problems with the help of natural resources that Ankara believes to have a right to as well, the Turkish Foreign Ministry’s declaration circulated on Sunday reads.

    If Cyprus fails to find 5.8bn euros for guaranteeing its international loans by Monday the country will face a financial crisis and departure from the Eurozone. In this connection Nicosia promised to pay with incomes from gas fields. In turn, Turkey earlier repeatedly announced that natural resources should belong to both Cyprus communities –  the Greek and Turkish ones.

    The gas field on the Cyprus shelf is the largest one discovered over the last 10 years.  Its reserves are estimated at 1.7trln cubic metres.

    Voice of Russia, RIA, Gazeta.ru

    via Turkey claims part of Cyprus’ natural resources : Voice of Russia.